-
Afghanistan 
-
September 2, 2010
Council on Foreign Relations
Abstract:
Afghanistan's parliamentary elections, set for September 18, will be seen as a test of that country's stability nine years after the U.S.-led invasion, and three months before U.S. President Barack Obama reviews progress in the war effort. But if balloting is meant to serve as a litmus test for a military campaign that continues to sputter along, Afghanistan analyst Candace Rondeaux says the West should prepare for disappointment. For one, a surge in pre-election violence, coupled with a growing list of corrupt candidates, will discourage many Afghans from voting, Rondeaux says. Changes to the Afghan-run commission that investigates electoral fraud will also make a free and fair tally unlikely, she says. And while parliament has in recent months exhibited a willingness to challenge President Hamid Karzai on numerous issues, the corrupt lineup of candidates running this time makes it unlikely such independence will continue, she says....
-
September 1, 2010
United Nations University // World Institute for Development Economics Research
Abstract:
The paper examines the relationship between conflict and entrepreneurial activity in Afghanistan, drawing upon a unique data set, the National Risk and Vulnerability Assessment household survey 2005. Afghanistan is severely underdeveloped and poor. Conflict has persisted in vast swathes of the country for decades, so that Afghanistan may be more appropriately described as an in-, rather than post-, conflict country. At the same time, qualitative (and anecdotal) evidence suggests that entrepreneurial activity is ubiquitous, although mainly due to survival strategies rather than a spirit of entrepreneurialism. We empirically explore whether conflict affects the likelihood of a household to engage in entrepreneurial activity, proxied by sources of income coming from holding a small business. We control for the household characteristics and those of the environment, such as social capital, access to resources and infrastructure, as well as the presence of a minimal institutional governance system, to isolate the impact of conflict on household entrepreneurial behaviour. We find that the direct negative effect of the conflict on entrepreneurship is very small. The results on the control variables suggest that (i) the generation of entrepreneurship has seen conflict and instability for a whole life,( ii) a small business is a mean of surviving in a situation where any other support is lacking, (iii) it is a viable strategy when the household can cover some of the associated risks, (iv) there is no indirect effect of conflict via institutions and infrastructure, and (v) entrepreneurial activity may substitute for lacking markets and governance institutions. These results call for further and more in-depth research on Afghanistan as an overlooked area of study by the academic and development research community despite representing a priority for internationally supported reconstruction....
-
August 31, 2010
Naval Postgraduate School // Program for Culture and Conflict Studies
Abstract:
Following the U.S.-led attack against Afghanistan in October 2001, Taliban sympathizers in Pakistan’s western tribal areas quickly pledged support and provided additional manpower and resources to help the Afghan Taliban resistance. The Pashtun tribes who dominate the western tribal agencies of Pakistan share ancestral lineages with many of Afghanistan’s Pashtun tribesman and both have long resisted colonial attempts of occupation. Even in a modern context, the core of the Afghan resistance movement against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan was based in these same areas, using Peshawar as a de facto capital and the tribal agency’s of North and South Waziristan as training areas and key junctions for transiting personnel and weapons into Afghanistan. Presented in this overview is an operational snapshot of the TTP and its influential leaders throughout eight tribal regions in located in western Pakistan: North and South Waziristan, Bajaur Agency, Mohmand Agency, Orakzai Agency, Kurram Agency Khyber Agency and Darra
Adamkhel....
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Evaluating the Al-Qa`ida Threat to the U.S. Homeland by Philip Mudd; The Growing Danger from Radical Islamist Groups in the United States, by Paul Cruickshank; Manchester, New York and Oslo: Three Centrally Directed Al-Qa`ida Plots, by Raffaello Pantucci; Lessons Learned from the July 2010 Norwegian Terrorist Plot, by Petter Nesser and Brynjar Lia; American Journeys to Jihad:
U.S. Extremists and Foreign Conflicts During the 1980s and 1990s, by William Rosenau and Sara Daly; American Journeys to Jihad: U.S. Extremists and Foreign Conflicts During the 1980s and 1990s, by William Rosenau and Sara Daly....
-
August 25, 2010
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:
The development of geopolitical processes over the past decade demonstrates that Central Asia has become one of the key Eurasian regions, with major impact on the overall climate of the continental and global security.
Central Asia’s influence is felt on several fronts, primarily those of combating international terrorism and supplying oil and natural gas.
At the same time, the region’s growing importance carries certain risks. As the region becomes an integral part of the global system of security and the economy, it also becomes sensitive to the effects of the multiple factors and processes that traditionally determine the course of global political, economic, cultural, and ideological development. Today we can distinguish at least three areas that are located at the junction of these two tensions: the problem of Afghanistan; the issue of increasing supplies of oil and gas, taking into account the diversification of routes; and the transformation of Central Asia as the continental transportation hub. All three of these areas carry a powerful geopolitical component, characterized by the involvement of a large number of regional and global players....
-
Search for all records in "Afghanistan"
-
Albania
-
November 24, 2008
University of Pittsburgh // Ford Institute for Human Security
Abstract:
Human security is emerging as a sophisticated and compelling strategy to address the extreme problems of children in contemporary wars. The child soldier is increasingly seen as an icon of ‘new’ wars – transformed from a young person into a weapon. Whether as members of local militias or as suicide bombers, child soldiers are children growing up among failed adults in failed communities. Some not only fail to learn to read or write, they also fail to learn the humanity they need to be successful neighbors and parents.
Turning children into weapons is an act of generational destruction. Failed adults are more likely to make failed neighbors and failed parents. The cycle can continue for generations. Thus the real costs of war cannot be tallied for years, for decades, for generations….
Child soldiers reveal the genocidal aspects of contemporary wars. Child soldiers are, explicitly or tacitly, direct attacks on the generational transitions of communities. The cruelty of new wars reveals major gaps in educational policy frameworks currently in use by the international community. Education policy today focuses thinking about education as a civil rights problem. This leads to concerns for access to the ‘provision’ of institutional services. Developed during the post World War II period, education was constructed as a neutral, technical process complete with generic experts who taught and generic students who learned. Their classrooms were ordered around literacy and numeracy. Their ends were national economic growth. Little attention was paid to security issues and their consequences, either shorter or longer term.
This approach to development, while admirable, is insufficiently compelling to drive today’s strategic operations in the brutal, even genocidal face of ‘cultural identity’ wars and their aftermath. Under these conditions, when civil societies are threatened to their generational core, traditional classrooms and curriculum are no longer sufficient. The problem is no longer one of civil rights. It has become a much larger problem of generational survival.
This paper suggests that the emerging human security frameworks, while still mired globally in failing narratives, may offer the best direction for future work. Emerging human security narratives focus on the protection of local populations, especially children. They require defense against the forced recruitment of child soldiers. These new narratives center on the protection of generational agency. They mobilize local and external communities to actively secure safe places for children to grow and develop as normally as possible.
How then should scholars and strategists examine the practical questions of deterrence? What appears to be working on the ground in new wars? Against the allure of muscular and violent warriors stands a small group of internationals working side by side with caring local parents and neighbors desperate to defend their children. Together they have constructed an emerging strategy of local community protection that places at its center, the protection of children’s agency in the face of those who seek its annihilation. This paper examines the problems of research and data collection under these conditions, turning to ‘fugitive literature’ and strategic desk reviews. It briefly surveys general, large-scale responses to recruitment deterrence in Bosnia, Albania, Ingushetia, Sierra Leone, Colombia and Panama. It concludes that while causal claims may not be advisable, scholars can at least begin to map the strategic intent of the institutions involved. Beyond that, more work is needed to map the political and cultural economies that either threaten or defend children....
-
October 24, 2008
National Defence Academy and Bureau for Security Policy // PfP Consortium of Defence Academies and Security Studies Institutes
Abstract:
The origins of this article, and the book from which it derives, lie in
the largely unanticipated end of the Cold War in 1989-90, when I had
the good fortune to be a William C. Foster Fellow at the U.S. Arms
Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA). This fellowship included
serving as a member of the U.S. Delegation to the Negotiations on
Confidence- and Security-Building Measures (CSBMs) within the
context of the (then) Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe
(CSCE), based in Vienna, Austria. The CSCE, now the OSCE, is the
world’s pre-eminent regional peace and security organization
comprising former enemies of the Cold War (NATO and Warsaw Pact)
and the neutral and nonaligned of Europe.
The end of the Cold War provided opportunities and challenges for
reshaping international peace and security into a “New World Order” in
which the former Cold War foes could collaborate on global problemsolving
to the benefit of all. Having become aware of the CSCE’s
contribution to ending the Cold War (see Leatherman, 2003) as part of
the experience of serving as a diplomat on the U.S. Delegation to the
CSBMs Negotiations, I was intrigued by the possibility that the CSCE
could play a useful role in realizing this goal of a “New World Order.”
Regrettably, the end of the Cold War also provided opportunities for
parts of Europe, particularly the Balkans, to descend into brutal
genocidal warfare....
-
October 24, 2008
National Defence Academy and Bureau for Security Policy // PfP Consortium of Defence Academies and Security Studies Institutes
Abstract:
November 2005 marked the 10th anniversary when in Dayton, Ohio, the
conflict parties from Bosnia and Herzegovina agreed on a peace accord,
stopping a war that had caused 250.000 deaths and two million refugees.
After the UN-brokered ceasefires and peace agreements in the conflict in
Croatia, the Dayton Framework Agreement was the first in a long line of
peace plans with which the International Community attempted to
transform the chaotic and antagonistic region of the Western Balkans
towards a more peaceful and co-operative area in the late 1990s and
early 2000s.
Comparable to the Dayton/Paris accords, which seek to preserve the
unity of Bosnia and Herzegovina by creating two entities, the Bosniak-
Croat Federation and the Serb Republika Srpska, stands the UN master
plan for Kosovo that was defined by a military-technical agreement and
the ensuing the UN Security Council Resolution 1244 in June 1999.
Unlike Bosnia and Herzegovina, where none of the conflict parties had
lost or won the war in a military sense, the Kosovo Albanians – with the
support of the NATO air strikes – had clearly won the war against the
Serbs. This fact has had deep implications on the Kosovo peace process
and on today’s relationship between the Albanian majority and the Serb
minority.
In Southern Serbia and in Macedonia (FYROM), the International
Community could prevent the fighting from spreading into a full-fledged
civil war in 2001, between Serbs, Macedonians and Albanians through
the Ohrid Agreement.
Also in the case of Serbia and Montenegro the process of nationbuilding
still influences political stability and interethnic relations. The
Belgrade Agreement that was reached under the mediation of the
European Union in March 2002 was not able to stop the disintegration of the state union. In May 2006 the majority of the Montenegrin electorate
in a referendum voted for Montenegro’s independence of Serbia.
The year 2006 finds the Western Balkan countries at a crossroad; some
have taken the road toward Euro-Atlantic institutions; others seem to
keep on being involved in ethnic and political conflicts. To prevent such
a scenario of a divided and fragmented Western Balkan region it is
important to discuss the issue, whether the peace plans, which represent
the basis for the stabilisation process, are up-to-date, and which are the
lessons to be learned from them.
This study includes the results of a workshop held by the working group
Regional Stability in Southeast Europe of the PfP Consortium of
Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes in Reichenau,
Austria in May 2006. The case studies presented in this study
concentrate especially on the following questions:
• What are the main reasons for the varying success in implementing
the peace plans (internal and external factors)?
• How strong are the peace plans interlinked?
• Do the peace plans contribute to regional stability?
• Is it necessary to rework or re-launch the peace plans?
• What should these changes look like?
The second part of this study deals with the role of important
international factors in helping to implement the peace plans. In this
regard especially, the changing role of the OSCE, the EU and the US in
the process of peace-building is reflected....
-
October 24, 2008
National Defence Academy and Bureau for Security Policy // PfP Consortium of Defence Academies and Security Studies Institutes
Abstract:
The South of Serbia, or Preševo Valley, as Albanians call this part of
Serbia, consists of the Serbian municipalities of Preševo, Bujanovac, and
Medvedja, all of which border on Kosovo. This area is important for
Serbia because major railroads and highways run through it, connecting
the Southern and central parts of Serbia with Kosovo. The transportation
arteries in this area also connect Serbia, Macedonia, and Greece. Thus, it
is through this area that Central Europe is linked with the Mediterranean.
Around 70,000 Albanians live in the area. Many Albanians consider the Preševo Valley to be “Eastern Kosovo.”
Albanians from these municipalities declared themselves, in the
referendum of 1992, in favour of “peaceful annexation” to their
compatriots in Kosovo.
This view has been presented in a document of the Albanian Academy
of Sciences and Arts from Tirana, according to which Daradnije, that is
Eastern Kosovo, should be united into an independent State together
with Kosovo. According to this view, this is a part of a comprehensive
resolution of the Albanian question, also including the special status for
Albanians in Montenegro (the area of Malesija with the municipalities of
Rožaje, Plav, Gusinje, and Ulcinj plus Tuzi, which should be taken out
of Podgorica and established as a separate municipality) and the status of
constitutional people for Albanians in Macedonia—the Albanian Ilirida
(Arvanitis, 2002:59).
The issues that drove Preševo Valley to a crisis situation include local
Albanians’ needs for improved human rights and the Republic of
Serbia’s need to protect and control a sensitive border. This conflict
clearly has a multiethnic dimension: Albanians, who are a minority in
Serbia overall but a majority in the Preševo Valley are at odds with a
Serbian population that is a minority locally but a majority in the country
– and is backed by Governmental authority. The Preševo Valley crisis is
made especially acute by its close ties to the situations in Kosovo and
Macedonia....
-
October 24, 2008
National Defence Academy and Bureau for Security Policy // PfP Consortium of Defence Academies and Security Studies Institutes
Abstract:
More than any other region, over the past fifteen years Southeast Europe
has both reflected and impacted the broader state of transatlantic, and in
particular United States-European Union, relations. During this period,
the level of U.S. focus and engagement in region has waxed and waned.
Strong American focus and leadership have alternated with
disengagement and deference to EU initiatives according to a four- to
five-year cycle. Without fully reversing the current decade’s dynamic of
“Europeanization”, the past year has seen a resurgence of U.S. activism.
The extent and duration of this latest pendulum swing will depend on
developments both inside and outside the region....
-
Search for all records in "Albania"
-
Algeria
-
June 14, 2010
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:
Since its founding in January 2007, al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM)
has continued the jihadi fi ght begun by its predecessor, the Salafi st Group for
Preaching and Combat (GSPC), against the Algerian government. Algeria’s
ability to contain the jihadis has forced AQIM to develop networks in the
Sahara and to cooperate with smuggling rings there. Its mobile commandos,
already active in Mauritania, now represent a serious security threat in northern
parts of Mali and Niger, where they have abducted Westerners and frequently
clashed with government forces.
Osama bin Laden appears to have no grand plans for Africa. But the
Algerian-run AQIM could help al-Qaeda central incorporate a new generation
of recruits from the Sahel. This jihadi progression south of the Sahara is
limited, but troublesome, especially given a recent offer by AQIM’s leader to
train Muslim militias in Nigeria.
However, the ethno-racial divide within al-Qaeda has kept African recruits
out of leadership roles. AQIM cannot prove its commitment to “Africanized”
jihad without Africanizing at least some of its leadership. Also, AQIM has
partnered throughout the Sahel with criminals, not local salafi movements,
limiting its appeal and preventing it from becoming a revolutionary challenger.
This does not mean deterring AQIM will be easy: Mauritania, Mali, and Niger
are among the world’s poorest states and will require international support to
defuse AQIM’s momentum. Algeria is right to push for regional cooperation
to address the threat, and discreet aid from the West is crucial to help the Sahel
countries regain control of their territory from al-Qaeda forces and prevent the
terror group from taking hold in Africa....
-
April 23, 2010
German Institute of Global and Area Studies // Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien
Abstract:
This paper explores the use of hydrocarbon revenues in post‐conflict Algeria. While the
bloody years of the 1990s now seem to be over, recurring terror attacks and the ongoing
state of emergency leave room for doubt that a situation of stable peace has been achieved
yet. It is therefore necessary to evaluate the effectiveness of post‐conflict peace‐building efforts
in Algeria and identify ways of improving these measures. The resources, which are
mainly controlled by the central state, can have positive and negative effects on the political
economy: they can enhance growth and possibilities for the distribution of wealth, but
the dependency on them makes the whole economy vulnerable to crises. Analysing the
economic (and other) causes of the outbreak of the intra‐state war in 1992 and the reasons
for its escalation and its fading out can be revealing when assessing the extent to which
critical conditions have or have not been addressed by recent and current peace‐building
efforts. The author’s analysis reveals that the measures taken by the government—such as
implementing a programme of national reconciliation, the stimulation of certain sectors of
the economy and the resolute reduction of foreign debt—all aim at stabilization and have
all been driven by hydrocarbon income to a large extent. However, the recent rise and
sudden drop in the price of oil and gas have both had an effect on the scope of these
measures and reveal their limits. Moreover, some of the critical causes of the civil war such
as the unfair distribution of revenue, the lack of political participation and destabilizing
demographic changes still persist and have largely remained unaddressed. One of the author’s
concluding assumptions therefore is that it is very likely that the use of resource
revenues for conflict prevention and peace‐building will only lead to sustainable results
when embedded in full‐fledged reforms of Algeria’s entire economic and political system....
-
March 3, 2010
Freedom House
Abstract:
As the governments of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) undertake the difficult process of enacting social and political change, the unequal status of women presents a particularly formidable challenge. In Iraq, deliberations over women's legal status have been as contentious as negotiations over how to structure the government. In Jordan, measures to increase penalties for so-called honor crimes faced strong resistance by ultraconservative parliamentarians and ordinary citizens who believe that tradition and religion afford them the right to severely punish and even murder female relatives for behavior they deem immoral. These debates are not just legal and philosophical struggles among elites. They are emotionally charged political battles that touch upon fundamental notions of morality and social order.
In order to provide a detailed look at the conditions faced by women in the Middle East and understand the complex environment surrounding efforts to improve their status, Freedom House conducted a comprehensive study of women's rights in the region. The first edition of this project was published in 2005. The present edition offers an updated examination of the issue, with a special focus on changes that have occurred over the last five years. Although the study indicates that a substantial deficit in women's rights persists in every country in the MENA region, the findings also include notable progress, particularly in terms of economic opportunities, educational attainment, and political participation....
-
January 13, 2010
German Institute of Global and Area Studies // Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien
Abstract:
Algeria’s intrastate war in the 1990s, during which militant Islamists and the state fought
fiercely against each other, still raises questions concerning the decisive factors leading to
its onset and escalation. This paper uses the resource curse approach and the rentier state
theory to understand the impact resource wealth could have had on the outbreak of this
violent conflict, then goes one step further, adopting a context‐sensitive approach. This
approach attempts to juxtapose those conditions directly linked to the resource sector with
the general conflict‐fueling conditions diagnosed in Algeria. It takes into account conditions
both within the country and in the international context. The application of a context
matrix allows us to examine the interplay of resource‐related factors and other conflictdriving
forces, such as socioeconomic, demographic and ideological changes. Such an approach
not only broadens the general understanding of the resource‐violence link but also
enhances our understanding of the eruption of violence in Algeria....
-
November 30, 2009
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:
Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, established in January 2007, is the latest
in a long line of Algerian jihadi groups. Like many terrorist organizations,
AQIM enjoys global media exposure on activist Internet sites, but unlike other
al-Qaeda franchises, it has managed to maintain its indigenous leadership. The
group has become known for fearsome suicide attacks, which were previously
unheard of in Algeria, but has failed to incorporate the jihadi outfi ts from
neighboring Morocco and Tunisia. AQIM has therefore focused on the northern
Sahara, carving out safe havens and threatening weak government forces,
fi rst in Mauritania, and now increasingly in Mali.
At the outset, AQIM’s global strategy was based on the triangular dynamic
of the Middle East (where Iraq serves as a magnet for potential recruits),
North Africa (where the group functions as a regional jihadi recruiting hub),
and Europe (where it pursues aggressive propaganda against the French and
Spanish “Crusaders”). The demise of al-Qaeda in Iraq jeopardized this grand
design, undermining AQIM’s capabilities on both sides of the Mediterranean,
but although it primarily targets Western “Crusaders” in its own Algerian and
Saharan environment, AQIM remains wedded to a global agenda.
The threat of AQIM must be contained, and hopefully, ultimately eradicated.
Algeria and the other targeted states have a long record of fi ghting similar
jihadi networks, but they cannot confront transnational movements without
international cooperation. To address this threat, regional security organizations
can enhance much-needed bilateral exchanges among law enforcement
and intelligence agencies. Additionally, the countries implementing the UN
global strategy against terrorism should focus considerable attention on North
Africa and the Sahel, where the threat is on the rise, but not yet out of control....
-
Search for all records in "Algeria"
-
Andorra
-
May 10, 2010
Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University
Abstract:
A key contention of the transitional justice movement is that the more comprehensive and
vigorous the effort to bring justice to a departed authoritarian regime the better the
democratizing outcome will be. This essay challenges this view with empirical evidence
from the Iberian Peninsula. In Portugal, a sweeping policy of purges intended to cleanse
the state and society of the authoritarian past nearly derailed the transition to democracy
by descending into a veritable witch-hunt. In Spain, by contrast, letting bygones be
bygones, became a foundation for democratic consolidation. These counter-intuitive
examples suggest that there is no pre-ordained outcome to transitional justice, and that
confronting an evil past is neither a requirement nor a pre-condition for democratization.
This is primarily because the principal factors driving the impulse toward justice against
the old regime are political rather than ethical or moral. In Portugal, the rise of
transitional justice mirrored the anarchic politics of the revolution that lunched the
transition to democracy. In Spain, the absence of transitional justice reflected the
pragmatism of a democratic transition anchored on compromise and consensus....
-
June 8, 2006
International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights
Abstract:
The human rights situation deteriorated in numerous former Soviet republics. Independent
human rights monitoring groups, including several affiliates of the IHF, came under
attack. The Russian Federation, Belarus, and the Central Asian regimes promulgated
new legislation or changed their practices to allow these states arbitrarily to restrict the activities
of nongovernmental organizations. The leaders of the Belarusian Helsinki Committee
faced fabricated criminal charges, and in January 2006, state-controlled Russian media
falsely implicated the Moscow Helsinki Group in espionage....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers - spun with the collaboration or tolerance of Council of Europe member states, the Legal Affairs Committee of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) said today. In a draft resolution adopted at a meeting in Paris, based on a report by Dick Marty (Switzerland, ALDE), the committee said hundreds of persons had become entrapped in this web - in some cases when they were merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation. The parliamentarians said this knowing collusion of member states took several different forms, including secretly detaining a person on European territory, capturing a person and handing them over to the US or permitting unlawful "renditions" through their airspace or across their territory. "It# has now been demonstrated incontestably, by numerous well-documented and convergent facts, that secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers involving European countries have taken place, such as to require in-depth inquiries and urgent responses by the executive and legislative branches of all the countries concerned," the committee said. The committee called on Council of Europe member states to review bilateral agreements signed with the United States, particularly those on the status of US forces stationed in Europe, to ensure they conformed fully to international human rights norms. The report is due for debate by the plenary Assembly - which brings together 630 parliamentarians from the 46 Council of Europe member states - in Strasbourg on 27 June 2006....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States of America finds that neither the classic instruments of criminal law and procedure, nor the framework of the laws of war (including respect for the Geneva Conventions) has been apt to address the terrorist threat. As a result it has introduced new legal concepts, such as "enemy combatant" and "rendition", which were previously unheard of in international law and stand contrary to the basic legal principles that prevail on our continent. Thus, across the world, the United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers, often encompassing countries notorious for their use of torture. Hundreds of persons have become entrapped in this web, in some cases merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation....
-
Search for all records in "Andorra"
-
Angola
-
April 30, 2010
Initiatives for Peacebuilding // Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior
Abstract:
The present document is part of the second phase of the Democratisation and Transitional Justice Cluster of
the Initiative for Peacebuilding (IfP) project. The paper focuses on the case study of Angola and aims to analyse
whether the international community’s engagement in Angola is transforming, or rather reinforcing, the current
status quo of state-society relations.
The study is based on the results of the first phase of research on the situation of state-society relations in Angola.
The objective is to analyse the international community’s contribution, with particular attention to the EU, to
improving (or reinforcing the existing) state-society relations in Angola; taking into account official development
cooperation, especially projects aiming to promote good governance, as well as economic engagement and
political relations.
The paper argues that the impact of international donors’ engagement in the field of governance and state-society
relations appears to be quite limited and driven by the Angolan elite’s interests, rather than being supportive of
concrete governance reforms or improving the political and economic participation of the population and more
fluent state-society relations. Furthermore, the economic interests of foreign actors in Angola seem to override the
commitment to achieve good governance and transparency. In particular, the international community’s diplomatic
and economic engagement appears to reinforce, rather than doing anything to improve, the current state-society
relations in the de-facto authoritarian system. Although there are important entry points for international actors
to exert a positive influence, what is crucial but still absent is a deeper level of donor commitment; from global
powers and diplomatic representations as well as private and public companies and financial entities, in order
to overcome the huge gap between state elite and population and bring about real democratic change and
consolidation in Angola....
-
March 24, 2010
Initiative for Peacebuilding // Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior
Abstract:
The Angolan peace process was far from typical, and the country’s road to reconstruction is also unlike that of other African conflicts and post-conflict scenarios. The government has had a firm grasp on the process, exerting leadership from the very start, and no formal reconciliation process was required for two primary reasons: firstly, the war ended with a clear military victory by one side, and, secondly, the population was exhausted after decades of conflict, creating a widespread desire for peace. Although the context of “energy realpolitik” undermines the capacity of foreign actors to influence state-society relations, another factor needs to be taken into account: Angola’s internal will to improve the country’s international image and to become a regional power....
-
January 27, 2010
Global Witness
Abstract:
The will and the capacity of the United Nations (UN)
and Member States to deal with natural resource fuelled
conflicts is weak. In eastern Democratic
Republic of Congo (DRC), civilians die on a daily
basis because of a war that is stoked by the
international trade in minerals. The conflict’s
economic dimension and the identity of those
fuelling it have been known for many years; yet
increased awareness of the problem has not triggered
effective action. When the UN Security Council
passes resolutions concerning DRC – on targeted
sanctions for example – Council members and other
governments decline to implement them.
Global Witness believes that these failings on the
DRC reflect the lack of a coherent and committed
international approach to tackling natural resourcefuelled
conflicts. For two decades, the UN, other
intergovernmental bodies and individual
governments have been forced to respond to these
kinds of self-financing wars in countries such as
Angola, Cambodia, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Côte
d’Ivoire. Different policies have been tried, with
varying degrees of success, but no serious attempt
has been made to distil from these experiences a
common understanding of the problem and a
strategy for dealing with it.
Reviewing these cases, we find that the international
peace and security system is poorly equipped to deal
with the challenges they pose. When considered
together, the four key entry points for international
action – sanctions, peacemaking, peacekeeping and
peacebuilding – should offer the basis for effective
action. However, despite progress in some areas, the
overall picture is one of ad hoc decision making
and yawning gaps in institutional capacity and
coordination.
Global Witness is calling on the UN to establish
a High Level Panel to draw up a comprehensive
strategy for tackling self-financing wars. This
High Level Panel should review existing
international experience of responding to such
conflicts. It should also examine potential threats
in countries such as Guinea, Somalia and Central
African Republic....
-
October 26, 2009
Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior
Abstract:
In order for fragile states and the concept of state weakness to be properly understood, they need to be considered in the contexts of political economy and world history.
Four apparently disparate cases – Guatemala, Haiti, Kosovo and Angola – show surprising similarities, and highlight common lessons for international state-building efforts. In all four cases, behind a façade of ‘normal’ state institutions, public life and development are increasingly subject to shadow economies and shadow forces with strong international linkages.
There are unfortunately no existing remedies for state weakness. However, methods of improvement should include autonomous non-state actors, sustained efforts to build state capacities and restore the fabric of society, and significantly improved governance of global flows....
-
October 14, 2009
Partnership Africa Canada
Abstract:
By all indications, and from the evidence gathered
for this year’s Diamonds and Human
Security Annual Review, the Kimberley Process
(KP), designed to halt and prevent the return
of “conflict diamonds”, is failing. The cost of a
collapse would be disastrous for an industry
that benefits so many countries, and for the
millions of people in developing countries who
depend, directly and indirectly on it. A criminalized
diamond economy would re-emerge
and conflict diamonds could soon follow. The
problems can and must be fixed.
Accountability is the primary issue. There is no
KP central authority. The “chair” rotates annually
and has virtually no responsibility beyond a
convening function. Problems are shifted from
one “working group” to another; debates on
vital issues extend for years. “Consensus” in
the KP means that everyone must agree; a single
dissenter can block forward movement.
Nobody takes responsibility for action or inaction,
failure or success; the Kimberley Process
has no core body apart from its annual “plenary
meeting” and thus nobody is held responsible
for anything.
The Kimberley Process Certification Scheme
(KPCS) has a peer review mechanism which
reviews each member’s compliance roughly
once every three years. Some reviews are thorough
and recommendations are heeded. In
many cases, however, recommendations are
ignored, and there is little or no follow-up —
this has been the case in the past with DRC
and Angola. And, as this Annual Review notes,
some reviews are completely bogus. In 2008, a
bloated, nine-member team visited Guinea, a
country beset by corruption, weak diamond
controls, and almost certain smuggling. The
team spent less than two hours outside the
capital and its report remained unfinished for
almost 11 months. A team visited Venezuela in
2008 but its makeup, agenda and itinerary
were dictated entirely by the Venezuelan government.
NGOs were barred and there were no visits to mining areas or border towns.
Zimbabwe, rife with smuggling and gross diamond-
related human rights abuse, consumed
months of ineffectual internal KP debate. In the
end, the KP agreed on a review mission, but only
after being publicly shamed into action by NGO
and media reports. The result is a lowest-common-
denominator “consensus” and continuing
inaction....
-
Search for all records in "Angola"
-
Antigua and Barbuda
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
October 15, 2004
HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco
Abstract:
-
September 16, 2004
Protection Project // School of Advanced International Studies // Johns Hopkins University
Abstract:
-
September 2, 2004
Amnesty International
Abstract:
Against the international trend away from the use of the death penalty, executions have increased in the English speaking Caribbean (ESC) in recent years. Guyana, Trinidad and Tobago, the Bahamas and St. Kitts and St. Nevis and St. Vincent and the Grenadines have all carried out executions in the last seven years. Jamaica, Antigua, Grenada, St Lucia, Dominica, Belize and Barbados all currently have condemned prisoners and continue to impose sentences of death.
-
Search for all records in "Antigua and Barbuda"
-
Argentina
-
March 15, 2010
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
This report updates the topic of Iran’s Growing Relations with Latin America [page 5]. Over the past several years, U.S. officials and other observers have expressed concerns about
Iran’s increasing activities in Latin America, particularly under the government of President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. For example, in January 2009 congressional testimony, Secretary of
Defense Robert Gates maintained that he was concerned about the level of “subversive activity
that the Iranians are carrying on in a number of places in Latin America, particularly South
America and Central America.” There has been some contention, however, over the level and significance of Iran’s linkages with
the region. One view emphasizes that Iran’s relations with several Latin American leaders who
have employed strong anti-U.S. rhetoric and its past support for terrorist activities in the region
are reasons why its presence should be considered a potential destabilizing threat to the region.
Another school of thought emphasizes that Iran’s domestic politics and strategic orientation
toward the Middle East and Persian Gulf region will preclude the country from sustaining a focus
on Latin America. Adherents of this view assert that Iran’s promised aid and investment to Latin
America have not materialized. Some observers holding both of these views contend that while Iran’s activities in Latin America do not currently constitute a major threat to U.S. national
security, there is enough to be concerned about to keep a watchful eye on developments in case it
becomes a more serious threat. On October 27, 2009, the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on
the Western Hemisphere held a hearing on “Iran in the Western Hemisphere” that reflected these
range of views....
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
November 20, 2009
International Center for Transitional Justice
Abstract:
During the 1970’s, political violence in Argentina resulted in massive violations of human rights
that included thousands of deaths, prolonged and arbitrary arrests, disappearances, unfair trials,
pervasive torture, in addition to cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment. Since the restoration
of democracy in 1983, there have been various obstacles to prosecution of such crimes committed
by security forces and paramilitary groups. Such obstacles were eventually overcome, and
Argentina currently offers an important example of the positive results of both domestic efforts
and international advocacy to achieve justice for past crimes against humanity. Due to its recent
and ongoing success in the prosecution of human rights criminals, it is arguable that Argentina
has one of the best records of transitional justice in the world. It has fostered transitional justice
developments in the region, and offers critical insights for other communities struggling with the
past which are following Argentina’s efforts with deep interest. The repressive campaign that resulted in massive human rights violations peaked in March 1976,
as the commanders-in-chief of Argentina’s three armed forces ousted democratically elected
President Isabel Perón and proclaimed a de facto regime. During the seven years of military
rule, the military fought what was referred to as a Marxist subversive threat. The most notorious
feature of repression by the military dictatorship was the practice of disappearances: possibly up
to 30,000 people were abducted by security forces. They were sent to hundreds of secret detention
centers, where they were interrogated under barbaric methods. Ultimately, the vast majority
of the desaparecidos were systematically, but secretly, murdered. In 1983, before democracy was
restored, the military granted itself immunity from prosecution and issued a decree ordering the
destruction of all documents relating to military repression....
-
October 7, 2009
Small Arms Survey // Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva // Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Abstract:
The data in this report is derived from country submissions when possible,
and estimates when necessary. Estimates are extrapolated from each country’s
identified procurement, highest modern personnel totals, and strategic doctrine.
Except where noted, the military small arms and light weapons data
presented here is not official, comprehensive, or conclusive; it is for general
evaluation and comparison only. The complete methodology used here is described
in Chapter 2 of the Small Arms Survey 2006.
Small arms are state-owned handguns, submachine guns, rifles, shotguns,
and light and medium machine guns. Firearms are civilian-owned handguns,
submachine guns, rifles, and shotguns. Long at the forefront of international small arms issues, public debate and
activism in South America have largely focused on matters surrounding civilian
firearms, estimated here to total between 21.7 and 26.8 million. The reasons
for this civilian preoccupation are principally linked to chronic gun violence.
South America has 14 per cent of the global population, and roughly 3.5 to 4 per
cent of the world’s civilian firearms, but it suffers from roughly 40 per cent of
all homicides committed with firearms.
Military small arms are rarely part of public debate, largely because of a
strong culture of national security secrecy in South America. But military
small arms policy has attracted much closer scrutiny in recent years, especially
as military small arms and light weapons are diverted to criminals and
guerrillas, fuelling insurgencies and civil violence. This report focuses primarily
on issues surrounding surplus military small arms and light weapons in
the region. Law enforcement and civilian firearms inventories and issues are
recognized here as well, to ensure a balanced overall perspective.
The region’s military establishments do not have a strong record of identifying
or eliminating their surplus small arms, light weapons, or ammunition.
South America holds some of the world’s largest military small arms and
light weapons surpluses. Military inventories are not exceptionally large in
absolute terms, but they are a major element in global surplus problems. Among
the 12 independent countries of South America, there are an estimated 3.6
million military small arms as of 2007, 1.5 per cent of the global total. Of these,
approximately 1.3 million, more than one-third, are surplus....
-
March 23, 2009
Global Terrorism Analysis // The Jamestown Foundation
Abstract:
The international terrorist presence in Latin America is concentrated in several "hotspots" where terrorist organizations have found financial and logistic support, as well as a supporting base. Among these areas are Venezuela and its Margarita Island, Trinidad and Tobago, the Iquique area in Chile, and the Tri-Border Area (TBA, or Triple Frontera) in South America. The TBA, which includes the Brazilian city of Foz de Iguazú, the Argentinean Puerto Iguazú, and Ciudad del Este in Paraguay, has served in the past twenty years as an operational and logistic center for international terrorist groups, such as the Lebanese Hezbollah, as well as transnational criminal organizations. This area has a population of approximately 700,000 people; including roughly 30,000 inhabitants of Arab descent. The Arab community, which constitutes one of the largest immigrant groups in the region, is predominantly Lebanese, especially in Ciudad del Este and Foz de Iguazú. The local Lebanese population is largely Shia. The Triple Frontera is one of the most important commercial centers of South America, with approximately 20 thousand people transiting on a daily basis from the neighboring states to the free-trade area of Ciudad del Este in Paraguay. The intense volume of people and goods entering the TBA, together with its porous borders, are two important factors that originally attracted criminal and armed groups to this area. Additionally, the relative ease with which money is locally laundered and transferred to and from regions overseas constitutes a very powerful incentive to maintain a base of operations in the TBA. Therefore, transnational criminal groups such as the Mexican and Colombian drug cartels, Chinese and Russian mafias, and the Japanese Yakuza all appear to have a strongly rooted presence in this South American region. Within the TBA, the epicenter of organized crime is Ciudad del Este - an important hub of drug and human trafficking, and the smuggling of goods, weapons, contraband and counterfeit products....
-
Search for all records in "Argentina"
-
Armenia
-
April 30, 2010
Bertelsmann Foundation // Commission on the Black Sea
Abstract:
Black Sea region countries have diverse political systems, ranging from developed democracies
to authoritarian regimes. Communist pasts and a lack of democratic experience have stalled or
reversed democratisation processes in many cases. Flawed legal systems and a public distrust
in institutions have been paired with growing executive power in many countries. Increasing
inequality and unresolved conflicts undermine pro-democratic reforms as well. The region’s West and South, including Bulgaria, Romania, Greece and Turkey, contain relatively
stable democracies. Reforms in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Moldova have met with only limited
success, hampered by conflicts with neighbours or separatist regions. Russia has shown substantial
re-centralisation of power with authoritarian traits. The Ukraine’s post-Orange Revolution momentum
has been lost, but democratic procedures and the culture of an open society have taken root. Elections in Greece, Turkey, Romania and the Ukraine are generally free and fair, but show serious
flaws elsewhere in the region. Outside of Greece, political parties are weak. Parliaments in the West
and South hold some power, but often show functional weaknesses, while elsewhere executives –
often with authoritarian leanings – are little restrained by legislatures or opposition parties. With
the exception of Turkey and Greece, judicial corruption or lack of independence is common. Bribery and corruption is a problem across the region. In the post-communist states, this has
undermined state legitimacy. Increasing inequality is a pressing problem throughout, also
threatening regime credibility. The economic crisis may further undermine the attraction of
Western democratic values, contributing to poverty and social unrest. Civil society is hampered by a lack of democratic tradition. Outside of Turkey and Greece, domestic
NGOs are scarce or face substantial state resistance. Ethnic minority issues and a persistent brain
drain remain problematic, but a new technocratic generation offers the promise of change.
The EU has made numerous bilateral and multilateral overtures to Black Sea countries, but has
not shown a clear regional policy. It risks appearing to prioritise a stable energy supply over
true transformation. US interest has been focused on democratisation as well as regional energy
security.
In seeking to enhance democratic transformation, civil society groups should be given broad
practical support. Aid to states should be linked to democratic reforms, and combined with
substantial assistance for institutional and administrative capacity building. Judicial reforms and a
stronger rule of law will be critical in stabilising the region’s political and economic systems. The
EU in particular needs to develop a coherent regional policy, which must include cooperation with
Russia and Turkey....
-
April 30, 2010
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:
The current crisis between Armenia and Turkey will likely reach a head by April 24, the date commemorated as Armenian Genocide Day. While there is virtually no hope that the 2009 Armenian–Turkish Protocols will be ratified soon, both parties should take small steps to rebuild confidence and affirm their faith in the process.
If ratified, the Protocols would open the closed Armenia–Turkey border, promising Armenia long-term economic transformation and an end to its regional isolation. For Turkey, ratifying the protocols gives it a new role in the Caucasus and is a major step toward ending the humiliation of foreign parliaments passing genocide resolutions condemning Turkey. On April 24, President Obama should move beyond the annual debate over the word genocide and look ahead to the centenary of the tragedy in 2015 by encouraging the Turks to take part in commemorating the occasion.
“The Turkey–Armenia process was the most positive initiative in the South Caucasus in years and still has the potential to transform the region. If the process is to get back on track, all involved parties, including the United States, should articulate a strategic vision for the region, and for resolution of the Karabakh conflict,” writes de Waal. “The centenary of the Armenian tragedy in 2015 is a good reference point by which to set the goal of Armenian–Turkish normalization.”...
-
February 23, 2010
Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre // Norwegian Refugee Council
Abstract:
Some 20 years after the beginning of Armenia’s war with Azerbaijan and related violence,
information on the remaining 8,400 people internally displaced is scarce. People internally
displaced by the conflict have received hardly any government attention because
other larger refugee and internally displaced groups have made competing demands on
the state budget in a time of economic transition and crisis. International organisations
have also largely neglected their plight. The low public profile and lack of registration and
monitoring of these internally displaced people (IDPs) and returnees have made it difficult
to estimate how many have achieved durable solutions....
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
October 15, 2009
Crisis Management Initiative // Department for International Development
Abstract:
The aims of this report are to critically assess how
the European Union has employed the instruments
at its disposal to contribute to the resolution of the
conflict in Nagorno Karabakh and how it can better
use the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) as a
means of advancing the resolution of the protracted
differences between Armenia, Azerbaijan, and the
people of Nagorno Karabakh. Specifically, this report
will seek to: offer a comprehensive assessment of the
Nagorno Karabakh conflict in order to contribute
to strategic planning thereto at the EU level
(European Commission/European Council/EU
Member States) as concerns the resolution of the
conflict; provide an overview of the existing international
responses and identify the EU’s position in regard
to other actors involved; critically assess how the EU used the policy
instruments at its disposal within the framework
of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and
how their implementation could have contributed
to the resolution of the Nagorno Karabakh
conflict; identify challenges, needs and options for future
EU involvement in conflict resolution....
-
Search for all records in "Armenia"
-
Australia
-
July 8, 2010
Strategic Studies Institute // United States Army War College
Abstract:
Domestic public opinion is frequently and correctly described as a crucial battlefront in the war in Afghanistan. Commentary by media and political figures currently notes not only the falling support for the war in the United States but also in many of its key allies in Europe and elsewhere, making it all the more difficult for the Obama administration to secure the help it believes it needs to bring the war to a successful conclusion. This study is an extensive examination of the determinants of domestic support for and opposition to the war in Afghanistan in the United States and in five of its key allies--the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Canada, and Australia. Tracing the trajectory of public opinion on the war from the original invasion in 2001 to the fall of 2009, this paper concludes that the combination of mounting casualties with a declining belief that the war could be won by the Coalition is the key factor driving the drop in support. Other factors, such as the deployment of numerous and shifting rationales by the political leadership in various countries, and the breakdown of elite consensus have played important but secondary roles in this process....
-
April 28, 2010
Lowy Institute for International Policy
Abstract:
In a new Lowy Institute Perspective, West Asia Program Director Anthony Bubalo explores two major changes that are creating a new Middle East: the end of American hegemony; and the economic and strategic reconnection of the Middle East to Asia. Bubalo explores some of the implications of this shift for Australian international policy, against the background of continuing community ambivalence toward the Middle East and to those issues that are part of the Middle East security equation, most notably, Afghanistan. The ‘New Middle East’ is a title with an unhappy history.
In 1993, Shimon Peres, then Israeli Foreign Minister and now Israeli President, declared that
IsraeliArab
peace would be the foundation for a dramatic regional transformation. A ‘New
Middle East’, he argued, could be built upon a web of economic, cultural and scientific links
spun across the region.
His vision barely survived the scepticism of his fellow Israelis and the suspicions of the
Arabs. Ultimately, Peres’ vision of a ‘New Middle East’ perished where it began. The
demise of IsraeliPalestinian
peacemaking
put an end to any dreams of IsraeliArab
moneymaking.
In 2006, then US Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, used the term in reference to another
project for regional transformation. Defending charges of American inaction in the IsraeliLebanon
war of that year, she argued that the United States was not interested preserving an
unhappy status quo. What the world was witnessing in the Lebanon war, Rice promised, was
‘the birth pangs of a New Middle East’. She was, of course, referring to the Bush Administration’s ambitious project for a democratic
revolution in the region, which it kicked off by invading Iraq. But Bush’s vision proved as
stillborn as Peres’. In coming years Iraq may well emerge as a reasonably stable and
relatively democratic state, but not in any way that people in the region will be clamouring to
emulate. Even if one does not have a grand scheme of change in mind it is wise, therefore, to be
cautious about predicting change in the Middle East. Nevertheless, I do believe we are on the
threshold of two major, closely related changes in the region: the end of US hegemony and
the Middle East’s reconnection with the rest of Asia....
-
April 28, 2010
RAND Corporation
Abstract:
The Netherlands Ministry of Defence (NL MOD) commissioned RAND Europe to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the Netherlands armed forces, asking RAND to focus on recent deployments of the Netherlands armed forces relative to the deployments of other countries' armed forces. This study is therefore not a root and branch consideration of the Netherlands armed forces, but a comparative study of several different armed forces to illustrate contrasts and similarities with those of the Netherlands. This study was conducted within the context of the NL MOD's Future Policy Survey, which is a review of the Netherlands' future defence ambition, required capabilities and associated levels of defence expenditure. The Future Policy Survey was delivered to the Netherlands Parliament in April 2010. The overarching aim of the Dutch Future Policy Survey is to provide greater insight into how to exploit and enhance the potential contribution of the Netherlands armed forces....
-
April 13, 2010
Campaign for Innocent Victims in Conflict
Abstract:
Afghan civilians deserve amends from warring parties for deaths, injuries, and property
losses—that is, some form of recognition and monetary compensation. Under international
law and agreements signed with the Afghan government, the troop contributing nations
(TCNs) of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) are not liable for damage to
civilian property or civilian injury or death as a result of lawful operations. However, most
ISAF members now offer payments when such losses occur. This is a marked improvement
from the early days of the conflict when the US and its NATO allies declined to address civilian
harm. CIVIC’s research into the experiences of ISAF troops and Afghan civilians demonstrates that
when international military forces provide payment (henceforth called “compensation” to
indicate both monetary and in-kind help), especially combined with an apology for harm,
civilian hostility toward international forces decreases. However, the effectiveness of these
payments has been limited by the lack of uniform policies across ISAF nations, limited information
gathering about civilian harm generally and, in many cases, insensitive requirements
that civilians suffering losses take the initiative to file claims.
This report describes the policies and practices of major ISAF TCNs. It finds that soldiers as
well as civilians view amends for harm favorably. The process of investigation, negotiation
of payment, and offers of formal compensation are opportunities to strengthen relationships
with local leaders and communities, to explain what happened, and acknowledge loss....
-
March 25, 2010
The NEFA Foundation
Abstract:
This is the third in a series of backgrounders the NEFA Foundation has published on extremist ideologues that take a close look at the personalities, doctrine, scope of influence, and methods of communication of some of the most influential purveyors of radical Islamist ideology to English-speaking audiences. As U.S. law enforcement and intelligence agencies become increasingly concerned about homegrown terrorism at a time when Al-Qaida is actively encouraging American Muslims to commit terrorist acts, understanding the sources of radicalization becomes an essential component of combating the threat. Here, we profile Feiz Muhammad (a.k.a. Feiz Mohammad, Sheik Feiz), an Australian citizen now residing in Malaysia, who has been labeled Australia’s “most dangerous sheikh” due to the number of connections he has to known and suspected terrorists.
Muhammad’s target audience is young Muslims worldwide who feel disaffected and disassociated from local Muslim communities, where mosque clerics show “a lack of interest toward the youth.” His lectures frame the United States as the enemy of all Muslims, including those living in the United States and in other Western countries. Al Qaida’s message is reinforced by radical Islamist figures like Feiz Muhammad, who continually frames the U.S. as the enemy of Muslims, including those who live in the United States. In addition, he calls on Muslims to participate in armed jihad. Muhammad is already perceived as credible by his audience. His credibility will likely rise as he continues to pursue an education in Islam in Malaysia, where he resides currently, and his following will also likely continue to grow as increasing numbers of English-speaking Muslims are exposed to his lectures via the internet....
-
Search for all records in "Australia"
-
Austria
-
June 8, 2010
European Coalition of Oil in Sudan // Fatal Transactions
Abstract:
From 1983 to 2005, Sudan was torn apart by a civil war
between the Government and Southern armed groups.
Oil was a factor in the outbreak and exacerbated war
from the mid-1990s. This report is concerned with the
injustice perpetrated on victims and the role of oil companies
and their home governments during the oil wars. Between 1997 and 2003, international crimes
were committed on a large scale in what was essentially
a military campaign by the Government of Sudan to
secure and take control of the oil fields in Block 5A. As
documented in this report, they included indiscriminate
attacks and intentional targeting of civilians, burning
of shelters, pillage, destruction of objects necessary
for survival, unlawful killing of civilians, rape of women,
abduction of children, torture, and forced displacement.
Thousands of people died and almost two hundred
thousand were violently displaced. Satellite pictures
taken between 1994 and 2003 show that the Lundin
Consortium’s activities in Block 5A coincided with a
spectacular drop in agricultural land use.
The actual perpetrators of the reported crimes were the
armed forces of the Government of Sudan and a variety
of local armed groups that were either allied to the
Government or its main opponent, the Sudan People’s
Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). Nonetheless, the
evidence presented in this report calls into question the
role played by the oil industry in these events. ECOS believes that Lundin, Petronas and OMV, as a
matter of international law, may have been complicit in
the commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity....
-
September 5, 2008
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
U.S. policymakers have made securing and maintaining foreign contributions
to the stabilization and reconstruction of Iraq a major priority since the preparation
period for the launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. This report
highlights and discusses important changes in financial and personnel contributions
from foreign governments to Iraq since 2003.
To date, foreign donors have pledged an estimated $16.4 billion in grants and
loans for Iraq reconstruction, with most major pledges originating at a major donors'
conference in Madrid, Spain, in October 2003. However, only a small part of the
pledges have been committed or disbursed to the World Bank and United Nations
Development Group Trust Funds for Iraq. The largest non-U.S. pledges of grants
have come from Japan, the European Commission, the United Kingdom, Canada,
South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. The World Bank, the International
Monetary Fund, Japan, and Saudi Arabia have pledged the most loans and export
credits.
Currently, 33 countries including the United States have some level of troops
on the ground in Iraq or supporting Iraq operations from nearby locations. Those
forces are working under the rubric of one of several organizations — the
Multi-National Force-Iraq (MNF-I), the NATO Training Mission-Iraq (NTM-I); or
the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI). Currently, the largest
troop contributors, in addition to the United States, are the United Kingdom, Georgia,
Australia, South Korea, and Poland. Some of these key contributors have announced
their intention to reduce or withdraw their forces from Iraq during 2008. The total
number of non-U.S. coalition troop contributions has declined since the early
stabilization efforts, as other countries have withdrawn their contingents or
substantially reduced their size....
-
March 31, 2008
Foreign Policy
Abstract:
Thousands of international troops remain in Afghanistan, but some members of this coalition are more willing than others. FP looks at whose militaries are pulling their weight—and who could do far more.
-
June 8, 2006
International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights
Abstract:
The human rights situation deteriorated in numerous former Soviet republics. Independent
human rights monitoring groups, including several affiliates of the IHF, came under
attack. The Russian Federation, Belarus, and the Central Asian regimes promulgated
new legislation or changed their practices to allow these states arbitrarily to restrict the activities
of nongovernmental organizations. The leaders of the Belarusian Helsinki Committee
faced fabricated criminal charges, and in January 2006, state-controlled Russian media
falsely implicated the Moscow Helsinki Group in espionage....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers - spun with the collaboration or tolerance of Council of Europe member states, the Legal Affairs Committee of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) said today. In a draft resolution adopted at a meeting in Paris, based on a report by Dick Marty (Switzerland, ALDE), the committee said hundreds of persons had become entrapped in this web - in some cases when they were merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation. The parliamentarians said this knowing collusion of member states took several different forms, including secretly detaining a person on European territory, capturing a person and handing them over to the US or permitting unlawful "renditions" through their airspace or across their territory. "It# has now been demonstrated incontestably, by numerous well-documented and convergent facts, that secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers involving European countries have taken place, such as to require in-depth inquiries and urgent responses by the executive and legislative branches of all the countries concerned," the committee said. The committee called on Council of Europe member states to review bilateral agreements signed with the United States, particularly those on the status of US forces stationed in Europe, to ensure they conformed fully to international human rights norms. The report is due for debate by the plenary Assembly - which brings together 630 parliamentarians from the 46 Council of Europe member states - in Strasbourg on 27 June 2006....
-
Search for all records in "Austria"
-
Azerbaijan
-
September 2, 2010
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
The North Caucasus experienced another deadly summer (May 1 – August 31, 2010). Although Chechnya and Ingushetia saw comparatively less violence than they did in Summer 2009, we observed a troubling rise in the level of violence in Dagestan and Kabardino-Balkaria. Dagestan proved the most deadly republic in the region, while Kabardio-Balkaria, normally a relatively quiet republic, incurred levels of violence surpassing Chechnya.
Since 2008, CSIS staff has tracked, on a daily basis, incidents of violence occurring in the North Caucasus. We have released seven previous reports, the last of whichillustrated the dramatic rise in violence in Spring 2010.
In this report, we present our data for Summer 2010 (May 1–August 31), paying particular attention to the geographic spread of the violence across the North Caucasus, most notably into Kabardino-Balkaria....
-
April 30, 2010
Bertelsmann Foundation // Commission on the Black Sea
Abstract:
Black Sea region countries have diverse political systems, ranging from developed democracies
to authoritarian regimes. Communist pasts and a lack of democratic experience have stalled or
reversed democratisation processes in many cases. Flawed legal systems and a public distrust
in institutions have been paired with growing executive power in many countries. Increasing
inequality and unresolved conflicts undermine pro-democratic reforms as well. The region’s West and South, including Bulgaria, Romania, Greece and Turkey, contain relatively
stable democracies. Reforms in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Moldova have met with only limited
success, hampered by conflicts with neighbours or separatist regions. Russia has shown substantial
re-centralisation of power with authoritarian traits. The Ukraine’s post-Orange Revolution momentum
has been lost, but democratic procedures and the culture of an open society have taken root. Elections in Greece, Turkey, Romania and the Ukraine are generally free and fair, but show serious
flaws elsewhere in the region. Outside of Greece, political parties are weak. Parliaments in the West
and South hold some power, but often show functional weaknesses, while elsewhere executives –
often with authoritarian leanings – are little restrained by legislatures or opposition parties. With
the exception of Turkey and Greece, judicial corruption or lack of independence is common. Bribery and corruption is a problem across the region. In the post-communist states, this has
undermined state legitimacy. Increasing inequality is a pressing problem throughout, also
threatening regime credibility. The economic crisis may further undermine the attraction of
Western democratic values, contributing to poverty and social unrest. Civil society is hampered by a lack of democratic tradition. Outside of Turkey and Greece, domestic
NGOs are scarce or face substantial state resistance. Ethnic minority issues and a persistent brain
drain remain problematic, but a new technocratic generation offers the promise of change.
The EU has made numerous bilateral and multilateral overtures to Black Sea countries, but has
not shown a clear regional policy. It risks appearing to prioritise a stable energy supply over
true transformation. US interest has been focused on democratisation as well as regional energy
security.
In seeking to enhance democratic transformation, civil society groups should be given broad
practical support. Aid to states should be linked to democratic reforms, and combined with
substantial assistance for institutional and administrative capacity building. Judicial reforms and a
stronger rule of law will be critical in stabilising the region’s political and economic systems. The
EU in particular needs to develop a coherent regional policy, which must include cooperation with
Russia and Turkey....
-
April 1, 2010
The Jamestown Foundation // Eurasia Daily Monitor
Abstract:
A key event in early March, was the death of one of the chief ideologues of the armed resistance in the North Caucasus, Said Buryatsky (Aleksandr Tikhomirov) (www.1tv.ru, March 5). He was killed in the village of Ekazhevo in Ingushetia’s Nazran district during a major Russian joint siloviki operation that involved units of the Federal Security Service (FSB), the interior ministry (MVD) and defense ministry, targeting militants discovered in the home of the Kartoyev family. The operation itself, which lasted two days, spoke volumes about the significance of the situation. Usually, such government endeavors lasting days are a sign that top leaders of the militant underground are among those targeted, which explains their fierce resistance. The militants involved in the resistance have no chance of being given a fair and democratic trial. In accordance with the traditions of Russian jurisprudence, the captured militant is blamed for all possible actions undertaken against the authorities in recent years. The authorities have their own reasons for doing this, since it allows the police to write off multiple attacks and shootings that remain unsolved. Therefore, it is not surprising that the besieged militant is taken into FSB custody alive. The militant has no choice, and he chooses death. Multiple MVD, FSB, and defense ministry units were involved in the Ekazhevo village operation. Over the course of the two-day operation, four Kartoyev brothers were killed: Tukhan, Nazir, Akhmed and Magomed. Several more brothers –Tarkhana, Tatarkhana and Beslan– were detained. Additionally, two other village residents were killed, presumably the Dobryev’s. According to eyewitnesses, all three houses of the Kartoyev brothers were destroyed. Two residents of the village were detained –Yakub Aushev and his son. Eyewitnesses report that gunfire was returned only from the Dobryev house, where a firefight broke out between the occupants and members of the security services (www.ingushetia.org, March 3)....
-
March 18, 2010
United Nations Human Rights Council // United Nations General Assembly
Abstract:
The mandate, established in 2004 by the Commission on Human Rights and extended in 2007 by the Human Rights Council in resolution 6/32, has provided a good basis for the Representative to build on the excellent work of his predecessor, Francis Deng. The nature of his mandate has allowed the Representative to benefit from privileged access, broad support and partnerships with United Nations institutions, member States, civil society and other stakeholders. It has been critical that the Representative has succeeded in linking the mandate to a broader international context inclusive of peace processes, humanitarian assistance and development, natural disasters and climate change. After discussing the achievements and activities of the mandate during the tenure of the present Representative of the Secretary-General on the human rights of internally displaced persons, the report identifies progress made as well as major challenges remaining, which relate to the human rights of internally displaced persons....
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
Search for all records in "Azerbaijan"
-
Bahamas, The
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
January 6, 2006
University of Toronto
Abstract:
The Project produced two types of publications: thematic reports and case studies. Together, these papers make up an integrated package of materials. Thematic reports provide readers with an overarching understanding of general issues relating to environment, population, and security. Case studies examine in considerable detail these linkages in specific countries of interest to policymakers. These two types of reports complement each other: the thematic reports provide theoretical insights that can be explored in the case studies; the case studies provide illustrations of crucial theoretical points raised in the thematic reports. Each thematic report and case study was reviewed by several leading authorities before dissemination....
-
October 15, 2004
HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco
Abstract:
-
September 2, 2004
Amnesty International
Abstract:
Against the international trend away from the use of the death penalty, executions have increased in the English speaking Caribbean (ESC) in recent years. Guyana, Trinidad and Tobago, the Bahamas and St. Kitts and St. Nevis and St. Vincent and the Grenadines have all carried out executions in the last seven years. Jamaica, Antigua, Grenada, St Lucia, Dominica, Belize and Barbados all currently have condemned prisoners and continue to impose sentences of death.
-
November 19, 2003
Amnesty International
Abstract:
This report documents human rights issues in the Bahamas relating to detainees in the custody of immigration, the police and the prison service. The report concludes that urgent action is needed to end arbitrary detention for immigration detainees, improve conditions amounting to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, investigate reports of ill-treatment and torture and better protect the rights of asylum-seekers, migrants and other prisoners, especially children.
-
Search for all records in "Bahamas, The"
-
Bahrain
-
May 26, 2010
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
After instability during the late 1990s, Bahrain undertook substantial political reforms that
include the Shiite majority in governance. However, unrest among Bahraini Shiites continues to
simmer over the Sunni-led government’s perceived manipulation of citizenship and election laws
and regulations to maintain its grip on power. In late 2008, the power struggle manifested as large
demonstrations and some arrests of Shiite opposition leaders. Smaller but frequent incidents of
violence continue to date, often resulting in Bahraini civilian injuries or occasional deaths. These
tensions are increasing in the run up to the next parliamentary elections, planned for November
2010, in which most Bahraini Shiites perceive they will again be deprived of election victory.
Underlying the unrest are lingering Bahraini government fears that Iran is supporting Shiite
opposition movements, possibly in an effort to install a Shiite led, pro-Iranian government on the
island. These fears are occasionally reinforced by comments from Iranian editorialists and
political leaders that Bahrain should never have become formally independent of Iran....
-
April 23, 2010
The Finnish Institute of International Affairs // Ulkopoliittinen Instituutti
Abstract:
This paper discusses the diverging perceptions
and responses of Middle Eastern Arab states to the
issue of climate change. It shows how these states’
policies at the regional and international level have
been shaped, even conditioned, by motivations of
economic security of the oil revenue-dependent
states in the region. It also points out the problems
of this kind of an approach and gives suggestions and
justifications for a more balanced policy approach to
climate change. It is argued that the Gulf oil exporting
monarchies need to take a more constructive and
balanced approach to international climate change
mitigation, as this is the precondition for achieving
functional regional cooperation in this area. In the
future, failing to cooperate regionally will exacerbate
climate change-induced problems and instability in
the entire region. Climate change is by its nature a transboundary
problem. The Middle East is considered to be one
of the most vulnerable regions in the world to its
negative impacts. This is even more significant given
that the Middle East is also one of the most volatile
regions in the world in terms of inter- and intrastate
conflict and instability....
-
March 3, 2010
Freedom House
Abstract:
As the governments of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) undertake the difficult process of enacting social and political change, the unequal status of women presents a particularly formidable challenge. In Iraq, deliberations over women's legal status have been as contentious as negotiations over how to structure the government. In Jordan, measures to increase penalties for so-called honor crimes faced strong resistance by ultraconservative parliamentarians and ordinary citizens who believe that tradition and religion afford them the right to severely punish and even murder female relatives for behavior they deem immoral. These debates are not just legal and philosophical struggles among elites. They are emotionally charged political battles that touch upon fundamental notions of morality and social order.
In order to provide a detailed look at the conditions faced by women in the Middle East and understand the complex environment surrounding efforts to improve their status, Freedom House conducted a comprehensive study of women's rights in the region. The first edition of this project was published in 2005. The present edition offers an updated examination of the issue, with a special focus on changes that have occurred over the last five years. Although the study indicates that a substantial deficit in women's rights persists in every country in the MENA region, the findings also include notable progress, particularly in terms of economic opportunities, educational attainment, and political participation....
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
February 8, 2010
Human Rights Watch
Abstract:
By the end of the 1990s, Bahrain appeared to have cast off what had been a well-deserved
reputation as a country that routinely tortured detainees. The government had taken
significant steps to curtail the use of torture and other ill-treatment by its security officials,
and reports of such practices became a rarity. This report concludes, however, that since the
end of 2007, officials again have used torture and ill-treatment, particularly during the
interrogation of security suspects. Human Rights Watch’s conclusion is based on interviews
with former detainees and others, as well as its review of government documents.
This reversion to past practices came as political tensions rose in Bahrain. Street
demonstrations involving young men from the country’s majority Shia Muslim community
protesting alleged discrimination by the Sunni-dominated government deteriorated with
increasing regularity into confrontations, sometimes violent, with security forces. Arrests
often followed. Security officials appear to have utilized a specific repertoire of techniques
against many of those arrested designed to inflict pain and elicit confessions.
These techniques included the use of electro-shock devices, suspension in painful
positions, beating the soles of the feet (falaka), and beatings of the head, torso, and limbs.
Some detainees also reported that security officials had threatened to kill them or to rape
them or members of their families. Many detainees were subjected to more than one of
these practices. The use of these techniques, separately and in combination, violates
Bahrain’s obligations as a state party to the United Nations Convention against Torture and
Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Convention against Torture)
and other international treaties, as well as the prohibition of torture in Bahraini law....
-
Search for all records in "Bahrain"
-
Bangladesh
-
August 24, 2010
Swiss Peace Foundation
Abstract:
Power-sharing mechanisms play an increasingly important role in peace agreements. However, there is profound divergence over the positive effects of the inclusion of political power-sharing provisions in peace accords. Proposing power-sharing solutions may be useful for mediators to get conflict parties to the negotiating table. At the same time those mechanisms imply a number of challenges for academics and practitioners. Many critics argue that power-sharing as specific political model has only worked in particular circumstances, such as in Switzerland. Before formulating general guidelines and recommendations on powersharing in peace agreements, one has to address this critique. To this end the working paper analyses four contested favourable conditions in the power-sharing model: a small population size, a balance of population size between divided groups, territorial isolation of population groups and a common perceived security threat. Eight case studies are carried out in order to test these four favourable conditions that might influence the durability of power-sharing peace agreements. As a result, this working paper provides evidence that the durability of power-sharing peace agreements does probably not depend on these favourable conditions. It is therefore argued that power-sharing solutions in peace agreements do not seem to require particular favourable conditions to be successful and are not doomed to fail from the outset in a range of different contexts....
-
July 6, 2010
Institute of South Asian Studies // National University of Singapore
Abstract:
Bangladesh, or rather the territory now comprising it, which is the eastern part of the British
Indian Province of Bengal, has had a strong tradition of Left politics dating back to the
Colonial Period (1857-1947). This should have made it a fertile ground for the latter-day
Maoist insurgency. Despite the intellectual and political heritage, this has not come to pass.
The paper explains and analyses the reasons behind such non-occurrence and also why the
expected ‘domino-effect’ has not taken place despite the situation in the neighbouring India
and Nepal. It argues, however, that there is no room for complacency as the potential for
danger exists. This includes a new tactical alliance between the Islamist fundamentalists and
the Maoist radicals called the ‘United Front’. The paper concludes by underscoring the need
to address the problem through appropriate policy measures, regional and international
cooperation, and eternal vigilance....
-
June 15, 2010
United States Naval War College // Newport Papers
Abstract:
Beginning in the early 1980s,
commercial shipping became a prime target of pirates, first off West Africa and then
slowly spreading into Southeast Asia. Throughout the 1990s, and especially after the
Soviet Union’s collapse, piracy increased dramatically. Reports of piracy tripled during
1991–2001: of 335 reported cases in 2001, ninety-one were in waters claimed by Indonesia,
twenty-seven by India, twenty-five by Bangladesh, nineteen by Malaysia, eight by
Vietnam, and eight by the Philippines; another seventeen reported attacks occurred in
the Malacca Strait, bordering on Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. This monograph is intended as a contribution to both scholarship and professional
naval thinking; it is an academic and comparative examination of twelve selected case
studies from maritime history used to illuminate a range of concepts and uses of piracy
suppression. The twelve case studies provide the basis for the conclusions, an approach
that provides a more thorough understanding of the uses and limitations of naval
antipiracy operations in the context of new maritime technologies and within a wider
range of modern national policy goals than might otherwise be achievable. Above all,
this collection provides a sound basis for comparative analysis of varying historical
experiences that can stimulate new and original thinking about a basic but often
overlooked naval duty....
-
April 30, 2010
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
Bangladesh is a densely populated and poor nation in South Asia. Roughly 80% of its population
lives on less than $2 a day. Its population is largely Muslim and its geography is dominated by its
low-lying riparian aspect. Bangladesh suffers from high levels of corruption and an at times
faltering democratic system that has been subject to pressure from the military.
Bangladesh (the former East Pakistan) gained its independence in 1971, following India’s
intervention in a rebellion against West Pakistan (currently called Pakistan). In the years since
independence, Bangladesh has established a reputation as a largely moderate and democratic
majority Muslim country. This status has been under threat from a combination of political
violence, weak governance, poverty, corruption, and Islamist militancy. There has been concern
in the past that should Bangladesh become a failed state, or a state with increased influence by
Islamist extremists, it could serve as a base of operations for terrorist activity. In more recent
years, such concerns have abated somewhat as Islamist militants have been vigorously pursued by
the government and Bangladesh has returned to democratic government. The Bangladesh National Party (BNP) and the Awami League (AL) traditionally have dominated
Bangladeshi politics, with the AL in government since January 2009. The BNP is led by former
Prime Minister Khaleda Zia; the AL is led by current Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. When in
opposition, both parties have sought to regain control of the government through demonstrations,
labor strikes, and transport blockades. Political violence has long been part of the political
landscape in Bangladesh. In 2004-2005, a particularly intensive set of bombings raised questions
about political stability in the country.
Bangladesh was ruled by a military-backed caretaker government led by Fakhruddin Ahmed for
approximately two years prior to the return to democracy that was ushered in by the December
2008 election. The military-backed caretaker government sought to pursue an anti-corruption
drive that challenged the usual political elites. It also sought to put in place voter reforms,
including issuing identity cards, and moved against militant Islamists. U.S. policy toward Bangladesh emphasizes support for political stability and democracy,
development, and human rights. The United States has long-standing supportive relations with
Bangladesh and views Bangladesh as a moderate voice in the Islamic world. The U.S. offers
considerable economic assistance to Bangladesh, and has substantial military-to-military ties that
include cooperation in multilateral peacekeeping....
-
March 30, 2010
South Asia Analysis Group
Abstract:
There is still some ambiguity about the definition of terrorism and who is a terrorist and this leads to a tendency to lump together terms like militants, insurgents, extremists, fundamentalists and (real) terrorists. Some analysts club together the security threats posed by ethnic insurgencies (mostly in the north-east) and Maoist insurgency (widely spread in many states of India) together with the threats posed by terrorism. The insurgencies are socio-political phenomena and are basically territory-related, in the sense that the ethnic insurgencies want to have a separate status (within or outside India) for the areas in which the particular ethnic group is in a majority; and the Maoists want to control territory and, through such control, impose a different system of governance. While all kinds of people fighting for different causes may at times indulge in violent acts, a terrorist is one whose primary aim is to cause maximum destruction, often targeting totally unconnected persons, with the sole purpose of causing and promoting fear and thus influence decision-making. The terrorists seek to influence the minds of the people, terrorise them into losing their faith in the government and impose a state of fear about public safety. The Maoist (Naxalite) movement has gripped a significantly large portion of India and, as repeatedly stated by the Prime Minister, it presently poses arguably the most serious threat to our internal security. Though the “ideology” and the “methodology” may be imported, the basic causes are indigenous. There is a wide-spread perception that “land reforms” and efforts at redress of genuine grievances have only been superficial and that the “exploiters” continue to “exploit” the poor and the landless agriculturists. It cannot be a coincidence that the Maoists are most effective in areas of past maximum exploitation of tribal communities. If there is any element of truth in this perception, urgent steps need to be taken to remedy the situation on the ground, without necessarily tying them to a cease-fire. The grievances have to be handled by a judicious combination of social, economic and political measures, coupled with police action for the preservation of public safety and Law & Order....
-
Search for all records in "Bangladesh"
-
Barbados
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
October 15, 2004
HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco
Abstract:
-
September 2, 2004
Amnesty International
Abstract:
Against the international trend away from the use of the death penalty, executions have increased in the English speaking Caribbean (ESC) in recent years. Guyana, Trinidad and Tobago, the Bahamas and St. Kitts and St. Nevis and St. Vincent and the Grenadines have all carried out executions in the last seven years. Jamaica, Antigua, Grenada, St Lucia, Dominica, Belize and Barbados all currently have condemned prisoners and continue to impose sentences of death.
-
Search for all records in "Barbados"
-
Belarus
-
March 19, 2010
United Kingdom Foreign and Commonwealth Office
Abstract:
This is the 12th FCO Annual Report on Human
Rights. The report sets out the UK’s work and
policy on human rights in 2009, and explains the
importance of human rights across our foreign
policy goals. It highlights our main policies,
countries of concern and the challenges we
face. It demonstrates how we seek to address
these issues through diplomatic channels and
international bodies, as well as our programme
work across the globe. However, many of the issues covered in these pages
highlight the growing tendency to once again claim
human rights as a “Western” construct, unsuited to
particular cultures and countries. In the Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea, the government continues
to insist that national security and cultural differences
invalidate human rights obligations and justify
subjecting humanitarian workers to severe restrictions.
In Burma, Aung San Suu Kyi is incarcerated on
the basis of similar arguments that her battle for
Foreword by the Foreign Secretary
David Miliband
Foreign Secretary
democracy undermines national security. Women are
still denied their human rights in many parts of the
world, on the basis that culture and religion render
those rights inapplicable. The increasing threat to
gay people’s rights in some African countries reminds
us that tolerance is a dream rather than a reality for
much of the world’s population.
But this report also shows how people around the
world are pushing back against the idea that human
rights are not universal – in 2009 demonstrators
in Guinea and Honduras demanded their rights to
democracy, human rights defenders from Belarus
to Syria continued to protest against injustice and
worldwide, individuals and groups continue to work
to realise the rights of all. We have a responsibility
to applaud these efforts, and to support them by
challenging the notion that human rights depend on
culture and circumstance....
-
March 5, 2010
European Council on Refugees and Exiles
Abstract:
This research paper focuses on the European Union funding priorities in four Eastern European countries neighbouring the EU (Belarus, Moldova, Russia and Ukraine) for refugee protection, migration management and border reinforcement, which has been completed by the Eastern Europe project funded by the EU's Aeneas programme. The research was undertaken from Autumn 2007 to Spring 2008, with a final update in November 2008. The focus of the research is on EU's funding programmes in 2004-2007.
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
September 30, 2009
The Jamestown Foundation // Eurasia Daily Monitor
Abstract:
On September 26 the official publication of the Russian ministry of defense Krasnaya Zvezda announced the beginning of the second phase of Zapad 2009 (West 2009), a large-scale combined arms exercise conducted in Belarus. This phase of the exercise lasted from September 26-29 and involved more than 12,500 troops, over 100 aircraft and helicopters, 4,000 pieces of military equipment including tanks, armored personnel carriers, self-propelled artillery, tube artillery, self-propelled multi-rocket launchers, and ground-based SAM systems. The focus of the second phase of the exercise, according to Krasnaya Zvezda, was on air defense operations. The air defense activities involved the interception of enemy aircraft, and the firing of S-200 air defense missiles at the Telemba Range in Chita Oblast. The exercise also witnessed Russian Special Forces operating in conjunction with Belorussian territorial troops against invading forces.
On September 28, Dmitry Litovkin, a prominent defense journalist, published a long article on Zapad 2009 under the title: "The Exercises Got Caught in the Net." Litovkin's play-on-words referred to the fact that this exercise was to be a test of the new brigade-centric organization of the ground forces and would involve the implementation of the concept "network-centric warfare," which the author described as a U.S. concept associated with "the large-scale use of electronic reconnaissance and target acquisition (satellite, unmanned aerial vehicles, etc.) and the use of cellular groupings that can move quickly around the theater of military operations and attack the enemy's flanks or rear"....
-
July 28, 2009
French Institute of International Relations // L’Institut français des relations internationales
Abstract:
Russia's military intervention in Georgia in August 2008 sent a shock wave across the post-Soviet space, particularly the republics to the west and south of Russia. In December 2008, the European Union formalized the Eastern Partnership initiative, directed at Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. In order to understand the impact of this war both of Russia's bilateral relations with these countries and on the Eastern Partnership area as a whole, this article analyzes the reactions of these former Soviet republics to the Russian offensive. Three types of response are observed: keeping distance from Russia; maintaining a balance between Moscow and the West; and finally, changing course (from rapprochment to keeping distance and vice versa) vis-a-vis the former center of the Soviet Empire....
-
Search for all records in "Belarus"
-
Belgium
-
October 7, 2009
Henry L. Stimson Center
Abstract:
In 2001, when foreign militaries – including the American, Belgian, British, Canadian, Danish, German, Italian, and Turkish – entered the country, Afghans welcomed them warmly, strewing flowers as they passed through towns and villages. There was widespread hope that the country would finally see peace and stability after decades of war.
Eight years later, however, there is still a consistent failure to establish the appropriate mechanisms for security and development in Afghanistan. Since the Bonn Agreement, both security assistance and development assistance have taken a short term view – primarily addressing immediate and acute problems rather than identifying and responding to underlying weaknesses. Such a “quick fix” approach has cost time and popular support from those eager for change, and has wasted resources and opportunities. Significant amounts of aid are re-routed back to the donors’ home countries through contractors and consultants. The creation of parallel structures of governance such as command and control centers and prisons has undermined national authority, inhibited national initiative, weakened security, and slowed development. Prospects for sustainable development are slim, and the initially close relationship between the Afghan public and international forces has deteriorated.
Underlying the current approach is the assumption that Afghanistan could only be rescued by an enormous international intervention. However the presence of the international community, even if extensive and well-directed, will not be useful if Afghans are not in charge of their own recovery and development. Although the international community and the Afghan government have rhetorically committed themselves to inclusive nation-building, significant progress has yet to be made in including a wide cross-section of Afghan society....
-
August 11, 2009
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Abstract:
Terrorism is not a new phenomenon, nor is it likely to disappear anytime soon. It is not the exclusive domain of any single religion or ideology, nor do all terrorists come from the same socioeconomic class or share the same mental pathologies.1 In part, the diversity within contemporary terrorism is what makes it so great a challenge. This report describes, in great detail, the state of terrorism in Western countries over the course of 2008.
Before turning to terrorism events in the West during 2008 and key developments within Western countries’ legal systems, we are going to pinpoint a few broad trends—a few currents that run through the various incidents and cases that follow. As this report will show, concerns about the contemporary connection between criminal activities and terrorism are clear in Bulgaria, a country rife with organized crime. An April 2008 parliamentary report charged that profits from the country’s drug trade were channeled to Middle Eastern terrorist groups....
-
May 8, 2009
Freedom House // United Nations Watch
Abstract:
On May 12, 2009, the UN General Assembly will elect 18 new Human Rights Council members. Twenty countries are candidates. However, each is not competing against all of the others, but rather only against the ones from the same UN regional group. In this year’s election, all but two regional groups have submitted the same amount of candidates as available seats. The Asian Group has 5 countries vying for 5 available seats, the Latin American and Caribbean Group (―GRULAC‖) has 3 countries vying for 3 available seats, and the Western European and Others Group (―WEOG‖) has 3 countries vying for 3 available seats. This does not mean that the candidate countries for these groups will automatically be elected; in order to become a Council member, a country must receive the votes of at least 97 of the 192 General Assembly member states (an absolute majority). Competition between the candidates exists only in the African Group, where 6 countries are vying for 5 available seats, and in the Eastern European Group, where 3 countries are vying for 2 available seats....
-
April 20, 2009
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
1 Defining the Punjabi Taliban Network
By Hassan Abbas;
4 The 2008 Belgium Cell and FATA’s
Terrorist Pipeline
By Paul Cruickshank;
8 President Obama’s Overseas Terrorism
Challenge
By Tom Sanderson;
11 Improving India’s Counterterrorism
Policy after Mumbai
By Paul Staniland;
14 Leveraging History in AQIM
Communications
By Lianne Kennedy Boudali;
17 AQAP a Rising Threat in Yemen
By Brian O’Neill;
19 The Role of the United Nations in
Defeating Al-Qa`ida and Associated
Groups
By Richard Barrett...
-
September 8, 2008
Amnesty International
Abstract:
This bulletin contains information about Amnesty International’s main concerns in Europe and
Central Asia between July and December 2007. Not every country in the region is reported on; only
those where there were significant developments in the period covered by the bulletin, or where
Amnesty International (AI) took specific action.
A number of individual country reports have been issued on the concerns featured in this bulletin.
References to these are made under the relevant country entry. In addition, more detailed
information about particular incidents or concerns may be found in Urgent Actions and News
Service Items issued by AI.
This bulletin is published by AI every six months....
-
Search for all records in "Belgium"
-
Belize
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
May 28, 2007
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
Abstract:
The world is coming to recognise the interdependence of security and development issues. Moral imperatives
aside, poverty is no longer acceptable for reasons of simple common safety. Technology and globalisation
have made it possible for even the most marginalized groups to pose a threat to the most powerful.
Areas allowed to descend into social disarray generate, and provide refuge for, organised criminals and political
militants. Global security requires global development.
The problem is that the opposite is also true: development requires security. Investors do not put their
money in places where the rule of law does not prevail. Skilled labour does not reside in countries where
personal safety is at risk. Crime and corruption are derailing attempts to address the global polarisation of
wealth, as people choose not to invest their lives or their money where they are insecure. For the poor that
remain, the threat of crime retards their efforts to better themselves, as they structure their activities around
avoiding victimisation. Trust among countrymen is lost, and with it goes social cohesion. Cynicism about
the ability to succeed within the law breeds further insecurity, and whole regions can find themselves locked
into a downward spiral of victimisation and social disinvestment.
Further, crime and corruption undermine democracy itself. The primary responsibility of the state is to
ensure citizen security, and when it fails to establish basic internal order, it loses the confidence of the
people. When civil servants and elected officials come to be viewed as part of the crime problem, citizens
effectively disown their government. They become subjects rather than citizens. Whatever role the state
might play in development is seriously challenged by the loss of popular support.
It is therefore imperative that crime be addressed as a key development issue. Until threats to life and property
can be brought to acceptable levels, developing countries with serious crime problems will struggle to
gain the public confidence needed for forward progress. A foundational level of order must be established
before development objectives can be realised.
Due to its geographic location between the world's cocaine suppliers and its main consumers, Central
America has been exposed to exogenous organised crime pressures that would be challenging for countries
many times as large. Unfortunately, the region is particularly vulnerable to incursion by organised crime
due to a range of domestic factors, and this report opens by considering several of these, including social
and economic pressures, lack of law enforcement capacity, and a history of conflict or authoritarian rule. It
then looks at the nature of organised crime and violence in the region in some detail. Finally#, it considers
how the crime problem is undermining development efforts....
-
December 4, 2006
Center for Women's Global Leadership
Abstract:
Strengthening Resistance focuses on the points of intersection in the social, political and public health crises of violence against women and HIV/AIDS. The report uses a human rights lens to focus on critical political challenges and on innovative strategies used by activists worldwide as they respond to the links between violence and HIV/AIDS. From street theater to telenovelas/soap operas to traditional lobbying, activists in both VAW and HIV/AIDS communities are beginning to work together to focus attention to ways both crises are causes and consequences of each other. Neither can be addressed adequately without taking into account the links between them and the human rights implications of each crisis on its own, and in conjunction with the other. Strengthening Resistance is designed as an overview of the most salient issues, and is meant for activists and policy makers alike who may be familiar with HIV/AIDS, violence against women or human rights but not necessarily the nexus across all of these areas. The report highlights nine creative advocacy initiatives from different countries and regions, offers recommendations to a range of actors and contains a resource section for further study....
-
February 8, 2006
HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators
Abstract:
Access to facsheets on HIV/AIDS in Belize.
-
February 8, 2006
U.S. Department of State
Abstract:
Belize is a constitutional parliamentary democracy governed by the Prime Minister, a cabinet of ministers, and a legislative assembly. The Governor General represented Queen Elizabeth II in the largely ceremonial role of Head of State. Prime Minister Said Musa's People's United Party (PUP) held 22 of the 29 seats in the House of Representatives following generally free and fair multiparty elections in March of 2003. The judiciary is independent.
The Police Department has primary responsibility for law enforcement and maintaining order. The Belize Defense Force (BDF) is responsible for external security but, when deemed appropriate by civilian authorities, may be tasked to assist the police department. Armed BDF soldiers routinely accompanied police patrols in Belize City in an attempt to reduce the violent crime rate. The police report to the Minister of Home Affairs, while the BDF report to the Minister of Defence. The civilian authorities maintained effective control of the security forces. Some members of the security forces committed human rights abuses. ...
-
Search for all records in "Belize"
-
Benin
-
September 11, 2008
World Politics Review
Abstract:
Stepped up U.S. drug enforcement and interdiction in Latin America, coupled with a falling dollar and a surging demand for cocaine on the streets of Europe, is leading to political and economic chaos across West Africa, where international narco-traffickers have established their most recent, and lucrative, staging grounds. In fact, the drug trade is fast turning large parts of the region into areas that are all but ungovernable -- with major implications for international security. "The former Gold Coast is turning into the Coke Coast," said a 2008 report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). "The problem is so severe that it is threatening to bring about the collapse of some West African states where weak and corrupt governments are vulnerable to the corrosive influence of drug money."
Though hardly alone in West Africa, Guinea-Bissau, the world's fifth poorest country, with a population of 1.5 million, has for all intents and purposes become the textbook example of the African "narco-state." Due to its relative proximity to South America, its hundreds of miles of unpatrolled coastline, islands and islets, along with the fact that Portuguese is its lingua franca, Guinea-Bissau has been increasingly targeted by South American drug lords as a preferred traffic hub for European-bound cocaine, according to the UNODC. What's more, as citizens of a former Portuguese colony, Guineans do not need visas to enter that EU country, further facilitating the movement of drugs.
Authorities there can do precious little about it. "Guinea-Bissau has lost control of its territory and cannot administer justice," declared Antonio Maria Costa, the UNODC executive director, in a statement before the U.N. Security Council in December. "There is a permeability of judicial systems and a corruptibility of institutions in West Africa," he added. "Guinea-Bissau is under siege. Literally under siege." Guinea-Bissau enjoys plenty of company among its neighbors: To varying degrees, Ghana, Senegal, Nigeria, Cape Verde, Guinea-Conakry, Togo, Benin, Senegal, South Africa, and other West African and sub-Saharan states (including already-challenged states like Sierra Leone, the Ivory Coast and Liberia) are all beginning to feel the long reach of cocaine smuggling....
-
February 2, 2007
United Nations // United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
Abstract:
In September 2003, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) initiated a
project aimed at improving the level of information available on trafficking in human beings
within, to and from Benin, Nigeria and Togo, and to recommend measures to strengthen
action to counter the problem. The study included extensive research activities in each of the
three countries. A number of factors contribute to the phenomenon of trafficking in human beings, in
particular children, in West Africa. Predominant among these are poverty, large family size,
lack of educational opportunities and lack of employment. Other factors facilitating
trafficking in persons in Benin, Nigeria and Togo include ignorance on the part of families
and children of the risks involved in trafficking, the high demand for cheap and submissive
child labour in the informal economic sector, the desire of youth for emancipation through
migration, institutional lapses such as inadequate political commitment, non-existent national
legislation against trafficking in human beings, and the absence of a judicial framework
allowing for the perpetrators and accomplices of trafficking to be held responsible and
punished for their acts. Other contributory factors in trafficking in persons in the region
include porous borders, corrupt government officials, involvement of international organized
crime groups or networks, limited capacity of or commitment by immigration and law
enforcement officers to control trafficking at the borders and lack of political will or desire to
enforce existing legislation or mandates....
-
July 13, 2006
Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
Abstract:
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS/CEDEAO) is well known for its military intervention in Liberia and Sierra Leone. ECOWAS was created in 1975 to replace the Customs Union of West African States originally created in 1959 to redistribute customs duties collected by the coastal states of West Africa. The Treaty on the Economic Community of West African States was revised at the Cotonou Summit of July 1993 to replace the inexistent Tribunal originally envisioned with a Community Court of Justice....
-
July 13, 2006
Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
Abstract:
The Common Court of Justice and Arbitration (CCJA) is the court of the Organization for the Harmonization of Business Law in Africa (OHADA), one of the most successful regional legal harmonization efforts on the Continent. Unlike the other continental regional integration groups, OHADA does not seek to conform national law to an overarching treaty and successive regulations and directives, which allow national legislature some leeway. Instead, OHADA uses the integration method of issuing binding uniform acts that automatically supercede all prior and future inconsistent national laws. With the goal of creating a secure, simple and modern legal framework for the conduct of business in Africa, OHADA has issued eight uniform acts on general commercial law, commercial companies and economic interest groups, securities, arbitration, simplified recovery procedures and measures of execution, collective insolvency and accounting....
-
July 13, 2006
Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
Abstract:
The West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) was established when the CFA was devalued in order to ensure coherent monetary and economic policy among the states of the CFA zone. The Court of Justice is intended to assist in the enforcement of that coherence. The Court of Justice, alongside the Court of Auditors, functions as the juridical arm of WAEMU, with automatic jurisdiction over all Member States of the Union. Avoiding the perennial delays seen in the entry into force of the Protocol Establishing the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights, the Treaty provided that the Protocol on the Court would be an integral part of the Treaty with no need for ratifications. Addressing further the Continental problem of implementation, the Treaty required that the Court come into being within six months of the Treaty entering into force. With financial help from France and the European Union, these Treaty provisions were fulfilled and the first judges of the Court were sworn in on January 27, 1985. Not meeting the three month deadline in the Treaty, the judges fully operationalized the Court by promulgating #the Rules of Procedure in July 1986. In 1997, the addition of Guinea Bissau to WAEMU resulted in the expansion of the bench to nine judges. The Additional Act that initiating this expansion also included the specification that judges on the Court are chosen from among those persons guaranteeing independence and juridical competence, emphasizing that the Court is to be wholly separate from the political sphere of the Union....
-
Search for all records in "Benin"
-
Bermuda
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
Search for all records in "Bermuda"
-
Bhutan
-
November 12, 2009
Pak Institute for Peace Studies
Abstract:
This report gives a brief summary of each of the major conflicts occurring in South Asia, from intra-state conflicts (often multiple per country) in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Bhutan, to inter-state disputes including India-China, India-Pakistan, India-Sri Lanka, India-Nepal, and India-Bangladesh. The report also describes the impact of the conflicts on regional stability, and an analysis of changes in the nature of the conflicts: Since the late 2001, South Asia, on the one hand has been facing a sudden growth in the intensity of
conflicts and on the other hand witnessing newly emerged conflicts with new dimensions. The post
9/11 era has also influenced the transformation process including the nature of conflicts and its
objectives in its peaceful culmination or violent escalation. Though in the recent past ( more
specifically post-9/11 era) all the governments of respective countries in South Asia have come up
with different peaceful ways of conflict resolution that have created an optimist approach to deal the
issues. But on the other side innovated trends and latest tactics have been introduced by the militant
organizations operating in the region. Different militant groups are forging new operational
coordination or strategic alliance in their separate fight for their cause....
-
October 5, 2009
Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
Abstract:
After the 6th border meeting in Thimphu on September 12, India and Bhutan have agreed to scale up efforts to secure their borders. India and Bhutan share a 669-km-long border, manned by the Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) from the Indian side and by the Royal Bhutanese Army on the Bhutan side. Most of the insurgent camps are located along the Bhutan-Assam border, which comprises of 267 km of the Indo-Bhutan border.
The border meeting assumes significance against the backdrop of reports suggesting that insurgents operating in India’s North-Eastern states such as United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFA) and Kamtapur Liberation Organization (KLO) have increased co-operation with the Bhutan Tiger Force, the Bhutan Maoist Party and the Communist Party of Bhutan. At the same time, there is a fear in the Bhutanese establishment that the Communist Party of Bhutan, with active co-operation from North Eastern insurgent groups, might acquire advanced weapons and attempt to topple the newly elected democratic government headed by Prime Minister Jigmi Y Thinley. This was emphasized by Home Secretary Penden Wangchuck who headed the Bhutanese delegation for the border talks. Wangchuk was reported by state-run newspaper Kuensel as saying that "The insurgents are linked to Maoists and militants of eastern Nepal and they can pose a threat to security”.
The Indian side headed by Secretary (border management) Vinay Kumar emphasized during the meeting that since the new Bangladesh government headed by Sheikh Hasina had increased the crack down on North-Eastern insurgent groups, these groups have set up bases in Bhutan. This was confirmed by the 48-page ‘restricted’ Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) report on the North-East states in September 2009. Reports note that the emergence of a “friendly” regime in Bangladesh has resulted in nervousness among the Indian insurgent groups operating from that country and “tentative” reports suggest movement of insurgent infrastructure towards Myanmar and Bhutan where the reach of the Government along the border areas is limited....
-
June 9, 2009
Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
Abstract:
India's neighbourhood is in considerable turmoil at the
present moment. The instability is likely to continue for the
foreseeable future. India has sought to improve its relations
with neighbouring countries. Regional cooperation is an
important instrument of India's policy towards its
neighbours. The neighbouring countries have also derived
considerable mileage from economic cooperation with India.
This is particularly true of countries like Nepal, Bhutan and
Sri Lanka. Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Maldives and
Bangladesh have held peaceful elections in the recent past.
The upsurge of democracy in South Asia should normally
provide a sound foundation for better relationship between
India and these countries.
However, several challenges remain. There are powerful anti-
India forces in many of our neighbouring countries. Regional
cooperation, particularly in the context of SAARC, has not
made visible difference to the life of the common person in
South Asia. The democratic institutions in India's
neighbourhood are fragile. China is making inroads into
South Asia. India's borders are porous and ill-regulated.
Terrorism, human and arms trafficking, smuggling and
organized crime are rampant. Pakistan uses Nepal and
Bangladesh to launch terrorists into India. Groups like LeT
have presence in even Sri Lanka and Maldives. Maritime
security is a matter of concern for India. It is in this
background that India needs to devise its South Asia policies....
-
May 23, 2009
South Asia Analysis Group
Abstract:
Bhutan made the first historic move towards democracy when on 31st December 2007, elections to the National Council were held for 15 of the 25 Dzongkhags ( districts). Electronic voting machines were used and the results were announced the very next day.
Elections to the National Assembly were held on 24th of March for election of 47 candidates and shared by only two parties the DPT and the PDP. The Election Campaign was lively and devoid of law and order problems. There were no verbal abuses or personal accusations by the candidates and no complaints either, save some on infringement of election code of conduct.
The highlight of the campaign was two televised debates of the two parties conducted by none other than the elections commission itself.
There is no doubt that the conduct of the election was a bold step for Bhutan in moving ahead of times in introducing democracy. The election itself turned out to be a tame affair and it looked more like a friendly match between two contesting parties whose ideologies were not very different....
-
May 23, 2009
Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies
Abstract:
2008 has been a year of tremendous change in the small Kingdom of Bhutan and for its people. There has probably never been a case before, in which such contradictory events took place within a few months, while at the same time surprisingly in perfect line with the path on which Bhutan embarked decades ago. Having been called to the polls to choose their representatives for the National Council (Gyelyong Tshogde), the upper chamber of parliament, on a non-partisan basis, the first multiparty elections for the National Assembly (Tshogdu) took place on 24 March 2008. By achieving a turnout of almost 80 per cent, participation was extraordinary high, even for a founding election. Three months later the newly convened parliament in a joint sitting passed the country’s first ever written constitution, thus formally transforming the century old kingdom into a constitutional monarchy. Finally, on 6 November 2008 the fifth Druk Gyalpo, Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuk, was enthroned and received the Raven Crown from the hands of his father, who abdicated in 2006. Bhutan had changed its face and at the same time once again found the middle path between progressive development and traditional preservation on which the fourth king guided his country without hesitation in recent decades.
The 35 articles of the constitution grant all major classical rights and liberties to the people and provide for a democratic form of government, though the structure of the new system is quite unique in its shape and configuration. Taking into consideration the people’s attitudes towards politics and the country’s unique culture and tradition, the result is an interesting combination of consensual and majoritarian elements of democracy, topped by the unique role of the monarch within the polity, which rather resembles the role of a president in presidential or semi-presidential system, instead that of a constitutional monarch in Western constitutional democracies. The coming years will have to show whether the system will work properly, or if further adjustments will need to be made....
-
Search for all records in "Bhutan"
-
Bolivia
-
August 20, 2010
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development // Development Co-operation Directorate
Abstract:
In recent years, there has been increased interest in understanding how donor interventions in situations of fragility and conflict can contribute tot he processes of statebuilding. While external actors cannot determine the outcome of those processes, they can target their assistance to support positive statebuilding dynamics. Donors must ensure that they "do no harm" and consider both the intended and unintended consequences of their interventions. This publication fills an important knowledge gap by addressing two fundamental questions: what are the negative impacts that donor interventions can have on statebuilding; and what measures should donors adopt to avoid negative impacts on statebuilding processes? Do No Harm argues that the challenges of statebuilding are such that donors must develop a sophisticated understanding of political processes, patterns of state-society relations and sources of legitimacy in the countries where they are oeprating. Based on an extensive literature review and on six country case-studies (Afghanistan, Bolivia, the Democratic Republic of Congo [DRC], Nepal, Rwanda and Sierra Leon), Do No Harm offers a valuable addition to our knowledge on statebuilding in situations of fragility and conflict....
-
July 15, 2010
Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity
Abstract:
This Overview summarises the key findings and policy challenges identified by the CRISE
research programme in its evaluation of three Latin American countries. The case studies
selected were the three countries with the largest indigenous populations in proportionate
terms: Bolivia, Guatemala and Peru. The underlying research challenge was to understand
the role of horizontal or group inequality in overall acute inequality in the countries studied,
and the relevance of group inequality to political violence.
The paper shows that horizontal inequalities (HIs)—political, social, economic and cultural—
are deeply embedded in two of these countries, Guatemala and Peru, and have played a significant
role in terrible political violence. They remain severe; indeed, political HIs have worsened
in some respects with the legacy of violence and repression. In Guatemala and Peru, the pervasiveness
of embedded prejudice and ways of thinking make even good policy initiatives
non-functional. In Bolivia, meanwhile, an exceptional set of political and geographical circumstances has,
over many decades, resulted in political accommodation mechanisms that have avoided
widespread violence and led to a genuine improvement in political HIs....
-
March 16, 2010
Governance and Social Development Resource Centre
Abstract:
This study is concerned with analysing the routes in and out of political violence in selected
countries – Bolivia and Peru, Tajikistan and Yemen - within Latin America, the Caribbean,
Middle East and North Africa, Eastern Europe and Central Asia (EMAD) regions. The study
explores the following key issues: the importance of multiple and hybrid identities as the basis of claims, forms of empowerment and supporting citizenship; the extent to which tendencies to violence around these claims are rooted in processes of exclusion and identity with deepening economic, social and political
inequalities; pathways to dialogue and the political space within which both political violence and
ways forward emerge; and the links between social cohesion, identity politics and pathways out of political
violence.
The study cautions against the tendency to identify particular identity groups with extremist or
terrorist violence....
-
March 11, 2010
Department for International Development
Abstract:
Addressing discrimination, inequality and human rights is a core challenge of the
state-building and peace-building process. It is at the centre of the negotiation of
state–society relations and is a process rife with contradictions and tensions. Donors
thus have a responsibility to address discrimination within their support to peacebuilding
and state-building.
The first section of this paper sets out what we understand by discrimination, drawing
on human rights principles and DFID’s conceptualisation of social exclusion as
systematic disadvantage which results from discrimination. The second section
explores why discrimination matters in contexts of fragility, conflict and violence. The
third section sets out how DFID and other donors can address discrimination as part
of efforts to support peace-building and state-building. The paper concludes with a
summary of key lessons....
-
November 5, 2009
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
President Hugo Chávez’s victory in the 15 February 2009 referendum, permitting indefinite re-election of all elected officials, marked an acceleration of his “Bolivarian revolution” and “socialism of the 21st century”. Chávez has since moved further away from the 1999 constitution, and his government has progressively abandoned core liberal democracy principles guaranteed under the Inter-American Democratic Charter and the American Convention on Human Rights. The executive has increased its power and provoked unrest internally by further politicising the armed forces and the oil sector, as well as exercising mounting influence over the electoral authorities, the legislative organs, the judiciary and other state entities. At the same time, Chávez’s attempts to play a political role in other states in the region are producing discomfort abroad. The December 2010 legislative elections promise to further polarise an already seriously divided country, while unresolved social and mounting economic problems generate tensions that exacerbate the risk of political violence. Taking advantage in 2009 of a non-electoral year in which he stands to lose little in terms of political capital, as well as of his undisputed control of the National Assembly, Chávez has pushed through a series of laws that have been unpopular with broad sectors of the populace. Continued targeting of the political opposition and the mass media, coupled with growing economic, security and social problems, are deepening discontent. Ten years in power have failed to produce significant and sustainable improvements in the living conditions of the poorer segments of society, which are also experiencing critical levels of insecurity and stark deficiencies in basic public services. Tense relations with Colombia may take a toll on the president’s popularity at home....
-
Search for all records in "Bolivia"
-
Bosnia and Herzegovina
-
August 24, 2010
Swiss Peace Foundation
Abstract:
Power-sharing mechanisms play an increasingly important role in peace agreements. However, there is profound divergence over the positive effects of the inclusion of political power-sharing provisions in peace accords. Proposing power-sharing solutions may be useful for mediators to get conflict parties to the negotiating table. At the same time those mechanisms imply a number of challenges for academics and practitioners. Many critics argue that power-sharing as specific political model has only worked in particular circumstances, such as in Switzerland. Before formulating general guidelines and recommendations on powersharing in peace agreements, one has to address this critique. To this end the working paper analyses four contested favourable conditions in the power-sharing model: a small population size, a balance of population size between divided groups, territorial isolation of population groups and a common perceived security threat. Eight case studies are carried out in order to test these four favourable conditions that might influence the durability of power-sharing peace agreements. As a result, this working paper provides evidence that the durability of power-sharing peace agreements does probably not depend on these favourable conditions. It is therefore argued that power-sharing solutions in peace agreements do not seem to require particular favourable conditions to be successful and are not doomed to fail from the outset in a range of different contexts....
-
July 27, 2010
The Centre on Human Rights in Conflict // University of East London // Just and Durable Peace by Piece
Abstract:
Following
the
establishment
of
the
international
ad
hoc
tribunals,
the
International
Criminal
Tribunals
for
the
Former
Yugoslavia
and
Rwanda
(ICTY
and
ICTR
respectively),
a
new
model
of
justice
administration
emerged
at
the
end
of
the
1990s
through
the
development
of
hybrid
or
internationalised
courts.
Hybrid
tribunals
are
conceived
as
a
mixture
of
international
and
domestic
law
and
staff,
as
a
way
to
provide
the
necessary
resources
and
guarantees
for
justice
closer
to
those
whose
work
matters
to
most. This
paper
looks
at
the
two
most
recent
tribunals,
the
Extraordinary
Chambers
in
the
Courts
of
Cambodia
(ECCC)
and
the
War
Crimes
Chamber
in
the
State
Court
of
Bosnia
and
Herzegovina
(WCC)
and
examines
their
practice
related
to
the
expectations
that
hybrid
tribunals
have
raised
in
terms
of
peacebuilding.
Based
on
the
authors’
fieldwork
in
Bosnia
and
Herzegovina
and
Cambodia,
this
paper
focuses
particularly
on
the
tribunals’
impact
on
the
rebuilding
of
the
rule
of
law,
the
strengthening
of
public
institutions
in
the
countries
in
which
they
operate
and
the
perception
of
the
public
of
their
work.
It
considers
the
experience
of
the
tribunals
so
far,
problems
and
ongoing
challenges
in
order
to
draw
some
lessons
which
can
impact
both
their
future
work
and
other
potential
tribunals
in
post-‐conflict
settings....
-
July 21, 2010
International Center for Transitional Justice // Open Society Justice Initiative
Abstract:
On May 25, 1993, the United Nations Security Council improbably launched a new era of
international justice. Amidst a blizzard of resolutions addressing the conflict then raging
in the former Yugoslavia, the Council adopted yet another, this time creating the International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). If the new court evoked the potent
symbolism of Nuremberg, its creation also seemed to symbolize the United Nations’ lack of
resolve—another in a series of inadequate responses to atrocities routinely described as the
worst in Europe since World War II.
Before long, however, what began as an ad hoc measure became a global paradigm:
Since the ICTY’s creation, international or internationalized courts have been established to
respond to sweeping atrocities in Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Cambodia, Kosovo, Bosnia, and Timor
Leste, and a permanent International Criminal Court is now operating in The Hague. Perhaps
more important, the work of these courts has invigorated prosecutions by national courts, the
principal pillars of judicial protection against atrocious crimes and the indispensable partners
of international and hybrid courts.
Moreover, the ICTY and its sister tribunal for Rwanda (the International Criminal Tribunal
for Rwanda, or ICTR) have generated a rich jurisprudence of international humanitarian
law, which now informs the work of national as well as other international courts. These
contributions have been widely recognized, and rightly so. But until recently, few efforts were
made to understand the impact of the ICTY and other international courts on the societies
most profoundly affected by their work, including their effect on victims and perpetrators.
Yet these communities are among the most important audiences for the Tribunal’s work—in
the case of victims, because the justice the ICTY dispenses is their justice, and in respect of
perpetrators and the communities that abetted their crimes, for reasons we explore further
in this report....
-
May 31, 2010
Households in Conflict Network // Institute of Development Studies // University of Sussex
Abstract:
Populations displaced as a result of mass violent conflict have become one of
the most pressing humanitarian concerns of the last decades. They have also become one
salient political issue as a perceived burden (in economic and security terms) and as an
important piece in the shift towards a more interventionist paradigm in the international
system, based on both humanitarian and security grounds. The saliency of these aspects
has detracted attention from the analysis of the interactions between relocation processes
and violent conflict. Violent conflict studies have also largely ignored those interactions
as a result of the consideration of these processes as mere reaction movements
determined by structural conditions. This article takes the view that individual’s agency
is retained during such processes, and that it is consequential, calling for the need to
introduce a micro perspective. Based on this, a model for the individual’s decision of
return is presented. The model has the potential to account for the dynamics of return at
both the individual and the aggregate level. And it further helps to grasp fundamental
interconnections with violent conflict. Some relevant conclusions are derived for the
case of Bosnia-Herzegovina and about the implications of the politicization of return....
-
April 26, 2010
Journal of Humanitarian Assistance
Abstract:
Forced migration and displacement is a profound injustice. It undermines human dignity and security and eliminates choice about where and how people want to live. An important aspect of redress is thus the right of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) to freely choose a solution to their dislocation. This right of free choice is guaranteed under humanitarian and human rights law. The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has outlined three durable solutions for refugees: voluntary repatriation, local integration, or resettlement in a third location. Designed originally with refugees in mind, these solutions have been extended to IDPs, through the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement. The options are adapted to: return to their former homes, integration at the location they were displaced to, or resettlement to another part of the country. This paper first discusses the politics behind the push for return in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina and the initial difficulties encountered in promoting return. It then explores the sustainability of return and the on-going challenges faced by returnees. Finally, it looks at recent developments that aim to provide refugees, IDPs and returnees with access to durable options in the form of support for sustainable return and, for the first time, support for integration. Despite this shift, however, the humanitarian space continues to be controlled by politics, hindering efforts to move toward the provision of neutral assistance....
-
Search for all records in "Bosnia and Herzegovina"
-
Botswana
-
June 17, 2010
Institute for Security Studies // L'Institut d'Etudes de Sécurité
Abstract:
This monograph contains papers that were presented at the International Conference on Climate Change and Natural Resources Conflicts in Africa, 14–15 May 2009, Entebbe, Uganda, organised by the Environment Security Programme (ESP) of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), Nairobi Office.
The climate change phenomenon is a global concern, which typically threatens the sustainability of the livelihoods of the majority of the population living in the developing countries. Africa, particularly the sub-Saharan region, is likely to be negatively impacted by climate variability and change. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Africa’s vulnerability arises from a combination of many factors, including extreme poverty, a high rate of population increase, frequent natural disasters such as droughts and floods, and agricultural systems (both crop and livestock production) that depend heavily on rainfall. Extreme natural occurrences such as floods and droughts are becoming increasingly frequent and severe. Africa’s high vulnerability to the negative impacts of climate variability and change is also attributed to its low adaptive capacity.
Climate variability and change have further exacerbated the scarcity of natural resources on the African continent, leading to conflicts with regard to access to, and ownership and use of these resources. The scarcity of natural resources is known to trigger competition for the meagre resources available among both individuals and communities, and even institutions, thus affecting human security on the continent....
-
March 16, 2010
African Journal on Conflict Resolution // African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes
Abstract:
The world-wide surge in the number and violence of open conflicts revolving around ethnic or religious identities towards the end of the 20th century is a powerful reminder that communal identities are not a remnant of the past but a potent force in contemporary politics. After three decades of independence, ethnicity is more central than ever to the political process of many African countries. Africa has had more than its fair share of ethnic dissent which has sometimes plummeted states into civil war as was experienced in Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and reached frightening proportions in Rwanda and now Sudan. Political openings and multiparty elections have led to the formation of innumerable overtly or covertly ethnic political parties, which serve more often to increase civil strife of which the most recent addition to the long list in Africa is Kenya. Africa’s ethnic disturbances have occurred more within national borders, thus giving rise to unstable domestic systems. This paper attempts to address these ethnic issues by assessing certain conflict spots as opposed to areas of relative calm in Africa. The assessment of states on both sides of the divide (i.e. cooperation and conflict) is done in the hope that trends that lead to conflict as well as those that lead to cooperation can be identified. In order to establish these patterns of cooperation and conflict, it became pertinent to use a broad range of case studies, notably, Tanzania, Botswana, South Africa, Uganda and Côte d’Ivoire. The result of this study tells that the lack or presence of equity and justice (components of good governance), high literacy levels and an external threat, are factors which strengthen or diminish possibilities of ethnic conflict....
-
March 12, 2010
International Development Research Centre // Wits University Press
Abstract:
Southern Africa has embarked on one of the world’s most ambitious security co-operation initiatives, seeking to roll out the principles of the United Nations at regional levels. This book examines the triangular relationship between democratisation, the character of democracy and its deficits, and national security practices and perceptions of eleven southern African states. It explores what impact these processes and practices have had on the collaborative security project in the region. Based on national studies conducted by African academics and security practitioners over three years, it includes an examination of the way security is conceived and managed, as well as a comparative analysis of regional security co-operation in the developing world. This book includes: Chapter 1: Democratic Governance and Security: A Conceptual Exploration, by Andre du Pisani; Chapter 2: Comparative Perspectives on Regional Security Co-operation among Developing Countries, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 3: Southern African Security in Historical Perspective, by Abillah H. Omari and Paulino Macaringue; Chapter 4: Botswana, by Mpho G. Molomo, Zibani Maundeni, Bertha Osei-Hwedie, Ian Taylor, and Shelly Whitman; Chapter 5: Lesotho, by Khabele Matlosa; Chapter 6: Mauritius, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 7: Mozambique, by Anicia Lalá; Chapter 8: Namibia, by Bill Lindeke, Phanuel Kaapama, and Leslie Blaauw; Chapter 9: Seychelles, by Anthoni van Nieuwkerk and William M. Bell; Chapter 10: South Africa, by Maxi Schoeman; Chapter 11: Swaziland, by Joseph Bheki Mzizi; Chapter 12: Tanzania Mohammed, by Omar Maundi; Chapter 13: Zambia, by Bizeck Jube Phiri; Chapter 14: Zimbabwe, by Ken D. Manungo; and Chapter 15: Conclusions, by Gavin Cawthra, Khabele Matlosa, and Anthoni van Nieuwkerk....
-
April 21, 2009
Institute for Security Studies
Abstract:
Botswana has a relatively good legal foundation to fight financial crime in general. With the second reading of the Financial Intelligence Bill and the regulation of non-financial institutions prone to money laundering, the legal framework will be remarkably enhanced. However, Botswana has not yet undertaken an assessment of its risks and vulnerabilities to money laundering and the financing of terrorism in terms of international requirements. Significantly, Botswana’s legal framework does not recognise the risk of money laundering in either limited- or high-risk situations. This is in spite of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) espousing a country-specific risk analysis and application of a regulative framework for all forms of business relationships. The rationale for adopting the risk-based approach is that a better understanding of the extent, form, production and disposal or use of the proceeds of crime helps to determine the appropriate interventions.
Tentative steps towards establishing trends in money laundering and the financing of terrorism have been taken over the past few years. A team of World Bank experts visited Botswana at the end of 2006 to assess the implementation of the FATF anti-money laundering and counter-financing of terrorism (AML and CFT) standards. In early 2007 the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (DCEC), in collaboration with the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) of South Africa, undertook research to establish trends in money laundering in Botswana. The findings are yet to be publicised. However, what is apparent is that these investigations were by no means exhaustive.
This paper is a contribution to the discourse on money laundering and the financing of terrorism in Botswana. It provides an overview of Botswana’s AML/CFT regimes. This will follow a brief outline of the international regulatory regimes for curbing both money laundering and the financing of terrorism.1 Significantly, the paper subscribes to the view that both these activities exhibit the same characteristics and therefore that their analysis can and should broadly be made within the same framework. An analytical framework woven around the ‘three pillars’ of prevention, enforcement and international co-operation is used in this discussion....
-
January 7, 2009
Journal of Military and Strategic Studies // Centre for Military and Strategic Studies // University of Calgary
Abstract:
The problem of civilians becoming unintentional victims of landmine detonation in the world today is one that cannot be underestimated in terms of its importance to global and local humanitarian efforts. The human-life and financial costs associated with landmine detonation are paramount, and are being addressed by the Global community via the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping and its associated agency UNMAS (The United Nations Mine Action Service). In terms of human-life cost, the current statistic is that every 28 seconds a person steps on a landmine, resulting in 6500 – 20,000 new casualties per year. These tragic events are happening in at least 84 states, and every world region is affected. It is the intent of this literature review to enlighten the reader in two main topic areas. The first is that of mine action and our understanding of it, with specific regard to what is generally understood to be the most affected continent: Africa. A comprehensive description and discussion of the geo-political status of mine action in Southern Africa and its relation to development will be set out.
The second topic area that will be reviewed is that of predictive GIS modeling, as it applies to mine action. The intent is to put forth the scientific (i.e.: based on peer-reviewed publications) background information that justifies and supports an experiment that will be conducted. The goal, in general lay terms, will be to see whether it is possible to predict with a reasonable, usable, and repeatable amount of accuracy the delineating outlines of where minefields are located in a specific geographical study area. It is hoped that the effort with predictive GIS modeling will yield a technique that is valid for use across a variety of study areas. Having said this, the study area that is the concentration of this review is the region of Southern Africa and it must be acknowledged that the results, if positive, may not be transferrable to different Geo-political regions....
-
Search for all records in "Botswana"
-
Brazil
-
March 25, 2010
7Letras
Abstract:
During the completion of this study, researchers established that the
manifestations of the illicit retail drug market in Rio de Janeiro involve
levels of armed violence, firearm-related mortality rates, local paramilitary
organisation, geographical territorialisation, quasi-political domination of
poor communities and the participation of state authorities (principally the
Military and Civil Police forces) at a level previously undocumented anywhere
else in the world. Researchers also found that understanding these
factors was key to understanding the participation of children and adolescents
in the territorial disputes of drug factions within the city. Furthermore,
that correctly defining this situation —which appears to be insufficiently
defined by traditional definitions for either ‘war’ or ‘organised crime’— was fundamental to fully comprehending its reality, charting its
occurrence elsewhere, and developing the correct strategies to deal with it
successfully.
This study therefore aims to:
1) Correctly define the armed territorial disputes of drug factions in
Rio de Janeiro;
2) Correctly define children working in an armed capacity for drug
factions in Rio de Janeiro;
3) Raise awareness of this situation at both the national and international
levels;
4) Propose some local solutions for successfully preventing the participation
of children in drug faction disputes and for the rehabilitation
of those already involved;
5) Propose some necessary steps for the international community to
recognise and address the problem;
6) Open the international debate regarding similar situations elsewhere
in the world, so that a cross-cultural criterion may be established and
the problem identified, and subsequently addressed, wherever else it is
occurring....
-
March 15, 2010
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
This report updates the topic of Iran’s Growing Relations with Latin America [page 5]. Over the past several years, U.S. officials and other observers have expressed concerns about
Iran’s increasing activities in Latin America, particularly under the government of President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. For example, in January 2009 congressional testimony, Secretary of
Defense Robert Gates maintained that he was concerned about the level of “subversive activity
that the Iranians are carrying on in a number of places in Latin America, particularly South
America and Central America.” There has been some contention, however, over the level and significance of Iran’s linkages with
the region. One view emphasizes that Iran’s relations with several Latin American leaders who
have employed strong anti-U.S. rhetoric and its past support for terrorist activities in the region
are reasons why its presence should be considered a potential destabilizing threat to the region.
Another school of thought emphasizes that Iran’s domestic politics and strategic orientation
toward the Middle East and Persian Gulf region will preclude the country from sustaining a focus
on Latin America. Adherents of this view assert that Iran’s promised aid and investment to Latin
America have not materialized. Some observers holding both of these views contend that while Iran’s activities in Latin America do not currently constitute a major threat to U.S. national
security, there is enough to be concerned about to keep a watchful eye on developments in case it
becomes a more serious threat. On October 27, 2009, the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on
the Western Hemisphere held a hearing on “Iran in the Western Hemisphere” that reflected these
range of views....
-
February 26, 2010
United States Government Office of the Director National Intelligence
Abstract:
We face nation states, terrorist networks, organized criminal groups, individuals, and other
cyber actors with varying combinations of access, technical sophistication and intent. Many
have the capabilities to target elements of the US information infrastructure for intelligence
collection, intellectual property theft, or disruption. Terrorist groups and their sympathizers have
expressed interest in using cyber means to target the United States and its citizens. Criminal
elements continue to show growing sophistication in their technical capability and targeting.
Today, cyber criminals operate a pervasive, mature on-line service economy in illicit cyber
capabilities and services, which are available to anyone willing to pay. Globally, widespread
cyber-facilitated bank and credit card fraud has serious implications for economic and financial systems and the national security, intelligence, and law enforcement communities charged with
protecting them....
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
December 8, 2009
Human Rights Watch
Abstract:
The Brazilian states of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo have been plagued for years by violent
crime, much of it carried out by illegal drug-trafficking gangs. In Rio, these heavily-armed
gangs effectively control hundreds of neighborhoods and are largely responsible for the
metropolitan region having one of the highest homicide rates in the hemisphere. In São
Paulo, despite an encouraging drop in the homicide rate over the past decade, gang violence
also continues to pose a major threat to public security. Reducing violent crime and containing these gangs represents a daunting and at times
dangerous challenge for the police forces. Too often, however, rather than curbing the
violence, police officers in both states have contributed to it through the unwarranted use of
lethal force.
In nearly all cases in Rio and São Paulo in which police have killed people while on duty, the
officers involved have reported the shootings as legitimate acts of self-defense, claiming
they shot only in response to gunfire from criminal suspects. In Brazil, these cases are
referred to as “resistance” killings. Given that police officers in both states do often face real
threats of violence from gang members, many of these “resistance” killings are likely the
result of the use of legitimate force by the police. Many others, however, are clearly not....
-
Search for all records in "Brazil"
-
Brunei
-
November 26, 2009
Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
The 63rd United Nations (UN) General Assembly is poised to debate Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon’s report on the operationalisation of the Responsibility to Protect (referred to as ‘R2P’
for the remainder of this report). It is expected that his report will be released and debated in
early 2009. Therefore, this is a good time to examine the position that Member States have
adopted on the R2P since its endorsement at the 2005 World Summit and policy issues
relating to its implementation through the UN. This report will focus on the Member States of
the Association for South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) with the exception of Myanmar, which
is currently on the UN Security Council’s agenda. It concentrates on their position on the
R2P and their policy priorities in areas related to implementing the principle through the UN.
The report identifies steps that might encourage the region’s governments to become more
positively engaged with the R2P principle....
-
August 26, 2008
Asian Development Bank Institute
Abstract:
This paper quantifies the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth in Asia for 1970–2004. Our panel estimations show that transnational terrorist attacks had a significant growth-limiting effect. Transnational terrorism reduces growth by crowding in government expenditures. An internal conflict has the greatest growth concern, about twice that of transnational terrorism. For developing Asian countries, intrastate and interstate wars have a much greater impact than terrorism does on the crowding-in of government spending.
Policy recommendations indicate the need for rich Asian countries to assist their poorer neighbors in coping with the negative growth consequences of political violence. Failure to assist may result in region-wide repercussions. Conflict and terrorism in one country can create production bottlenecks with region-wide economic consequences. International and nongovernmental organizations as well as developed Western countries and regions could assist at-risk Asian countries with attack prevention and post-attack recovery.
This study has six purposes. First, and foremost, we present panel estimates for a sample of 42 Asian countries to quantify the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth for 1970–2004. Panel estimation methods control for country-specific and timespecific unobserved heterogeneity. Second, we distinguish the influence of terrorism on economic growth from that of internal and external conflicts. Third, these influences are investigated for cohorts of developed and developing countries to ascertain whether development can better allow a country to absorb the impact of political violence. Fourth, econometric estimations relate violence-induced growth reductions to two pathways— reduced investment and increased government expenditures. Fifth, a host of diagnostic and sensitivity tests to support our empirical specifications. Last, we draw some policy conclusions....
-
August 17, 2005
Naval War College
Abstract:
This article discusses the threats to maritime security in Southeast Asia, describes the factors tending toward strengthened maritime security cooperation, and argues that networks of bilateral relationships may be more fruitful than purely multilateral arrangements. The first section, a historical overview of maritime cooperation in Southeast Asia from the end of the Cold War through December 2004, is followed by a survey of contemporary maritime security threats. The article then discusses five significant factors that now favor improved maritime cooperation. It concludes with the various forms that future cooperation might take and speculation as to which are mostly likely in light of evolving state interests and constraints.
...
-
April 9, 2005
Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies // Nanyang Technological University
Abstract:
At the beginning of 2005, Southeast Asian security cooperation is still regarded as inadequate to defend the region against maritime threats. However, structural, economic and normative factors are enabling greater cooperation in the post-9/11 "Age of Terror". This article opens with a brief outline of the history of Southeast Asian maritime security cooperation from 1990 to December 2004, and then discusses the various maritime threats faced by the region. It next describes five factors that are enabling greater maritime security cooperation in the Age of Terror. The potential application of those factors is assessed to anticipate the most likely forms of future regional cooperation. While cooperation will expand on many levels the most fruitful cooperation will result from improved networks of bilateral relationships. Information in this working paper will be of interest to those seeking to understand the cooperation and security dynamics of this important and intensely maritime region. It should be of specific interest to those policymakers seeking to improve international cooperation to combat Southeast Asian transnational maritime threats such as terrorism, piracy and smuggling....
-
February 7, 2005
Abstract:
Last October, at the Ninth Summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Bali, the leaders of the organization formally declared their aim of establishing a security community in Southeast Asia by the year 2020. The declaration serves as a bold statement of the ASEAN members' attempts to rejuvenate an institution at once plagued by internal paralysis and subject #to assault from the forces of Islamic radicalism. Hopes are high within ASEAN. As ASEAN Deputy Secretary-General Wilfrido Villacorta noted: "This security communityxe2x80xa6[will] strengthen national and regional capacity to counter terrorism, drug trafficking, trafficking in persons and transnational crime." This is not mere rhetoric. In early March this year, the ASEAN foreign ministers met in Vietnam's scenic Halong Bay to make headway on initiatives to build a security community. One idea under serious consideration is the establishment of an ASEAN peacekeeping force. An increasing number of scholars and the organization itself argue that ASEAN should strive to realize the goal of a forming a security community. ...
-
Search for all records in "Brunei"
-
Bulgaria
-
August 11, 2009
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Abstract:
Terrorism is not a new phenomenon, nor is it likely to disappear anytime soon. It is not the exclusive domain of any single religion or ideology, nor do all terrorists come from the same socioeconomic class or share the same mental pathologies.1 In part, the diversity within contemporary terrorism is what makes it so great a challenge. This report describes, in great detail, the state of terrorism in Western countries over the course of 2008.
Before turning to terrorism events in the West during 2008 and key developments within Western countries’ legal systems, we are going to pinpoint a few broad trends—a few currents that run through the various incidents and cases that follow. As this report will show, concerns about the contemporary connection between criminal activities and terrorism are clear in Bulgaria, a country rife with organized crime. An April 2008 parliamentary report charged that profits from the country’s drug trade were channeled to Middle Eastern terrorist groups....
-
June 3, 2009
Initiative for Peacebuilding // Partners for Democratic Change International
Abstract:
This Synthesis Report extracts the main findings from seven EU Member State case studies surveyed under
the Capacity-Building and Training Cluster of the Initiative for Peacebuilding (IfP). Case studies were conducted
in Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Greece, Poland, Portugal, Slovenia and Spain in order to assess these countries’
capacities to meet EU spending targets for official development assistance (ODA) and to analyse the position of
peacebuilding within national ODA policies. Each case study analysed country-specific ODA policies by focusing
on institutional mechanisms and key actors in managing and implementing ODA; the role and capacity of civil
society organisations in influencing planning, implementation, and evaluation of ODA; and public awareness of
and support for ODA.
This report finds that international development cooperation has received growing attention during the last
decade in all surveyed case-study countries. New EU Member States in particular are striving to adhere to
their international commitments by further refining their ODA policies; enhancing the institutional structures
for managing and implementing ODA; and increasing cooperation with and consultation of civil society
organisations....
-
December 10, 2008
International Centre for Migration Policy Development
Abstract:
A Survey and Analysis of Border Management and Border Apprehension Data from 20 States.
With a Special Survey on the Use of Counterfeit Documents.
Based on the contributions of the border services of 20 Central and Eastern European states, the 2006 Yearbook again provides its valuable overview and analysis of irregular migration trends in the region. Over the past ten years the annual Yearbook on Illegal Migration, Human Smuggling and Trafficking in Central and Eastern Europe has come to be regarded as an authoritative source of information on recent border trends and in particular on the phenomena of illegal migration, human smuggling and trafficking. The annual Yearbook covers the most recent trends in illegal migration and human smuggling in the region, including long-term trends in border apprehensions, shifts in source, transit and destination countries, demographic characteristics of irregular migrants, the relationship between legal and illegal border crossings, new developments in the methods of border crossings and document abuse and on removals of irregular migrants. In addition, this year’s edition for the first time features a Special Survey on the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes. This Survey is based on the contributions received from document specialists or Special Units dealing with document security in the countries under review and provides the first comprehensive overview and analysis of patterns and trends in the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes in Central and Eastern Europe....
-
September 23, 2008
South Eastern and Eastern Europe Clearinghouse for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons
Abstract:
Armed violence data gathering systems in SEE countries vary in quality and coverage of the population. No single
country embodies best practices by itself. In existing research, because of the lack of continuous monitoring,
data has sometimes been generated by research that attempts to recover information on armed violence
retrospectively. Different methods for doing this offer differing degrees of reliability; analysis of media reports
and perceptions surveys offer an important substitute for continuously gathered data, but are unreliable for a
number of reasons. Other studies have been obliged to recover data from past records, which were not designed
for storing data specifically on armed violence. In other cases, individual institutions have conducted their own
data gathering, and have supplied useful fragments of a comprehensive picture of the problem. The conclusion of this report offers a starting point for those SEE countries that wish to develop a system through
healthcare providers to monitor armed violence. Following the approach of the WHO to injury prevention, it would
be possible to build a system in each country that would adequately monitor the level of armed violence and
identify the social determinants of the problem. If regional countries wish to harmonise their data collection
systems, a collaborative consultation involving all stakeholders (particularly those operating the system, and
those wishing to use the resulting information) would be an appropriate next step....
-
September 8, 2008
Amnesty International
Abstract:
This bulletin contains information about Amnesty International’s main concerns in Europe and
Central Asia between July and December 2007. Not every country in the region is reported on; only
those where there were significant developments in the period covered by the bulletin, or where
Amnesty International (AI) took specific action.
A number of individual country reports have been issued on the concerns featured in this bulletin.
References to these are made under the relevant country entry. In addition, more detailed
information about particular incidents or concerns may be found in Urgent Actions and News
Service Items issued by AI.
This bulletin is published by AI every six months....
-
Search for all records in "Bulgaria"
-
Burkina Faso
-
December 9, 2009
Conflict, Security and Development // Routledge
Abstract:
In recent years, the potential security threat posed by climate change has caught the
world’s political imagination, generating a perceptible shift in the way that a growing
number of decision-makers in the North and the South are talking about the subject.
The African Union, in a January 2007 decision, expressed grave concern about the
vulnerability of Africa’s ‘socio-economic and productive systems to climate change and
variability and to the continent’s low mitigation and response capacities’. The European
Security Strategy predicts that climate change will aggravate competition for natural
resources, and likely increase conflict and migratory movements in various regions.
Meanwhile, climate change has become a core foreign policy priority of many
governments, including the new administration’s programme in the US, a move that is
rationalised, at least in part, by the security threat it presents. This paper explores the development of
conceptualisations of environment and security that influence current discussions over
the potential impacts of climate change on security. To illustrate, we devote particular
attention to the ways in which West Africa is vulnerable to the impacts of climate change,
and draw upon recent empirical evidence and climate change scenario planning research
from two West African countries: Ghana and Burkina Faso....
-
October 1, 2008
Danish Institute for International Studies
Abstract:
There is no frontier separating fragile states from the
global economy. The political instability and physical
insecurity of fragile states has not resulted in a lack of
interest from international companies. Rather, foreign
investment is predominately focused on the exploitation
of natural resources amidst the poor governance,
protracted poverty and violent conflict that characterize
these environments. Foreign investment
in the natural resources of fragile states has not only
dominated the formal economies of these countries, but
also provided the vast majority of their governments’
revenues. For instance, oil revenues in Sudan account
for over 60% of total government earnings. This combination
of foreign investment in malign economic and
political environments has resulted in international
companies having a resoundingly detrimental influence
in fragile states. They act as vehicles producing
value out of natural resources through the international
market place, often cementing the political power of
oppressive governments, exacerbating inequality, or
worse, intensifying and prolonging civil wars....
-
September 24, 2008
Institute for Security Studies // African Security Review
Abstract:
Over the past decades, the way we talk about climate change has evolved. Traditionally seen as an environmental and an energy issue, climate change is now also being cast as a threat to international peace and security. Analysts argue that climate change will exacerbate existing tensions and triggers new conflicts by redrawing the maps of water availability, food security, disease prevalence, coastal boundaries and population distribution.
The security implications of climate change have become the subject of unprecedented international attention; in 2007 the focus of a Security Council debate and the Nobel Peace prize. There have been some attempts to construct scenarios of the security implications of climate change at a global scale. But the country-level security impacts of climate change have been lost in the midst of the political rhetoric. Local experts in the subject countries are rarely consulted.
In this article for the September 2008 edition of the African Security Review, published quarterly by the Institute for Security Studies, Africa’s leading human security research institution, Oli Brown and Alec Crawford draw on their fieldwork in Ghana and Burkina Faso to see to what extent the links that have been hypothesized reflect a realistic future for two different countries in West Africa as the impacts of climate change gather pace.
KEY FINDINGS:
1. Ghana and Burkina Faso already face considerable development challenges from existing economic, population and environmental stresses.
2. Climate change is not new to West Africa. West Africa in general and the Sahelian region in particular are characterized by some of the most variable climates on the planet.
3. Future climate change will likely make many current development challenges more complex and urgent.
4. There are links between climate change and security in the region. However, there is little research that has managed to construct an empirical link between climate change and conflict in the region (or, for that matter, anywhere else).
5. Climate change could exacerbate existing, latent tensions in Ghana and Burkina Faso.
6. But only in the extreme scenarios does climate change begin to present a determining factor in future economic and political instability.
KEY RECOMMENDATION:
Adaptation needs to focus on the full range of development problems affecting countries. Adaptation to climate change clearly needs to be integrated within wider plans for development assistance, and the additional costs for that adaptation need to be funded with “new money” so as not to undercut development priorities elsewhere....
-
April 4, 2008
African Studies Quarterly
Abstract:
An analysis of the imagery on postage stamps suggests that regimes in Sudan and Burkina Faso have pursued very different strategies in representing the nation. Sudan’s stamps focus on the political center and dominant elite (current regime, Khartoum politicians, and Arab and Islamic identity) while Burkina Faso’s stamps focus on society (artists, multiple ethnic groups, and development). Sudan’s stamps build an image of the nation as being about the northern-dominated regime in Khartoum (whether military or parliamentary); Burkina Faso’s stamps project an image of the nation as multi-ethnic and development-oriented....
-
July 13, 2006
Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
Abstract:
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS/CEDEAO) is well known for its military intervention in Liberia and Sierra Leone. ECOWAS was created in 1975 to replace the Customs Union of West African States originally created in 1959 to redistribute customs duties collected by the coastal states of West Africa. The Treaty on the Economic Community of West African States was revised at the Cotonou Summit of July 1993 to replace the inexistent Tribunal originally envisioned with a Community Court of Justice....
-
Search for all records in "Burkina Faso"
-
Burundi
-
September 2, 2010
Institute for Security Studies // L'Institut d'Etudes de Sécurité
Abstract:
The Burundi peace process has essentially been completed. At the time of
writing this monograph (August 2009), the last rebel group to the conflict,
Parti pour la Liberation du Peuple Hutu – Forces Nationales de Libération
(PALIPEHUTU-FNL), had just begun its Disarmament, Demobilisation and
Reintegration (DDR) process and had been registered as a political party.
This monograph will focus on the role played by peacekeeping missions in
the Burundian peace process to ensure that agreements signed by parties to
the conflict were adhered to and implemented. The deployment of peacekeeping
missions went full circle and more. An African Union (AU) peace mission
followed by a United Nations (UN) mission replaced the initial South African
Protection Support Detachment (SAPSD). Because the peace process had not
yet been completed, and because of the return of the PALIPEHUTU-FNL to
Burundi, the UN Security Council (UNSC) approved the redeployment of an
AU mission to oversee the completion of the final phase by December 2008....
-
August 24, 2010
Amnesty International
Abstract:
Reports of torture committed by agents of Burundi’s National Intelligence Service (Service National de
Renseignement, SNR) decreased in recent years. This was a sign of remarkable progress in respecting
human rights for an intelligence service that often operates with little regard for the law.
However, for a two week period in late June and early July 2010, torture re-emerged as a practice by
Burundi’s intelligence service, a step backwards and a set-back in the respect and protection of human
rights in Burundi. Drawing on three weeks of field research conducted by Amnesty International
delegates in Burundi in July 2010, this briefing paper documents this re-emergence of torture.
From 23 June to 5 July 2010, human rights observers – including Amnesty International – documented
allegations of torture of 12 individuals, committed by the SNR. Those tortured were members of
opposition parties arrested on allegations of threatening state security in relation to a series of grenade
attacks. The SNR, in collaboration with the police, used physical and psychological torture to try to
extract information and force confessions....
-
August 11, 2010
Institute for Security Studies // L'Institut d'Etudes de Sécurité
Abstract:
The words of Rona Peligal, Africa director at Human Rights
Watch, could not be more true: ‘Burundi is at a dangerous
crossroads and clearly ill-intentioned people on both sides of
the political divide are seeking to exploit recent tensions. The
government should end unnecessary restrictions on basic
freedoms, and those fomenting violence should stop.’
With four out of five polls already done, so much seems to
have gone wrong with the much talked-about elections in
Burundi. The withdrawal of the opposition from the presidential
elections resulted in a decline in voter turnout. Of the 76.9
per cent of the population who voted, 90 per cent voted for
President Pierre Nkurunziza, thereby electing him to
another five-year term. The obvious point is that the current
ruling party will obtain a two-thirds majority in parliament
after these elections, which will transform the state from a
multiparty system to essentially one-party dominance, which
ultimately could have a highly detrimental effect on peace
and democracy in Burundi. This policy brief aims to discuss the current situation in
Burundi. Topics under consideration in this brief include:
reactions to the communal elections; how did we get here;
possible future scenarios, including a return to rebellion,
maintenance of the status quo, the gradual deterioration of
the political arena and renewed eruptions of (large-scale)
violence; and, lastly, considering what should be done in
terms of short-term engagement and long-term engagement....
-
July 19, 2010
Escola de Cultura de Pau // School for a Culture of Peace
Abstract:
A survey of the models of peace processes existing today
and in the immediate past will show how they are very
closely bound to the kinds of demands underlying each of
the conflicts. In other words, the underlying issue being
disputed is what determines the model of peace process. Following
this line of thought, we can distinguish between five
main models, namely reinsertion, power-sharing, exchange,
trust-building measures and self-governance. The first model, reinsertion, is the simplest, although
it is also not very frequent. It refers to cases in which the
armed group agrees to lay down its weapons in exchange
for facilities to help them reintegrate into society. The second model, one of the most frequent, which
involves political, economic and military power-sharing,
takes place when the armed groups seek to attain the power
to take over the political steering of a country and from
there run all the economic and military affairs. The third model is what we call exchange, in which
peace is achieved in exchange for something else. A fourth model of peace process, though not a common
one, is based on creating confidence-building measures. Finally, the fifth model involves achieving some kind
of self-governance in regions with demands for autonomy
or independence; this is called “intermediate political
architectures”....
-
May 31, 2010
Households in Conflict Network // Institute of Development Studies // University of Sussex
Abstract:
This paper challenges the idea that farmers revert to subsistence farming
when confronted with violence from civil war. While there is an emerging
macroeconomic consensus that wars are detrimental to development, we find
contrasting microeconomic evidence. Using several rounds of (panel) data at the farm
and community level, we find that farmers in Burundi who are confronted with civil
war violence in their home communities increase export and cash crop growing
activities, invest more in public goods and reveal higher levels subjective welfare
evaluations. We interpret this in the light of similar recent micro-level evidence that
points to post-traumatic growth effects after (civil) warfare. Our results are confirmed
across specifications as well as in robustness analyses....
-
Search for all records in "Burundi"
-
Cambodia
-
July 27, 2010
The Centre on Human Rights in Conflict // University of East London // Just and Durable Peace by Piece
Abstract:
Following
the
establishment
of
the
international
ad
hoc
tribunals,
the
International
Criminal
Tribunals
for
the
Former
Yugoslavia
and
Rwanda
(ICTY
and
ICTR
respectively),
a
new
model
of
justice
administration
emerged
at
the
end
of
the
1990s
through
the
development
of
hybrid
or
internationalised
courts.
Hybrid
tribunals
are
conceived
as
a
mixture
of
international
and
domestic
law
and
staff,
as
a
way
to
provide
the
necessary
resources
and
guarantees
for
justice
closer
to
those
whose
work
matters
to
most. This
paper
looks
at
the
two
most
recent
tribunals,
the
Extraordinary
Chambers
in
the
Courts
of
Cambodia
(ECCC)
and
the
War
Crimes
Chamber
in
the
State
Court
of
Bosnia
and
Herzegovina
(WCC)
and
examines
their
practice
related
to
the
expectations
that
hybrid
tribunals
have
raised
in
terms
of
peacebuilding.
Based
on
the
authors’
fieldwork
in
Bosnia
and
Herzegovina
and
Cambodia,
this
paper
focuses
particularly
on
the
tribunals’
impact
on
the
rebuilding
of
the
rule
of
law,
the
strengthening
of
public
institutions
in
the
countries
in
which
they
operate
and
the
perception
of
the
public
of
their
work.
It
considers
the
experience
of
the
tribunals
so
far,
problems
and
ongoing
challenges
in
order
to
draw
some
lessons
which
can
impact
both
their
future
work
and
other
potential
tribunals
in
post-‐conflict
settings....
-
July 27, 2010
International Center for Transitional Justice
Abstract:
On July 26 the Trial Chamber of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) handed down its decision in the case of Kaing Guek Eav, also known as "Duch.”
Duch is the first former official to be convicted by the ECCC for the mass atrocities of the Khmer Rouge regime, which governed Cambodia from 1975 to 1979.
Duch is the former director of S-21, the notorious detention and torture center also known as Tuol Sleng, at which more than 12,000 victims were tortured and killed.
The court’s decision comes 31 years after the end of the Khmer Rouge's rule during which an estimated 1.7 million Cambodians were executed or died from torture, starvation, disease or forced labor....
-
July 15, 2010
Open Society Justice Initiative // Open Society Initiative // Soros Foundation Network
Abstract:
This Open Society Justice Initiative report focuses on the judicial independence of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, and how political interference appears to be threatening the court's work.
Now, as the court completes its first case, prepares to try its second, and contemplates additional cases, it is essential to understand the extent to which the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) has succeeded in maintaining its independence.
This report begins with a brief exploration of the history of judicial independence in Cambodia and examines how the ECCC has struggled with its commitment to international fair trial standard in practice. It presents recommendations both to better safeguard independence at the ECCC and to inform the structure and performance of future international courts.
The Khmer Rouge Tribunal is charged with prosecuting senior leaders and those most responsible for mass crimes committed in Cambodia during the 1970s. Its unique structure as a court formally embedded in the Cambodian domestic system but with international participation at all levels is an experiment in the development of legal accountability for mass atrocities....
-
March 16, 2010
Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs // Princeton University
Abstract:
Managing elections in post-conflict settings has become one of the essential tasks of the international community over
the past twenty years. Yet this task is associated with numerous challenges, many of which are still unfolding. This report
is a comparative study of three countries which will all hold elections in 2008 or 2009, but which are at very different
points on their post-conflict trajectories: Cambodia, Rwanda and Sudan. The selection of these countries for detailed
case study treatment makes it possible to explore both how electoral challenges have changed over time within countries
and how they compare across countries.
In particular the report seeks to address three important research questions concerning states that are emerging from a
period of conflict and instability:
• What constitutes a “good enough” election?
• How does the meaning of “good enough” change as countries move further along their post-conflict trajectory?
• What does that imply about how the international community should engage in electoral processes?...
-
March 12, 2010
International Center for Transnational Justice // Social Science Research Council
Abstract:
Over the past twenty years, international donors have invested in large-scale disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) programs. In the same period, there has been a proliferation of transitional justice measures to help render truth, justice, and reparations in the aftermath of state violence and civil war. Yet DDR programs are seldom analyzed to consider justice-related aims; and transitional justice mechanisms rarely articulate strategies for coordinating with DDR. Disarming the Past: Transitional Justice and Ex-combatants examines how these two types of initiatives have connected — or failed to connect — in peacebuilding contexts, and begins to articulate how future DDR programs ought to link with transitional justice aims. This book includes: Introduction: Linking DDR and Transitional Justice, by Lars Waldorf; Chapter 1: Amnesties and DDR Programs, by Mark Freeman; Chapter 2: Beyond “Peace vs. Justice”: Understanding the Relationship Between DDR Programs and the Prosecution of International Crimes, by Eric Witte; Chapter 3: Ex-Combatants and Truth Commissions, by Lars Waldorf; Chapter 4: Establishing Links Between DDR and Reparations, by Pablo de Greiff; Chapter 5: Transitional Justice and Female Ex-Combatants: Lessons Learned from International Experience, by Luisa Maria Dietrich Ortega; Chapter 6: DDR, Transitional Justice, and the Reintegration of Former Child Combatants, by Roger Duthie and Irma Specht; Chapter 7: Local Justice and Reintegration Processes as Complements to Transitional Justice and DDR, by Roger Duthie; and Chapter 8: Transitional Justice, DDR, and Security Sector Reform, by Ana Cutter Patel....
-
Search for all records in "Cambodia"
-
Cameroon
-
July 28, 2010
African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Abstract:
This paper sketches a conceptual framework of international conflict dynamics
and resolution, examines the geopolitics of the Bakassi dispute between Nigeria
and Cameroon, and outlines socio-economic implications of its peaceful
settlement. Neglect and subsequent discovery of oil deposits subjected the
Bakassi Peninsula to claims and counter-claims for sovereignty, military
occupation and recourse to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). The ICJ’s
ruling in 2002 in favour of Cameroon, although based on sound historical
evidence, faced implementation difficulties. However, following mediation by
the United Nations (UN) Secretary-General, good faith by protagonists, the
Green-tree Agreement and subsequent instruments, Nigeria completed the
withdrawal of its military, police and administration from the Bakassi Peninsula
by 14 August 2008. Putting aside disruptive activities by social movements,
the entire process could be viewed as a model in peaceful resolution of border
conflicts. Implications of the settlement anchor on expenditure-reducing
and expenditure-switching effects, wealth-generating effects, and enhanced cross-border activities. Infrastructural developments and effective presence are
considered essential elements in border management policies....
-
May 25, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Cameroon’s apparent stability in a turbulent region cannot be taken for granted. The co-option of elites through the distribution of state largesse, and the emigration of many educated young people provide a certain safety valve for tensions, but the failure of reform and continued poor governance mean people no longer believe in the rule of law or peaceful political change. Multiple risks of conflict exist in the build-up to presidential elections in 2011 and beyond. This background report, Crisis Group’s first on Cameroon, analyses the historical roots of the current impasse.
Cameroon’s history shows a pattern of apparent stability followed by violent crisis. Today, the nation-building project has become frayed, as the economy has stagnated, and unemployment and inequality have risen. The economy is weighed down by corruption and inertia, and the population sees very little from what economic growth there has been, mainly through exploitation of natural resources. While potential organising forces are weak and dissipated, popular anger is high.
The regime retains its old conservative reflexes, but the experiences and expectations of a youthful population have moved on. The political opposition is weakened by internal fractures and an erosion of democratic space, leaving few channels to express legitimate discontent. The explosion of anger in February 2008, stimulated by Biya’s decision to alter the constitution to seek a further term in office, showed the dangers of this situation.
Cameroon has many features of other countries which have fallen into conflict, including highly centralised and personalised leadership, political manipulation of ethnic tensions and very widespread corruption....
-
May 8, 2009
Freedom House // United Nations Watch
Abstract:
On May 12, 2009, the UN General Assembly will elect 18 new Human Rights Council members. Twenty countries are candidates. However, each is not competing against all of the others, but rather only against the ones from the same UN regional group. In this year’s election, all but two regional groups have submitted the same amount of candidates as available seats. The Asian Group has 5 countries vying for 5 available seats, the Latin American and Caribbean Group (―GRULAC‖) has 3 countries vying for 3 available seats, and the Western European and Others Group (―WEOG‖) has 3 countries vying for 3 available seats. This does not mean that the candidate countries for these groups will automatically be elected; in order to become a Council member, a country must receive the votes of at least 97 of the 192 General Assembly member states (an absolute majority). Competition between the candidates exists only in the African Group, where 6 countries are vying for 5 available seats, and in the Eastern European Group, where 3 countries are vying for 2 available seats....
-
January 29, 2009
Amnesty International
Abstract:
For more than 10 years, Amnesty International has received reports of human rights
violations that were ordered, condoned or perpetrated by the Cameroonian authorities
in contravention of their national and international human rights obligations. These
violations include: arbitrary arrests and unlawful detentions; extrajudicial executions;
threats against and ill-treatment of human rights defenders and journalists; denial of
the rights to freedom of expression and association; harsh prison conditions; torture
and other forms of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment; failure to protect the
human rights of women and girls; and persecution of men and women on the grounds
of their actual or imputed sexual orientation. This report provides examples of these
violations, for which the perpetrators have enjoyed almost total impunity. Amnesty
International is also concerned that, despite a global trend towards abolition of the
death penalty, the Cameroonian government continues to impose death sentences. This report is not an exhaustive account of human rights violations that have
occurred in Cameroon, and it covers only those parts of the country where Amnesty
International has trusted contacts. This is merely a snapshot of the human rights
situation in Cameroon over the past five years. Amnesty International is publishing this report in order to inform the
international community of its human rights concerns in Cameroon and the continuing
failure of the government to protect ordinary people from human rights abuses. The
report also seeks to appeal to the Cameroonian authorities to take all necessary
political and legal measures, as well as to provide resources to promote and protect
human rights, including by bringing an end to the widespread and persistent impunity
enjoyed by the security forces and government officials....
-
January 29, 2009
Amnesty International
Abstract:
Depuis plus de dix ans, Amnesty International reçoit des informations faisant état de
violations des droits humains ordonnées, cautionnées ou perpétrées par les autorités
camerounaises au mépris de leurs obligations nationales et internationales en matière
de droits humains. Ces violations sont très diverses : arrestations arbitraires et
détentions illégales ; exécutions extrajudiciaires ; menaces et mauvais traitements
visant des défenseurs des droits humains et des journalistes ; privation des droits à la
liberté d’expression et d’association ; conditions carcérales pénibles ; torture et autres
formes de traitement cruel, inhumain ou dégradant ; absence de protection des droits
humains des femmes et des fillettes ; et persécution d’hommes et de femmes en raison
de leur orientation sexuelle réelle ou présumée. Vous trouverez dans le présent rapport
des exemples de ces violations, dont les auteurs ont bénéficié d’une impunité quasi
totale. Amnesty International est également préoccupée par le fait que le
gouvernement camerounais continue à prononcer des sentences capitales, malgré la
tendance mondiale à l’abolition de la peine de mort. Amnesty International publie le présent rapport dans le but d’informer la
communauté internationale des inquiétudes que lui inspirent la situation des droits
humains au Cameroun et l’inaction permanente du gouvernement en matière de
protection de la population contre les atteintes aux droits humains. Elle lance
également un appel aux autorités camerounaises, et leur demande de prendre toutes
les mesures politiques, juridiques et financières nécessaires pour promouvoir et
protéger les droits humains, y compris en mettant un terme à l’impunité généralisée et
persistante dont jouissent les forces de sécurité et les représentants du gouvernement....
-
Search for all records in "Cameroon"
-
Canada
-
August 24, 2010
United States Naval War College // Naval War College Review
Abstract:
Canada’s naval response to Somali piracy has been a mixed affair.On the positive
side, in recent years the CanadianNavy has successfully dedicated a significant
level of resources to countering Somali piracy: the destroyer HMCS
Iroquois, the frigatesHMCS Calgary, Ville de Québec,Winnipeg, and Fredericton,
and the oiler HMCS Protecteur. Collectively, these vessels operated effectively
alongside the ships of several other navies, especially those of the U.S.Navy, that
together form the various international flotillas confronting Somali pirates. The
Canadian Navy’s level of involvement has been no mean task, because of the
great distances involved, its limited number of surface combatants, and its other
responsibilities.
On the negative side, the effective handling of Somali pirates has been an
ephemeral and problematic task. Despite the international naval presence, the
incidence of Somali piracy has increased. In light of the counterpiracy mission’s prominence
for Canada and the limited effect navies have had so
far, a call by the United States for international commercial shippers to rely upon private security companies (PSCs) demands
attention. What, therefore, are the call’s implications in terms of future Canadian activism
and the overall effectiveness of countering Somali piracy?...
-
July 8, 2010
Strategic Studies Institute // United States Army War College
Abstract:
Domestic public opinion is frequently and correctly described as a crucial battlefront in the war in Afghanistan. Commentary by media and political figures currently notes not only the falling support for the war in the United States but also in many of its key allies in Europe and elsewhere, making it all the more difficult for the Obama administration to secure the help it believes it needs to bring the war to a successful conclusion. This study is an extensive examination of the determinants of domestic support for and opposition to the war in Afghanistan in the United States and in five of its key allies--the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Canada, and Australia. Tracing the trajectory of public opinion on the war from the original invasion in 2001 to the fall of 2009, this paper concludes that the combination of mounting casualties with a declining belief that the war could be won by the Coalition is the key factor driving the drop in support. Other factors, such as the deployment of numerous and shifting rationales by the political leadership in various countries, and the breakdown of elite consensus have played important but secondary roles in this process....
-
June 14, 2010
Government of Canada
Abstract:
In accordance with the motion passed by the House of Commons on March 13, 2008, we are
honoured to place before Parliament this eighth quarterly report on Canada’s engagement in
Afghanistan. This report addresses the period from January 1 to March 31, 2010. In December 2009, U.S. President Barack Obama announced that a major surge of U.S. military
and civilian personnel would take place in Afghanistan throughout 2010. Canada welcomes this
commitment from our largest coalition partner. This quarterly report describes the impact of the
U.S. surge on Canada’s engagement in Afghanistan, focusing in particular on those opportunities
and challenges that arise as the international community collaboratively endeavours to build an
environment of stability and sustainability in Afghan security, governance and development.
It is evident that, in this quarter, Afghanistan’s political environment remained unsettled. We are
hopeful that President Hamid Karzai will stand by the important commitments made at the
London Conference of January 28, and take measures to strengthen the credibility of the 2010
parliamentary elections, while addressing ongoing concerns about corruption.
One of Canada’s key priorities in Afghanistan is to enable the Afghan National Security Forces
(ANSF) in Kandahar to sustain a more secure environment, and promote law and order.
Discussions during the March 29-30 meeting of G8 foreign ministers focused in part on security
issues at the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. In April, Canada announced that up to 90 additional
Canadian Forces personnel will be deployed to Afghanistan to support ANSF training, further
enhancing Afghan capacity to assume responsibility for their own security as Canada prepares
for the drawdown of our military mission in 2011....
-
May 11, 2010
Human Rights Watch
Abstract:
Mr. Chairman, Members of the Committee, thank you for giving me the opportunity to testify. Monsieur le President, membres du comité, merci de m'avoir donnée l'occasion de témoigner. It means a great deal to me to be before this body as both a concerned member of the human rights community, and as a Canadian. Based on first-hand interviews with former detainees and their family members, as well as on information provided by Afghan nongovernmental organizations and other international organizations working on human rights, Human Rights Watch has developed a good understanding of the problem of detainee abuse in Afghanistan. We are particularly concerned about the torture and other ill-treatment of detainees by the National Directorate of Security (NDS)-the Afghan intelligence service that most frequently takes custody of persons captured by NATO forces.
As discussed below, the transfer of detainees by Canadian forces to the NDS, even under memoranda of understanding that include diplomatic assurances, violates Canada's obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law....
-
April 28, 2010
RAND Corporation
Abstract:
The Netherlands Ministry of Defence (NL MOD) commissioned RAND Europe to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the Netherlands armed forces, asking RAND to focus on recent deployments of the Netherlands armed forces relative to the deployments of other countries' armed forces. This study is therefore not a root and branch consideration of the Netherlands armed forces, but a comparative study of several different armed forces to illustrate contrasts and similarities with those of the Netherlands. This study was conducted within the context of the NL MOD's Future Policy Survey, which is a review of the Netherlands' future defence ambition, required capabilities and associated levels of defence expenditure. The Future Policy Survey was delivered to the Netherlands Parliament in April 2010. The overarching aim of the Dutch Future Policy Survey is to provide greater insight into how to exploit and enhance the potential contribution of the Netherlands armed forces....
-
Search for all records in "Canada"
-
Cape Verde
-
September 11, 2008
World Politics Review
Abstract:
Stepped up U.S. drug enforcement and interdiction in Latin America, coupled with a falling dollar and a surging demand for cocaine on the streets of Europe, is leading to political and economic chaos across West Africa, where international narco-traffickers have established their most recent, and lucrative, staging grounds. In fact, the drug trade is fast turning large parts of the region into areas that are all but ungovernable -- with major implications for international security. "The former Gold Coast is turning into the Coke Coast," said a 2008 report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). "The problem is so severe that it is threatening to bring about the collapse of some West African states where weak and corrupt governments are vulnerable to the corrosive influence of drug money."
Though hardly alone in West Africa, Guinea-Bissau, the world's fifth poorest country, with a population of 1.5 million, has for all intents and purposes become the textbook example of the African "narco-state." Due to its relative proximity to South America, its hundreds of miles of unpatrolled coastline, islands and islets, along with the fact that Portuguese is its lingua franca, Guinea-Bissau has been increasingly targeted by South American drug lords as a preferred traffic hub for European-bound cocaine, according to the UNODC. What's more, as citizens of a former Portuguese colony, Guineans do not need visas to enter that EU country, further facilitating the movement of drugs.
Authorities there can do precious little about it. "Guinea-Bissau has lost control of its territory and cannot administer justice," declared Antonio Maria Costa, the UNODC executive director, in a statement before the U.N. Security Council in December. "There is a permeability of judicial systems and a corruptibility of institutions in West Africa," he added. "Guinea-Bissau is under siege. Literally under siege." Guinea-Bissau enjoys plenty of company among its neighbors: To varying degrees, Ghana, Senegal, Nigeria, Cape Verde, Guinea-Conakry, Togo, Benin, Senegal, South Africa, and other West African and sub-Saharan states (including already-challenged states like Sierra Leone, the Ivory Coast and Liberia) are all beginning to feel the long reach of cocaine smuggling....
-
July 13, 2006
Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
Abstract:
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS/CEDEAO) is well known for its military intervention in Liberia and Sierra Leone. ECOWAS was created in 1975 to replace the Customs Union of West African States originally created in 1959 to redistribute customs duties collected by the coastal states of West Africa. The Treaty on the Economic Community of West African States was revised at the Cotonou Summit of July 1993 to replace the inexistent Tribunal originally envisioned with a Community Court of Justice....
-
June 1, 2006
Sciences Po // Center For Peace And Human Security
Abstract:
Situated in between Ghana and Benin, with a coastline of no more than 56km, Togo is one of Africa's smallest countries. However, what has habitually been a little talked about West African nation holds a long history of political unrest and has recently entered into a phase of instability in the beginning of 2005. Civil society members and organizations are now regrouped in the WANEP network, (West African Network for Peacebuilding) in a joint effort to set a national agenda toward reconciliation, peace and security and lead the way in facing Togo's unprecedented public health, development and education challenges....
-
June 1, 2006
Energy Information Administration
Abstract:
Regional leaders created the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) on May 28, 1975 in Lagos, Nigeria. ECOWAS is comprised of 15 countries, which include: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote d'Ivoire , The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria , Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo. The leaders established ECOWAS to promote regional integration and economic growth in West Africa, as well as to create a monetary union in the region. However, ECOWAS has encountered problems in the process of regional integration including: political instability and lack of good governance that has plagued many member countries, the insufficient diversification of national economies, the absence of reliable infrastructure, and the multiplicity of organizations for regional integration with the same objectives....
-
April 3, 2006
United Nations // United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
Abstract:
Trafficking in Persons has become a major concern for all countries of Western Africa.
The Meeting of ECOWAS Heads of States, in December 2001, adopted a Declaration
and the ECOWAS Plan of Action against Trafficking in Persons (2002-2003). It
directed the ECOWAS Executive Secretariat to prepare proposals for controlling trafficking
in persons in the sub-region, with special consideration to the situation of trafficked
children.
The UNODC project FS/RAF/04/R60 on the "Assistance for the Implementation of the
ECOWAS Plan of Action against Trafficking in Persons" will strengthen the capacity of
the ECOWAS Secretariat and its Member States in implementing the ECOWAS Plan of
Action, particularly as it relates to assessment of existing national legislation and the
drafting of new legislation in response to the United Nations Protocol to Prevent,
Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children.
This Manual presents the definitions of trafficking in human beings and smuggling of
migrants as well as general guidelines on investigation and prosecution of cases related to
trafficking in human beings, with a focus on cooperation between ECOWAS Member
States. This Manual is to be used as reference material and in training activities under
the project....
-
Search for all records in "Cape Verde"
-
Caribbean
-
June 9, 2010
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The Security Council today authorized the deployment of additional police officers to serve with the United Nations peacekeeping force in Haiti as part of efforts to help boost the capacity of the country’s national police to deal with the myriad challenges in the wake of January’s catastrophic earthquake.
The deployment of 680 further officers as a result of today’s Council resolution will bring the total number of UN Police (UNPOL) serving with the UN mission, which is known as MINUSTAH, to 4,391.
Just one week after the devastating quake struck Haiti on 12 January, the Council backed Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s call for additional troops, adding 2,000 military personnel and 15,000 UNPOL.
More than 200,000 people were killed in the magnitude-7.0 earthquake, which left 1.3 million more homeless and destroyed countless buildings, including Government facilities, hospitals and schools.
In today’s resolution, the Council said it recognized “the need for MINUSTAH to assist the Government of Haiti in providing adequate protection of the population, with particular attention to the needs of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and other vulnerable groups, especially women in children.”...
-
May 10, 2010
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
Drug trafficking is viewed as a primary threat to citizen security and U.S. interests in Latin
America and the Caribbean despite decades of anti-drug efforts by the United States and partner
governments. The production and trafficking of popular illicit drugs—cocaine, marijuana,
opiates, and methamphetamine—generates a multi-billion dollar black market in which Latin
American criminal and terrorist organizations thrive. These groups challenge state authority in
source and transit countries where governments are often fragile and easily corrupted. Mexican
drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) largely control the U.S. illicit drug market and have been
identified by the U.S. Department of Justice as the “greatest organized crime threat to the United
States.” Drug trafficking-related crime and violence in the region has escalated in recent years,
raising the drug issue to the forefront of U.S. foreign policy concerns....
-
April 28, 2010
RAND Corporation
Abstract:
The Netherlands Ministry of Defence (NL MOD) commissioned RAND Europe to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the Netherlands armed forces, asking RAND to focus on recent deployments of the Netherlands armed forces relative to the deployments of other countries' armed forces. This study is therefore not a root and branch consideration of the Netherlands armed forces, but a comparative study of several different armed forces to illustrate contrasts and similarities with those of the Netherlands. This study was conducted within the context of the NL MOD's Future Policy Survey, which is a review of the Netherlands' future defence ambition, required capabilities and associated levels of defence expenditure. The Future Policy Survey was delivered to the Netherlands Parliament in April 2010. The overarching aim of the Dutch Future Policy Survey is to provide greater insight into how to exploit and enhance the potential contribution of the Netherlands armed forces....
-
April 27, 2010
International Committee of the Red Cross // Ipsos-Reid
Abstract:
This research was undertaken in eight countries that were experiencing or had experienced armed conflict or other situations of armed violence. These were: Afghanistan; Colombia; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC); Georgia; Haiti; Lebanon; Liberia; and the Philippines. The aim was to develop a better understanding of people’s needs and expectations, to gather views and opinions, and to give a voice to those who had been adversely affected by armed conflict and other situations of armed violence. This research was commissioned by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) within the framework of the Our world. Your move. campaign. Launched in 2009, the campaign’s goal was to draw public attention to the vulnerability and ongoing suffering of people around the world. The intention was to emphasize the importance of humanitarian action and to convince individuals that they had the ability to make a difference and reduce suffering. This report encompasses two types of research: an opinion survey and in-depth research....
-
April 23, 2010
Security Sector Reform Monitor // Centre for International Governance Innovation
Abstract:
On January 12, 2010, Haiti experienced a magnitude-seven earthquake that leveled
much of the capital, Port-au-Prince, and left more than 200,000 people dead. The
natural disaster was a cruel and devastating blow not only because of the immediate
suffering that it caused, but because Haiti had seemed to turn a corner in political,
economic and security terms. Even the 2009 hurricane season did not have an overly
harsh impact on Haiti. The country did experience regular flooding in the peri-urban
zones of the capital and slums surrounding medium size cities, but not the large-scale
damage wrought by the 2008 hurricane season. The 2008 hurricane season coincided with a new prime minister taking office, who after one year had stabilized the office and facilitated renewed international interest and support (Staboek News, 2009). This boost in interest and investment can also be attributed to the appointment of former US president Bill Clinton as UN special envoy for Haiti. The efficiency of the process by which Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive was
selected, the coherence of the government’s political plan (Déclaration de Politique
Générale) and the endorsement of the ministerial cabinet demonstrates that the
President had anticipated and prepared for the political shift (Roc, 2009). The
high profile of President Préval’s prime ministerial choice, a man who piloted
the DSNCRP1 for several years and who has served all administrations over the past 15, made the acceptance of his nomination easy.
Tensions between former Prime Minister Pierre-Louis and
President Préval were well known and the subject of many
rumors. Nonetheless, the swift replacement of the Prime
Minister created political waves to which the international
community had to adapt quickly....
-
Search for all records in "Caribbean"
-
Cayman Islands
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
October 4, 2004
British Broadcasting Corporation
Abstract:
One of the world's largest financial centres and a well-known tax haven, this British Overseas Territory in the Caribbean has more registered businesses than it has people.
-
Search for all records in "Cayman Islands"
-
Central Africa
-
September 2, 2010
Institute for Security Studies // L'Institut d'Etudes de Sécurité
Abstract:
The Burundi peace process has essentially been completed. At the time of
writing this monograph (August 2009), the last rebel group to the conflict,
Parti pour la Liberation du Peuple Hutu – Forces Nationales de Libération
(PALIPEHUTU-FNL), had just begun its Disarmament, Demobilisation and
Reintegration (DDR) process and had been registered as a political party.
This monograph will focus on the role played by peacekeeping missions in
the Burundian peace process to ensure that agreements signed by parties to
the conflict were adhered to and implemented. The deployment of peacekeeping
missions went full circle and more. An African Union (AU) peace mission
followed by a United Nations (UN) mission replaced the initial South African
Protection Support Detachment (SAPSD). Because the peace process had not
yet been completed, and because of the return of the PALIPEHUTU-FNL to
Burundi, the UN Security Council (UNSC) approved the redeployment of an
AU mission to oversee the completion of the final phase by December 2008....
-
September 1, 2010
Amnesty International
Abstract:
Rwanda’s laws on “genocide ideology” and “sectarianism”, more commonly known
as “divisionism”, were introduced in the decade following the 1994 Rwandan
genocide. Up to 800,000 Rwandans were killed during the 1994 genocide, most of
them ethnic Tutsi, but also some Hutu who opposed this organized killing and the
forces that directed it. Aware of the role that hate speech1 and the infamous hate
radio Radio Télévision Libre des Milles Collines (RTLM) played in inciting genocidal
participation,2 the post-genocide government led by the Rwandan Patriotic Front
(RPF) enacted laws to encourage unity and restrict speech that could promote
hatred.
Following six years of extensive reforms to the conventional justice system, the
Rwandan government announced a review of the “genocide ideology” law in April
2010. Amnesty International welcomes this government initiative. This report
identifies Amnesty International’s concerns about the current legislation and its
application in light of the Rwandan government’s review process. This report is based on numerous interviews conducted by Amnesty International
staff in Rwanda in September and November 2009 and March 2010. They
conducted interviews in Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, as well as in the provinces.
Interviews were in English, French or Kinyarwanda with French translation. Some
individuals were interviewed on more than one occasion. This report is not intended to be a comprehensive overview of all “genocide
ideology” and “sectarianism” cases, convictions and acquittals. Instead, our
research documents problematic trends in how these laws have been applied....
-
August 24, 2010
Amnesty International
Abstract:
Reports of torture committed by agents of Burundi’s National Intelligence Service (Service National de
Renseignement, SNR) decreased in recent years. This was a sign of remarkable progress in respecting
human rights for an intelligence service that often operates with little regard for the law.
However, for a two week period in late June and early July 2010, torture re-emerged as a practice by
Burundi’s intelligence service, a step backwards and a set-back in the respect and protection of human
rights in Burundi. Drawing on three weeks of field research conducted by Amnesty International
delegates in Burundi in July 2010, this briefing paper documents this re-emergence of torture.
From 23 June to 5 July 2010, human rights observers – including Amnesty International – documented
allegations of torture of 12 individuals, committed by the SNR. Those tortured were members of
opposition parties arrested on allegations of threatening state security in relation to a series of grenade
attacks. The SNR, in collaboration with the police, used physical and psychological torture to try to
extract information and force confessions....
-
August 20, 2010
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development // Development Co-operation Directorate
Abstract:
In recent years, there has been increased interest in understanding how donor interventions in situations of fragility and conflict can contribute tot he processes of statebuilding. While external actors cannot determine the outcome of those processes, they can target their assistance to support positive statebuilding dynamics. Donors must ensure that they "do no harm" and consider both the intended and unintended consequences of their interventions. This publication fills an important knowledge gap by addressing two fundamental questions: what are the negative impacts that donor interventions can have on statebuilding; and what measures should donors adopt to avoid negative impacts on statebuilding processes? Do No Harm argues that the challenges of statebuilding are such that donors must develop a sophisticated understanding of political processes, patterns of state-society relations and sources of legitimacy in the countries where they are oeprating. Based on an extensive literature review and on six country case-studies (Afghanistan, Bolivia, the Democratic Republic of Congo [DRC], Nepal, Rwanda and Sierra Leon), Do No Harm offers a valuable addition to our knowledge on statebuilding in situations of fragility and conflict....
-
August 20, 2010
London School of Economics // PricewaterhouseCoopers LLP // Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
Abstract:
Rwanda, one of Africa’s poorest and most backward countries in terms of economic development, is in a
process of rapid and radical change. The political settlement underpinning the state in Rwanda was
forged in the wake of a civil war and one of the 20th Century’s most brutal genocides. The government
that came to power was born in an armed movement forged among exiles in Rwanda’s neighbouring
countries whose families had been forced to flee dictatorship and systematic racist persecution. Statebuilding
in Rwanda since 1994 has been a matter of national survival and those involved, whether from
the state, from a nascent civil society or from the donor community have a strong sense of the urgency to
succeed. Accomplishments in just fifteen years have been impressive and there is much that the rest of
the world has to learn from Rwanda’s experience so far.
This report forms one of six country case studies undertaken to examine the impact donors may be
having on state-building processes in fragile states and situations. The study seeks to identify positive
and negative practices of the donor community in relation to five central dimensions of state-building: the
political processes that underpin state-building; the relations between state and society; the problem of
building state legitimacy; social expectations of the state; and the capacities of states to perform their
basic functions, considered in our study as providing security, establishing the rule of law and access to
justice, taxation, the management of economic development and the delivery of essential services....
-
Search for all records in "Central Africa"
-
Central African Republic
-
August 11, 2010
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution
1923 (2010) of 25 May 2010, by which the Council extended the mandate of the
United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT)
until 31 December 2010 and requested that the Secretary-General keep the Council
regularly informed of progress in the implementation of the Mission’s mandate. The
present report provides an update on, inter alia, the security and humanitarian
situation in eastern Chad and the north-eastern Central African Republic. The security situation in eastern Chad continues to be unpredictable, largely
owing to criminal activities and banditry, including carjacking and armed robbery.
The average number of security incidents per month has not changed significantly
since the last reporting period, with 15 and 27 incidents in May and June
respectively. The general security environment in the MINURCAT area of operations in the
north-eastern Central African Republic (Vakaga and Haute-Kotto regions) remained
volatile, mainly owing to ethnic conflict and the presence of militias. Four
international non-governmental organizations are still operating in this area, mainly
out of Birao....
-
August 10, 2010
Enough Project
Abstract:
Groups from the Lord’s Resistance Army continue to attack civilians throughout central
Africa. Attacks against civilians in a remote corner of Bas Uele district in northeastern
Democratic Republic of the Congo go largely unnoticed. Unlike most areas where the
LRA operates, attacks in northern Bas Uele are intended to empty the area—of strategic
importance to the LRA’s cross-border movement to the Central African Republic, or
CAR—of civilians. The lack of a meaningful military force to challenge the LRA has
turned the northern region of Bas Uele into a veritable haven for the brutal rebel group. The entire region of Bas Uele has been targeted by the LRA for the last 15 months.
Enough documented 51 separate attacks and 105 deaths caused by the LRA in Bas Uele
through April 2010. This brings the total number of people killed by the LRA in Congo
since December 2008 to nearly 2,500. LRA fighters have used Bas Uele as an important base and transit point to CAR where
the majority of LRA fighters and commanders have been based in recent months. LRA
violence in Bas Uele is intended to depopulate the area north of Ango and south of the
CAR border....
-
August 4, 2010
Human Rights Center // University of California, Berkeley
Abstract:
Decades of political instability, state fragility, mismanagement, and a series of armed conflicts have led the Central African Republic (CAR) to a state of widespread violence and poverty. This study provides a better understanding of the scope and magnitude of violence in CAR and its consequences, as well as a snapshot of what the citizens of CAR believe is the best way to restore peace. It also examines the issue of justice and accountability for the serious crimes that were committed.
This report provides the findings from a survey of 1,879 adults, residents of CAR, randomly selected in the capital city of Bangui, and the prefectures of Lobaye, Ombella M’Poko, Ouham, and Ouham Pende. These prefectures represent a large geographic area that account for 52% of the total population of CAR and have experienced varying levels of exposure to the conflicts. Locally trained teams conducted the interviews between November and December 2009.
This report provides a detailed analysis of results on a wide range of topics related to population’s priorities and needs, exposure to violence, security, community cohesion and engagement, access to information, conflict resolution, reintegration of former combatants, transitional justice, and reparations for victims. Interviewers used an open-ended format and respondents could provide more than one answer to most questions....
-
June 25, 2010
Enough Project
Abstract:
The Lord’s Resistance Army, or LRA, has been ruthlessly attacking civilians in the
Central African Republic, or CAR, since February 2008. Attacks continued unabated
in the country’s isolated southeastern Haut Mbomou and Mbomou prefectures, and
surged during the first three months of 2010. Despite this deadly track record, LRA
violence in CAR, one of the world’s poorest countries, has been badly under-reported
and gone largely unnoticed. This report, which is based on extensive interviews with
eyewitnesses gathered during field research in LRA-affected regions, describes in detail
the LRA’s reign of terror in CAR over the past two years. The report illuminates the casual brutality of the LRA in considerable detail, including
the terrible toll the militia continues to inflict on civilians in a largely forgotten corner
of Africa. These incidents make a compelling case that the international community
continues to do too little too late to end the scourge of the LRA. This research underscores two other key points: • Joseph Kony and other senior LRA leaders were nearly within the grasp of the
Ugandan People’s Defense Force, or UPDF, last year and could very likely have been
apprehended if the United States and other members of the international community
had provided more effective assistance in the form of intelligence sharing and key
logistical and operational support for military operations.
• There is a genuine risk of the LRA being able to regroup over time in CAR despite
some key losses because of that country’s general lack of internal security and the relative
absence of international attention to the situation in CAR....
-
May 26, 2010
ReliefWeb
Abstract:
14 May 2010 - Reports of a dramatic rise in the frequency and brutality of attacks by the rebel Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) from Uganda against civilians in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo), Sudan and the Central African Republic.
Central African Republic - Between March 20 and May 6, 2010, thirty six people were killed and 10,000 displaced by 10 LRA raids on villages in Haut-Mbormou.
DR Congo - Since December 2008, the LRA have killed more than 1,800 people, abducted 2,500 and displaced 280,000 in Bas-Uélé and Haut-Uélé, the epicentress of the LRA atrocities.
Sudan - An estimated 2,500 people have been killed and 87,800 forcibly displaced mostly in Central and Western Equatoria....
-
Search for all records in "Central African Republic"
-
Central America
-
August 26, 2010
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars // Mexico Institute // University of San Diego // Trans-border Institute
Abstract:
While Mexico is having some limited success dealing with its spiraling conflict, vulnerable
States in Central America are struggling to keep the organized criminal groups at bay, even while
they face other challenges such as widespread gang activity. Problems are particularly acute in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras, three States with vast
coastlines, large ungoverned spaces and the greatest proximity to Mexico. However, geography
is only part of the problem. Armed conflicts in Guatemala, El Salvador and parts of Honduras
between 1960 and the mid-1990s laid the foundations for the weapons trafficking, money
laundering and contraband traffic that we are witnessing today. This chapter is about drug trafficking organizations (DTO) operating in Central America. It is
broken down by theme rather than by country. It provides a brief history of DTO activity in the
region; descriptions of who operates the DTOs, both locally and internationally, and their modus
operandi; the use of street gangs in DTO activities; DTO penetration in government and security
forces; local, regional and international efforts and challenges as they try and combat DTOs. The
chapter is centered on the three countries where the problem of DTOs appears to be the most
acute: Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras....
-
August 12, 2010
STRATFOR
Abstract:
We frequently hear concerns from U.S. and Mexican government sources about the Iranian and Hezbollah network in Latin America. They fear that Iran would use Hezbollah to strike targets in the Western Hemisphere and even inside the United States if the United States or Israel were to conduct a military strike against Tehran’s nuclear program. Such concerns are expressed not only by our sources and are relayed not only to us. Nearly every time tensions increase between the United States and Iran, the media report that the Hezbollah threat to the United States is growing. Iran also has a vested interest in playing up the danger posed by Hezbollah and its other militant proxies as it tries to dissuade the United States and Israel from attacking its nuclear facilities.
A close look at Hezbollah reveals a potent capacity to conduct terrorist attacks. The group is certainly more capable and could be far more dangerous than al Qaeda. An examination also reveals that Hezbollah has a robust presence in Latin America and that it uses its network there to smuggle people into the United States, where it has long maintained a presence. A balanced look at Hezbollah, however, shows that, while the threat it poses is real — and serious — that threat is not new and it is not likely to be exercised. There are a number of factors that have limited Hezbollah’s use of its international network for terrorist purposes in recent years. A decision to return to such activity would not be made lightly, or without carefully calculating the cost....
-
July 28, 2010
Stimson Center // The Stanley Foundation
Abstract:
Few regions of the world better illustrate the intimate nexus between human development and
security than does Central America. A region of inherent economic and social promise, its
fortunes have been frustrated by a plethora of overwhelming security challenges related to
small arms, drugs, and criminal gangs. Although a long and innovative roster of instruments has
been developed to counter these scourges, a lack of technical and financial support has often
prevented their full realization. Moreover, institutional vulnerabilities at the local and state levels
have further complicated the implementation of national and regional strategies designed to break
this cycle of violence and underdevelopment. The global economic downturn now threatens to
reverse progress made to date and again place countries of the region squarely on a downward
economic and security trajectory.
According to a recent report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), no issue
has had a greater impact on the stability and development in Central America than crime. The
Central American region has emerged as the most violent in the world, with the average number of
homicides in Central America in 2008 rising to 33 per 100,000 people—three times the global
average. While these statistics are rooted in a complex array of social, political, and economic
circumstances that have depressed economic opportunity and inflated levels of violence, Central
American scholars and regional government officials generally agree that their security and development
challenges are rooted in the culture of illegality embodied most graphically by the triple
threat of small arms proliferation, drug trafficking, and criminal and youth gangs....
-
July 19, 2010
Escola de Cultura de Pau // School for a Culture of Peace
Abstract:
A survey of the models of peace processes existing today
and in the immediate past will show how they are very
closely bound to the kinds of demands underlying each of
the conflicts. In other words, the underlying issue being
disputed is what determines the model of peace process. Following
this line of thought, we can distinguish between five
main models, namely reinsertion, power-sharing, exchange,
trust-building measures and self-governance. The first model, reinsertion, is the simplest, although
it is also not very frequent. It refers to cases in which the
armed group agrees to lay down its weapons in exchange
for facilities to help them reintegrate into society. The second model, one of the most frequent, which
involves political, economic and military power-sharing,
takes place when the armed groups seek to attain the power
to take over the political steering of a country and from
there run all the economic and military affairs. The third model is what we call exchange, in which
peace is achieved in exchange for something else. A fourth model of peace process, though not a common
one, is based on creating confidence-building measures. Finally, the fifth model involves achieving some kind
of self-governance in regions with demands for autonomy
or independence; this is called “intermediate political
architectures”....
-
July 15, 2010
Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity
Abstract:
This Overview summarises the key findings and policy challenges identified by the CRISE
research programme in its evaluation of three Latin American countries. The case studies
selected were the three countries with the largest indigenous populations in proportionate
terms: Bolivia, Guatemala and Peru. The underlying research challenge was to understand
the role of horizontal or group inequality in overall acute inequality in the countries studied,
and the relevance of group inequality to political violence.
The paper shows that horizontal inequalities (HIs)—political, social, economic and cultural—
are deeply embedded in two of these countries, Guatemala and Peru, and have played a significant
role in terrible political violence. They remain severe; indeed, political HIs have worsened
in some respects with the legacy of violence and repression. In Guatemala and Peru, the pervasiveness
of embedded prejudice and ways of thinking make even good policy initiatives
non-functional. In Bolivia, meanwhile, an exceptional set of political and geographical circumstances has,
over many decades, resulted in political accommodation mechanisms that have avoided
widespread violence and led to a genuine improvement in political HIs....
-
Search for all records in "Central America"
-
Central and Eastern Europe
-
September 2, 2010
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
The North Caucasus experienced another deadly summer (May 1 – August 31, 2010). Although Chechnya and Ingushetia saw comparatively less violence than they did in Summer 2009, we observed a troubling rise in the level of violence in Dagestan and Kabardino-Balkaria. Dagestan proved the most deadly republic in the region, while Kabardio-Balkaria, normally a relatively quiet republic, incurred levels of violence surpassing Chechnya.
Since 2008, CSIS staff has tracked, on a daily basis, incidents of violence occurring in the North Caucasus. We have released seven previous reports, the last of whichillustrated the dramatic rise in violence in Spring 2010.
In this report, we present our data for Summer 2010 (May 1–August 31), paying particular attention to the geographic spread of the violence across the North Caucasus, most notably into Kabardino-Balkaria....
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Building a Strategic U.S.-Pakistan
Nuclear Relationship, by Rolf Mowatt-Larssen; Beyond the Moscow Bombings: Islamic
Militancy in the North Caucasus, by Christopher Swift; After Pune, Details Emerge on the
Karachi Project and its Threat to India ,by Animesh Roul; Assessing the Recent Terrorist Threat
to the Malacca Strait, by Peter Chalk; The Philippines Chips Away at the Abu
Sayyaf Group’s Strength, by Zachary Abuza; Al-Qa`ida in the Islamic Maghreb:
A Case Study in the Opportunism of Global Jihad, by Jean-Pierre Filiu; No Silver Bullets: Explaining Research
on How Terrorism Ends, by Audrey Kurth Cronin;...
-
August 24, 2010
Swiss Peace Foundation
Abstract:
Power-sharing mechanisms play an increasingly important role in peace agreements. However, there is profound divergence over the positive effects of the inclusion of political power-sharing provisions in peace accords. Proposing power-sharing solutions may be useful for mediators to get conflict parties to the negotiating table. At the same time those mechanisms imply a number of challenges for academics and practitioners. Many critics argue that power-sharing as specific political model has only worked in particular circumstances, such as in Switzerland. Before formulating general guidelines and recommendations on powersharing in peace agreements, one has to address this critique. To this end the working paper analyses four contested favourable conditions in the power-sharing model: a small population size, a balance of population size between divided groups, territorial isolation of population groups and a common perceived security threat. Eight case studies are carried out in order to test these four favourable conditions that might influence the durability of power-sharing peace agreements. As a result, this working paper provides evidence that the durability of power-sharing peace agreements does probably not depend on these favourable conditions. It is therefore argued that power-sharing solutions in peace agreements do not seem to require particular favourable conditions to be successful and are not doomed to fail from the outset in a range of different contexts....
-
August 12, 2010
International Relations and Security Network
Abstract:
Doku Umarov’s attempt to resign has revealed a schism in the leadership of North Caucasus-based insurgency and terrorism networks, but whether he stays or goes will have no long-term impact on the network’s capabilities, Simon Saradzhyan comments for ISN Security Watch. Two days after the internet release of a video showing the leader of the North Caucasus-based insurgency and terrorism networks, Doku Umarov, querying fellow warlords about his resignation, the self-styled emir of ‘Imarat Kavkaz’ (Emirate “Caucasus”) ordered a new video in which he denied plans to step down.
“In the current situation in the Caucasus I believe it is impossible for me to step down from the post of the emir of Imarat Kavkaz,” Umarov said in a video uploaded on the networks' news portal Kavkaz Center on 3 August. “This statement of mine makes the previous statement void. That previous statement was completely fabricated,” the Chechen warlord claimed, referring to the video of his resignation uploaded two days earlier by the same Kavkaz Center. [...] The appearance of two videos clearly illustrates the divisions among the networks’ leaders, regardless of the real reasons behind Umarov’s decision to seek the emirs’ approval for his replacement by Vadalov....
-
August 5, 2010
Amnesty International
Abstract:
This report focuses on the obligations of the Georgian government in areas under its effective
control, documenting and analysing the human rights situation on the ground for both those
displaced during the 90’s, as well as those displaced as a result of the war in August 2008.
It provides an overview of some of the most pressing issues faced by internally displaced
persons in Georgia, focusing on the Georgian government’s obligation to respect, protect and
fulfil their economic, social and cultural rights.
Beyond this main focus, the report also highlights issues such as the security and human
rights of people in other situations, such as those who have returned to areas which are
under the effective control of the de facto authorities in the self-proclaimed breakaway
regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, or the villages adjacent to the Administrative
Boundary Line (ABL), where they still face security risks. Such concerns require cooperation
among all parties of the conflict in order to be effectively addressed.
Some of the main concerns addressed in this report include the ongoing lack of adequate
housing, especially for these in protracted displacement, high poverty and unemployment
among the displaced people and barriers to access to healthcare and livelihood/employment
opportunities. The report also provides an overview and analysis of some of the government
programmes and policies dealing with the displaced, highlighting the issues of concern such
as the lack of planning, coordination and consultation with these communities, which often
hinder effectiveness and result in a failure to implement these programmes and policies in
ways that safeguard the human rights of the supposed beneficiaries....
-
Search for all records in "Central and Eastern Europe"
-
Central Asia
-
September 2, 2010
Council on Foreign Relations
Abstract:
Afghanistan's parliamentary elections, set for September 18, will be seen as a test of that country's stability nine years after the U.S.-led invasion, and three months before U.S. President Barack Obama reviews progress in the war effort. But if balloting is meant to serve as a litmus test for a military campaign that continues to sputter along, Afghanistan analyst Candace Rondeaux says the West should prepare for disappointment. For one, a surge in pre-election violence, coupled with a growing list of corrupt candidates, will discourage many Afghans from voting, Rondeaux says. Changes to the Afghan-run commission that investigates electoral fraud will also make a free and fair tally unlikely, she says. And while parliament has in recent months exhibited a willingness to challenge President Hamid Karzai on numerous issues, the corrupt lineup of candidates running this time makes it unlikely such independence will continue, she says....
-
September 1, 2010
United Nations University // World Institute for Development Economics Research
Abstract:
The paper examines the relationship between conflict and entrepreneurial activity in Afghanistan, drawing upon a unique data set, the National Risk and Vulnerability Assessment household survey 2005. Afghanistan is severely underdeveloped and poor. Conflict has persisted in vast swathes of the country for decades, so that Afghanistan may be more appropriately described as an in-, rather than post-, conflict country. At the same time, qualitative (and anecdotal) evidence suggests that entrepreneurial activity is ubiquitous, although mainly due to survival strategies rather than a spirit of entrepreneurialism. We empirically explore whether conflict affects the likelihood of a household to engage in entrepreneurial activity, proxied by sources of income coming from holding a small business. We control for the household characteristics and those of the environment, such as social capital, access to resources and infrastructure, as well as the presence of a minimal institutional governance system, to isolate the impact of conflict on household entrepreneurial behaviour. We find that the direct negative effect of the conflict on entrepreneurship is very small. The results on the control variables suggest that (i) the generation of entrepreneurship has seen conflict and instability for a whole life,( ii) a small business is a mean of surviving in a situation where any other support is lacking, (iii) it is a viable strategy when the household can cover some of the associated risks, (iv) there is no indirect effect of conflict via institutions and infrastructure, and (v) entrepreneurial activity may substitute for lacking markets and governance institutions. These results call for further and more in-depth research on Afghanistan as an overlooked area of study by the academic and development research community despite representing a priority for internationally supported reconstruction....
-
August 31, 2010
Naval Postgraduate School // Program for Culture and Conflict Studies
Abstract:
Following the U.S.-led attack against Afghanistan in October 2001, Taliban sympathizers in Pakistan’s western tribal areas quickly pledged support and provided additional manpower and resources to help the Afghan Taliban resistance. The Pashtun tribes who dominate the western tribal agencies of Pakistan share ancestral lineages with many of Afghanistan’s Pashtun tribesman and both have long resisted colonial attempts of occupation. Even in a modern context, the core of the Afghan resistance movement against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan was based in these same areas, using Peshawar as a de facto capital and the tribal agency’s of North and South Waziristan as training areas and key junctions for transiting personnel and weapons into Afghanistan. Presented in this overview is an operational snapshot of the TTP and its influential leaders throughout eight tribal regions in located in western Pakistan: North and South Waziristan, Bajaur Agency, Mohmand Agency, Orakzai Agency, Kurram Agency Khyber Agency and Darra
Adamkhel....
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Evaluating the Al-Qa`ida Threat to the U.S. Homeland by Philip Mudd; The Growing Danger from Radical Islamist Groups in the United States, by Paul Cruickshank; Manchester, New York and Oslo: Three Centrally Directed Al-Qa`ida Plots, by Raffaello Pantucci; Lessons Learned from the July 2010 Norwegian Terrorist Plot, by Petter Nesser and Brynjar Lia; American Journeys to Jihad:
U.S. Extremists and Foreign Conflicts During the 1980s and 1990s, by William Rosenau and Sara Daly; American Journeys to Jihad: U.S. Extremists and Foreign Conflicts During the 1980s and 1990s, by William Rosenau and Sara Daly....
-
August 30, 2010
Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program
Abstract:
Global climate change poses serious threats to the Central Asian region's
natural environment, and given the dependence of its socio-economic
systems on natural resources, climate change could pose a threat to the
region’s socio-economic systems. For most countries in the region,
agriculture represents a major sector of the economy and is by far the
largest source of employment. Environmental changes - particularly
changes in the availability of water - puts this critical sector at risk. The
growing concern over climate change in Central Asia is due to the degree
to which climate change affects the region's energy, water, and food
security and how this can lead to political tensions and conflict unless
this issue is carefully, and collectively, managed....
-
Search for all records in "Central Asia"
-
Chad
-
August 11, 2010
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution
1923 (2010) of 25 May 2010, by which the Council extended the mandate of the
United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT)
until 31 December 2010 and requested that the Secretary-General keep the Council
regularly informed of progress in the implementation of the Mission’s mandate. The
present report provides an update on, inter alia, the security and humanitarian
situation in eastern Chad and the north-eastern Central African Republic. The security situation in eastern Chad continues to be unpredictable, largely
owing to criminal activities and banditry, including carjacking and armed robbery.
The average number of security incidents per month has not changed significantly
since the last reporting period, with 15 and 27 incidents in May and June
respectively. The general security environment in the MINURCAT area of operations in the
north-eastern Central African Republic (Vakaga and Haute-Kotto regions) remained
volatile, mainly owing to ethnic conflict and the presence of militias. Four
international non-governmental organizations are still operating in this area, mainly
out of Birao....
-
July 29, 2010
United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Abstract:
This map shows the location of IDPs sites, refugees camps, returnees' villages, along with the numbers of IDPs in key locations.
-
July 23, 2010
Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre // Norwegian Refugee Council
Abstract:
Around 170,000 people were internally displaced in eastern Chad and living in 38 camps in
mid-2010, as a result of internal armed conflict, inter-ethnic violence over land and natural
resources, and attacks by bandits against civilians. The majority of internally displaced people
(IDPs) had little or no means of sustaining themselves, making humanitarian assistance vital.
Chad also hosts 270,000 Sudanese refugees in 12 camps along the eastern border with Sudan,
and 81,000 Central African refugees in 11 camps along the southern border with CAR. Since 2008, more than 30,000 IDPs have returned to their villages of origin. However, most
have been forced to return by lack of access to land and lack of income-generating activities in
IDP camps. While significant return movements were expected in 2010, the scheduled withdrawal
of UN peacekeeping troops from Chad makes it unlikely that conditions for the sustainable
return of IDPs will be in place in the near future.
The government has taken steps to respond to the situation of IDPs, but their impact has
been limited. In 2007, it established a national committee to assist IDPs, the Comité national
d’assistance aux personnes déplacées (CNAPD), but it has limited resources and staff, and has
delivered only sporadic assistance. The government has yet to enact national legislation to
protect IDPs....
-
May 19, 2010
Government of the United States of America // 111th Congress
Abstract:
This is the final text of the Act as approved by both the Senate and the House of the government of the United States which would require the United States to produce a strategy in support of the disarmament of the Lord's Resistance Army and which offers humanitarian assistance for areas affected by the Lord's Resistance Army, both inside and outside of Uganda. "An Act to support stabilization and lasting peace in northern Uganda and areas affected
by the Lord’s Resistance Army through development of a regional strategy to
support multilateral efforts to successfully protect civilians and eliminate the
threat posed by the Lord’s Resistance Army and to authorize funds for humanitarian
relief and reconstruction, reconciliation, and transitional justice, and for
other purposes."...
-
May 5, 2010
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1861
(2009) of 14 January 2009, by which the Council extended the mandate of the
United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT)
until 15 March 2010 and resolution 1913 (2010) of 12 March 2010 by which the
Council extended the mandate of MINURCAT until 15 May 2010. This report
provides an update on developments related to the implementation of the mandate of
MINURCAT since my last report dated 14 October 2009 (S/2009/535) and
recommendations for the tasks and configuration of MINURCAT after the expiration
of its present mandate on 15 May 2010. During the reporting period, relations between the Governments of Chad and
the Sudan improved significantly. The Governments of Chad and the Sudan signed
an agreement in N’Djamena on 15 January 2010, with the view to normalizing their
bilateral relations. They agreed, inter alia, to deny rebel groups the use of their
territories and to work towards their disarmament. In accordance with the
agreement, they deployed a joint border force of 3,000 troops with a view to
denying the cross-border movement of armed elements and stemming their criminal
activities. The force operates under a joint command based for an initial period of
six months in El Geneina, in Darfur, and then Abéché, in eastern Chad. The visit of
President Idriss Déby Itno to Khartoum from 8 to 9 February — the first such visit
since 2004 and the first meeting between the two Heads of State since March
2008 — was a major step in strengthening bilateral relations between the two
countries. This visit was followed by the appointment, on 15 February, of a Chadian
Ambassador to Khartoum. On 10 April, the border between the two countries
reopened for the first time since 2003 at three points, and the cross-border trade has
resumed....
-
Search for all records in "Chad"
-
Chile
-
October 7, 2009
Small Arms Survey // Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva // Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Abstract:
The data in this report is derived from country submissions when possible,
and estimates when necessary. Estimates are extrapolated from each country’s
identified procurement, highest modern personnel totals, and strategic doctrine.
Except where noted, the military small arms and light weapons data
presented here is not official, comprehensive, or conclusive; it is for general
evaluation and comparison only. The complete methodology used here is described
in Chapter 2 of the Small Arms Survey 2006.
Small arms are state-owned handguns, submachine guns, rifles, shotguns,
and light and medium machine guns. Firearms are civilian-owned handguns,
submachine guns, rifles, and shotguns. Long at the forefront of international small arms issues, public debate and
activism in South America have largely focused on matters surrounding civilian
firearms, estimated here to total between 21.7 and 26.8 million. The reasons
for this civilian preoccupation are principally linked to chronic gun violence.
South America has 14 per cent of the global population, and roughly 3.5 to 4 per
cent of the world’s civilian firearms, but it suffers from roughly 40 per cent of
all homicides committed with firearms.
Military small arms are rarely part of public debate, largely because of a
strong culture of national security secrecy in South America. But military
small arms policy has attracted much closer scrutiny in recent years, especially
as military small arms and light weapons are diverted to criminals and
guerrillas, fuelling insurgencies and civil violence. This report focuses primarily
on issues surrounding surplus military small arms and light weapons in
the region. Law enforcement and civilian firearms inventories and issues are
recognized here as well, to ensure a balanced overall perspective.
The region’s military establishments do not have a strong record of identifying
or eliminating their surplus small arms, light weapons, or ammunition.
South America holds some of the world’s largest military small arms and
light weapons surpluses. Military inventories are not exceptionally large in
absolute terms, but they are a major element in global surplus problems. Among
the 12 independent countries of South America, there are an estimated 3.6
million military small arms as of 2007, 1.5 per cent of the global total. Of these,
approximately 1.3 million, more than one-third, are surplus....
-
September 16, 2009
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:
The purpose of the present report is to analyze the intelligence
agencies’ role in Pakistan’s political life through a better understanding
of the agencies’ objectives and mechanisms. Because Pakistan’s
civilian governments have been victims of the agencies’ manipulation in
the past, the new and very fragile government cannot ignore the decisive
role of the intelligence agencies in Pakistani politics if it wants to counter
the direct and more subtle manifestations of military control. The domestic
political role of intelligence agencies is always a combination of three
elements: militarization, comprehensive political surveillance, and state
terror. The intensity and relative importance of each component varies
over time and according to the specific situations in each country, but all
three are always present. Terror as it applies to individuals or groups can
be carried out by proxies and is intermittent, but it remains an essential
element of the system. An intelligence agency’s reputation for ruthlessness
is often as important as its actual efficiency....
-
May 23, 2009
The Chicago Council on Global Affairs
Abstract:
Chile once boasted a long history of stable democratic rule until socialist policies and economic chaos emerged in the 1970s, setting the stage for the coup d’état by General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte. Chile’s deeply rooted democratic culture survived sixteen years under Pinochet, however, and the people united under the common goal of returning Chile to civilian control. Claudio Orrego, mayor of Peñalolén in Santiago province and The Chicago Council’s 2009 Gus Hart Fellow, shared his vision of democracy in one of Latin America’s most stable and prosperous nations. He discussed government transparency, the role of information technology, and economic development through public-private partnerships....
-
December 10, 2008
New America Foundation
Abstract:
This table is part of the larger "U.S. Weapons at War 2008" report. For the full document, please see http://www.humansecuritygateway.info/showRecord.php?RecordId=27517
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
Search for all records in "Chile"
-
China
-
July 23, 2010
Human Rights Watch
Abstract:
More than two years after protests—the largest and most sustained in decades—erupted
across the Tibetan plateau in March 2008, the Chinese government has yet to explain
the circumstances that led to dozens of clashes between protesters and police. This report, the first comprehensive examination of the crackdown, is based solely on official
Chinese sources and eyewitness accounts that Human Rights Watch gathered in more than
200 interviews with Tibetans between March 2008 and April 2010. It finds that the scale of
human rights violations related to suppressing the protests was far greater than previously
believed, and that Chinese forces broke international law—including prohibitions against
disproportionate use of force, torture and arbitrary detention, as well as the right to peaceful
assembly—despite government claims to the contrary. It also reveals that violations
continue, including disappearances, wrongful convictions and imprisonment, persecution of
families, and the targeting people suspected of sympathizing with the protest movement....
-
July 7, 2010
Amnesty International
Abstract:
One year ago in the afternoon of 5 July 2009 hundreds of Chinese of Uighur ethnicity
gathered to demonstrate at the People’s Square in Urumqi (in Chinese: Wulumuqi), the
regional capital of the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR) in northwest China. The
demonstrators were protesting the authorities’ perceived inaction following the death of at
least two Uighur workers after a factory brawl in Shaoguan, in China’s southern province of
Guangdong, on 26 June. This report is based on detailed, recent interviews conducted by Amnesty International with
over thirty Uighur eyewitnesses, numerous individual testimonies collected by the
organization as well as monitoring of media and official accounts. For the security of those
who provided testimonies, Amnesty International has omitted names and excluded other
information that could be used to identify them. As Amnesty International does not have
access to do independent research in China, all interviews were conducted outside China,
and the organization was unable to conduct detailed interviews with Han Chinese
eyewitnesses.
The sweeping arrests, arbitrary detentions and unfair trials in the wake of the unrest continue
to impose an atmosphere of fear amongst Uighurs that extends to those who took no part in
the demonstration or the violence, a year after the protests.
Many eyewitnesses, including Uighurs who have fled abroad, remain fearful of recounting
their experiences or providing other information. Many Uighurs are aware of prominent
individuals who have been imprisoned for “leaking state secrets” or “endangering state
security”. They are aware of the risk of arbitrary arrest, enforced disappearances, torture and
other ill-treatment. They fear betrayal by those seeking the rewards promised by the
government after the crackdown of 5 July 2009....
-
May 19, 2010
Institute of South Asian Studies // National University of Singapore
Abstract:
China’s interests in Afghanistan are perceived to be mainly economic. It is unlikely that the March 2010 Sino-Afghan joint declaration, following President Hamid Karzai’s visit to China, will bring about a dramatic change in the present Chinese policy of abstaining from military engagement in the conflict-ridden country. However, as the scenario of United States (US) withdrawal from Afghanistan looms large, China will have to prepare itself for a much larger and crucial role for long-term stabilisation and reconstruction of the war-ravaged country given that its interests would be at stake. Its friendly ties with Pakistan would continue to be a great leverage when it decides to pursue such a policy....
-
May 14, 2010
China and Eurasia Forum Quarterly // Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program
Abstract:
For the main Eurasian great powers, Russia, China, India, and Iran, the
Afghan issue has become an increasingly significant element of their
foreign policy, power projection and mutual relations. Indeed, the
difficulties in stabilizing Afghanistan after three decades of
uninterrupted conflict and the involvement of the U.S.-led international
coalition has had a strong impact on its surrounding areas, namely,
Central Asia, Xinjiang, Baluchistan and Kashmir. It has also affected the
balance-of-power relations in Eurasia. A growing informal economy
across the region, mainly in the form of drug trafficking, is also argued as
one of the major long-term issue. Today there is growing recognition that
the Afghan problem requires a concerted regional effort. This could give
a more prominent role to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization....
-
May 7, 2010
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:
President Obama made decisive changes to U.S. policy in Afghanistan—increasing forces on the ground, modifying the original goals, and placing a greater emphasis on the need for a regional approach. Leading experts analyze the interests of Afghanistan’s neighbors, what they mean in practice, and what it could mean for U.S. policy. The countries analyzed are: Pakistan, by Frédéric Grare; India, by Ambassador Gautam Mukhopadhaya; Iran, by Karim Sadjadpour; Saudi Arabia, by Christopher Boucek; Central Asian Republics, by Martha Brill Olcott; China, by Michael D. Swaine with Tiffany Ng; Russia, by Dmitri Trenin; Afghanistan, by Haroun Mir, and coalition partners, by Gilles Dorronsoro. Ashley J. Tellis concludes in the final chapter: “the regional approach to Afghanistan—understood as an effort to incorporate all of Kabul’s major neighbors into a cooperative enterprise led by the United States, and aimed at stabilizing Afghanistan through successful counterterrorism, reconstruction, and state-building—is unlikely to succeed, first and foremost, because the key regional stakeholders have diverging objectives within Afghanistan.”...
-
Search for all records in "China"
-
Colombia
-
August 24, 2010
Global Consortium on Security Transformation
Abstract:
Medellin, the second biggest city in Colombia, experienced an impressive transformation after
2002 when a combination of national and local initiatives succeeded in dramatically reducing
acute levels of violence. After being the most violent city in the world, Medellin became a
successful case of urban security transformation. The aim of this research was to explore the role
played by civil society in that process. However, not long before this project began, the security
situation started to deteriorate in the poor communities of Medellin. The vacuum of power created
by the extradition of a demobilized paramilitary leader had triggered wars between gangs and
criminal groups. This made it necessary to explore not only the limitations of the recent security
transformation, which is now in question, but also the way this outbreak of violence is aecting
communities and the role that civil society can play in this context. In the first
section this document presents an overview of the insecurity context of Medellin prior to the
transformation started in 2002. The second section discusses the problems with the role that civil society is asked to play
within current frameworks for security transformation, such as Security Sector Reform (SSR) and
current models of democratic security governance in Latin America....
-
July 30, 2010
Codhes // Madre // Humanas // Taller de Vida // Limpal // Women's Link Worldwide
Abstract:
Colombians are enduring an armed conflict that has lasted over 50 years, but only in the past 10
years has this civil war been examined through a lens of gender justice, and the work of
community-based women's rights organizations been made visible. In this report, six
organizations, local and international, document the various ways in which Colombia’s conflict
and the actions (or lack thereof) by state and other entities, erode women and girls’ rights.
This report is intended to supplement, or “shadow,” the report of the government of Colombia to
the Human Rights Committee (“the Committee”). This shadow report highlights five main areas of concern: forced displacement of women, child
recruitment by armed groups, violence against women, the persecution of women human rights
defenders, and violation of women's sexual and reproductive rights. This report specifically documents how Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities face the
extermination of their culture and loss of their lands because of forced displacement; how
women who have been subjected to sexual violence see their rights violated by authorities who
block their access to lawful abortion services; how sexual violence is used as a weapon of war
and how it increases among displaced populations; how boys and girls are recruited to bear
arms, be in combat and face exploitation; and how women human rights defenders are
constantly threatened and attacked....
-
July 23, 2010
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees // Policy Development and Evaluation Service
Abstract:
This paper was commissioned by UNHCR’s Policy Development and Evaluation Service in order to capture UNHCR’s experience in IDP return and reintegration processes over the past decade, analyse the extent and depth of this involvement and the range of activities undertaken, identify challenges encountered and identify lessons and examples of good practice that could be used to further strengthen UNHCR’s engagement. It seeks to identify those elements which distinguish IDP returns from traditional voluntary repatriation operations for refugees, and to explain what this means for UNHCR’s operational engagement. International support for the pursuit of durable solutions is an inherently inter-agency effort. The paper is divided into two parts. The first provides an overview of the background and rationales for UNHCR’s involvement in IDP return processes, and explores the roles the agency has played and the operational activities undertaken. The second part consists of six case studies (Colombia, Georgia, Pakistan, Southern Sudan, Sri Lanka and Uganda), in which operational challenges and good practices are explored in more detail....
-
June 29, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
President Álvaro Uribe’s eight-year military campaign against the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) has taken a heavy toll on Colombia’s largest insurgent organisation. The government is now working to consolidate security gains by expanding state presence in several of the formerly most conflict-ridden regions. This strategy faces numerous challenges, not least because FARC’s command and control structure has not collapsed. The insurgents are adapting to military pressure through guerrilla warfare tactics, aggressive recruitment among rural populations, broadened involvement in drug trafficking and alliances with other armed groups and drug-trafficking organisations. Colombia’s next president, Juan Manuel Santos, will take office on 7 August. As part of an integrated conflict resolution strategy, his government must increase the country’s law enforcement and military capability against all illegal armed groups, including FARC. It also has to strengthen institutions, expand the rule of law, rigorously protect human rights, reduce poverty and design the political/negotiations component of a successful conflict resolution strategy. Security consolidation can only take root if Colombia tackles its pervasive problems of organised violence, criminality and illegality in an integrated manner....
-
May 31, 2010
United Nations General Assembly // United Nations Human Rights Council
Abstract:
The Government has increased security in many parts of Colombia and reduced the
overall number of killings. Other improvements include: disruption of the Fuerzas
Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) and Ejército de Liberación Nacional
(ELN) guerrillas groups’ command and communications structures and their ability to
conduct hostilities and recruit members; reduction in drug trafficking and associated
revenues; and initiation of the demobilization of paramilitaries.
Despite these important gains, very serious problems remain. Security forces have
carried out a significant number of premeditated civilian murders and fraudulently
presented the civilians as “killed in combat”. Although it appears that these so-called falsos
positivos (false positives) were not carried out as a matter of State policy, they were also not isolated occurrences. The killings were committed around the country and by a large
number of military units. They occurred because military units felt pressure to show
success against the guerrillas through “kill counts”. There were incentives: an informal
incentive system for soldiers to kill and a formal one for civilians who provided
information leading to the capture or killing of guerrillas. The latter system lacked
oversight and transparency. Overall, there was a crucial failure of accountability, with
problems at all stages of the investigatory and disciplinary processes.
Guerrilla forces continue to kill civilians, especially those caught in an impossible
middle-ground between the guerrillas and State Armed Forces. Civilians are also killed by
the guerrillas’ indiscriminate use of force and illegal use of landmines....
-
Search for all records in "Colombia"
-
Comoros
-
August 24, 2010
Swiss Peace Foundation
Abstract:
Power-sharing mechanisms play an increasingly important role in peace agreements. However, there is profound divergence over the positive effects of the inclusion of political power-sharing provisions in peace accords. Proposing power-sharing solutions may be useful for mediators to get conflict parties to the negotiating table. At the same time those mechanisms imply a number of challenges for academics and practitioners. Many critics argue that power-sharing as specific political model has only worked in particular circumstances, such as in Switzerland. Before formulating general guidelines and recommendations on powersharing in peace agreements, one has to address this critique. To this end the working paper analyses four contested favourable conditions in the power-sharing model: a small population size, a balance of population size between divided groups, territorial isolation of population groups and a common perceived security threat. Eight case studies are carried out in order to test these four favourable conditions that might influence the durability of power-sharing peace agreements. As a result, this working paper provides evidence that the durability of power-sharing peace agreements does probably not depend on these favourable conditions. It is therefore argued that power-sharing solutions in peace agreements do not seem to require particular favourable conditions to be successful and are not doomed to fail from the outset in a range of different contexts....
-
September 3, 2009
United Nations General Assembly
Abstract:
The present report addresses the progress made in the implementation of the
recommendations contained in the Secretary-General’s report on the causes of
conflict and the promotion of durable peace and sustainable development in Africa
(A/52/871-S/1998/318). It is submitted in compliance with General Assembly
resolution 63/304, which was adopted following the Assembly’s consideration at its
sixty-third session of the Secretary-General’s progress report dated 4 August 2008
(A/63/212). The recommendations addressing economic and social factors
underlying the promotion of sustainable development are covered in the
Secretary-General’s companion report on the Implementation of the New Partnership
for Africa’s Development (A/64/204). Following introductory remarks, section II of the report provides an overview of major peace and security developments in Africa during the past year, including
the serious concerns being addressed by Africa and the international community in
order to restore, maintain and promote peace and rebuild post-conflict countries. In
section III, the report reviews progress in relation to the capacity-building needs and
increased cooperation with the African Union and subregional organizations and
provides an assessment of the United Nations support for the defence and promotion
of human rights in Africa. The report concludes that, pending the General Assemblymandated
comprehensive review of the recommendations contained in the 1998
report and of the new challenges to achieving long-term peace and sustainable
development, the international community must, more than ever, redouble its efforts
in Africa and ensure that the commitments made are effectively implemented....
-
July 13, 2006
Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
Abstract:
The Common Court of Justice and Arbitration (CCJA) is the court of the Organization for the Harmonization of Business Law in Africa (OHADA), one of the most successful regional legal harmonization efforts on the Continent. Unlike the other continental regional integration groups, OHADA does not seek to conform national law to an overarching treaty and successive regulations and directives, which allow national legislature some leeway. Instead, OHADA uses the integration method of issuing binding uniform acts that automatically supercede all prior and future inconsistent national laws. With the goal of creating a secure, simple and modern legal framework for the conduct of business in Africa, OHADA has issued eight uniform acts on general commercial law, commercial companies and economic interest groups, securities, arbitration, simplified recovery procedures and measures of execution, collective insolvency and accounting....
-
July 13, 2006
African Economic Community // African Union
Abstract:
WE, the Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African
Unity, meeting at the Thirty-sixth Ordinary Session of our Assembly and the
4th Ordinary Session of the African Economic Community in Lome, Togo
from 10 to 12 July 2000, have undertaken a critical review of the socioeconomic
situation of the 33 Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in Africa.
WE NOTE with concern that the socio-economic situation in these countries
has continued to deteriorate, and that this situation has been exacerbated by
external debt, inadequate infrastructure facilities#, as well as by conflicts in
some regions and natural disasters like cyclones, floods, and drought in
others, leading to a rising level of poverty....
-
July 13, 2006
Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
Abstract:
To oversee the implementation and interpretation of the COMESA agreement, the Treaty established a Court of Justice, modeled on the European Court of Justice. Like the European Court of Justice, the COMESA Court of Justice can be seized of a matter by one of several ways. First, a member State may bring another member State or the Council before the Court for breach of the Treaty or failure to fulfill an obligation thereunder. Providing the Common Market with independent monitoring and enforcement power, the Treaty permits the Secretary General (with the agreement of the Council) also to bring a member State before the Court for failure to fulfill its Treaty obligations. Like the European Court of Justice, the COMESA Courtxc3xads decisions have precedence over any decisions of national courts....
-
Search for all records in "Comoros"
-
Congo, Democratic Republic of
-
August 20, 2010
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development // Development Co-operation Directorate
Abstract:
In recent years, there has been increased interest in understanding how donor interventions in situations of fragility and conflict can contribute tot he processes of statebuilding. While external actors cannot determine the outcome of those processes, they can target their assistance to support positive statebuilding dynamics. Donors must ensure that they "do no harm" and consider both the intended and unintended consequences of their interventions. This publication fills an important knowledge gap by addressing two fundamental questions: what are the negative impacts that donor interventions can have on statebuilding; and what measures should donors adopt to avoid negative impacts on statebuilding processes? Do No Harm argues that the challenges of statebuilding are such that donors must develop a sophisticated understanding of political processes, patterns of state-society relations and sources of legitimacy in the countries where they are oeprating. Based on an extensive literature review and on six country case-studies (Afghanistan, Bolivia, the Democratic Republic of Congo [DRC], Nepal, Rwanda and Sierra Leon), Do No Harm offers a valuable addition to our knowledge on statebuilding in situations of fragility and conflict....
-
August 10, 2010
Enough Project
Abstract:
Groups from the Lord’s Resistance Army continue to attack civilians throughout central
Africa. Attacks against civilians in a remote corner of Bas Uele district in northeastern
Democratic Republic of the Congo go largely unnoticed. Unlike most areas where the
LRA operates, attacks in northern Bas Uele are intended to empty the area—of strategic
importance to the LRA’s cross-border movement to the Central African Republic, or
CAR—of civilians. The lack of a meaningful military force to challenge the LRA has
turned the northern region of Bas Uele into a veritable haven for the brutal rebel group. The entire region of Bas Uele has been targeted by the LRA for the last 15 months.
Enough documented 51 separate attacks and 105 deaths caused by the LRA in Bas Uele
through April 2010. This brings the total number of people killed by the LRA in Congo
since December 2008 to nearly 2,500. LRA fighters have used Bas Uele as an important base and transit point to CAR where
the majority of LRA fighters and commanders have been based in recent months. LRA
violence in Bas Uele is intended to depopulate the area north of Ango and south of the
CAR border....
-
August 6, 2010
Norwegian Peacebuilding Centre // Noref
Abstract:
On 28 May 2010, the United Nations Security Council made a critical decision on the future
of the UN peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (Monuc) – the largest
and most costly such operation in the world. The Council decided to reduce the number of
peacekeepers by 2,000, and to transform Monuc into a stabilisation force, renamed Monusco.
The decision was made in a context of differences of view between the DRC government and
the UN. The DRC has signalled its preference that Monuc should withdraw completely from the
country by mid-2011, while the UN says that full withdrawal should be contingent on progress
in the reduction of violence and restoration of state authority.
This policy brief considers and analyses these
two key positions on Monuc’s future. It argues
that the Monuc experience offers important
lessons that can contribute to a rethinking of
peacekeeping operations: among them that
the protection of civilians (one of Monuc’s core
tasks) is a controversial and complicated topic
that has been understood too narrowly; and that
the UN has been over-ambitious in what Monuc
can achieve and has focused too exclusively on
peacekeeping....
-
July 27, 2010
Refugees International
Abstract:
The launch of a new strategy on sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is welcome, but numerous challenges remain. The strategy, which is part of the Congolese government’s stabilization plan for eastern DRC, has unintentionally led to a loss of attention and funding to address sexual violence in more conflict-affected areas. Further, poor coordination and lack of engagement with local groups are hindering the overall response. To ensure a truly comprehensive approach to combating and responding to sexual violence in the DRC, donor governments need to support the new strategy while ensuring that emergency needs are met. The Congolese government has passed laws on sexual violence and has announced a zero tolerance policy for the military, but implementation is very poor. The government has not yet demonstrated the political will to address key issues like impunity for high-level commanders and reform of the military, nor has it dealt with the underlying causes of the conflict in eastern DRC. Without addressing the root causes of the conflict, the issue of sexual violence will remain unresolved....
-
July 23, 2010
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
In a letter dated 4 May 2010 (S/2010/187/Add.1), the President of the Security
Council informed the Secretary-General of the Council’s intention to send a mission
to the Democratic Republic of the Congo from 13 to 16 May 2010. The terms of
reference of the mission are set out in annex I to the present report. The Security Council mission to the Democratic Republic of the Congo took
place in the wake of significant developments at the end of 2009 and in early 2010,
described in detail in the report of the Secretary-General to the Council dated
30 March 2010 (S/2010/164). Those developments included continued MONUCsupported
operations of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
(FARDC) against the Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR), with
Operation Kimia II concluding at the end of December 2009 and Operation Amani
Leo beginning in January 2010; continuing operations by FARDC, with MONUC
support, against residual Congolese militias and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in territories of Orientale Province in operations Iron Stone and Rudia II,
respectively; and continued actions by FARDC and MONUC in response to violence
against Congolese security forces by armed insurgents in Equateur Province, where
conflict between the Enyele and Monzaya communities took on the character of an
armed insurgency of disparate elements, allegedly led by a féticheur named Lebese
Mongbama (also known as “Udjani”)....
-
Search for all records in "Congo, Democratic Republic of"
-
Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville)
-
March 16, 2010
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
Abstract:
This map shows the location by village in the Republic of Congo of 114,017 total refugees from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Data updated 15 February 2010.
-
February 15, 2010
Stockholm International Peace Research Institute
Abstract:
The illegal economic exploitation of artisanal mining areas by military forces is a persistent problem in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), even in areas such as northern Katanga Province that are in transition to peace. Many former rebels and militia have not demobilized or been properly integrated into new army structures, and the benefits they derive from mining serve as a disincentive to do so. The government seems to tacitly condone the practice. Continued militarization of mining areas is associated with human right abuses, is an obstacle to military reform and prevents the artisanal mining sector from contributing to post-conflict reconstruction.
There is little political will to completely demilitarize mining areas. However, some steps could be taken to promote gradual demilitarization. Military authorities could be convinced to punish abuse and reward moderation among units that exploit mines. Formalization of artisanal mining, including the official registration of mining zones, could increase civilian presence and intensify public scrutiny of military behaviour.
The international community should enhance its support to efforts initiated by United Nations peacekeepers and the Congolese mining authorities to re-establish civilian control over mines and trading centres in the entire eastern DRC, including northern Katanga....
-
October 14, 2009
Partnership Africa Canada
Abstract:
By all indications, and from the evidence gathered
for this year’s Diamonds and Human
Security Annual Review, the Kimberley Process
(KP), designed to halt and prevent the return
of “conflict diamonds”, is failing. The cost of a
collapse would be disastrous for an industry
that benefits so many countries, and for the
millions of people in developing countries who
depend, directly and indirectly on it. A criminalized
diamond economy would re-emerge
and conflict diamonds could soon follow. The
problems can and must be fixed.
Accountability is the primary issue. There is no
KP central authority. The “chair” rotates annually
and has virtually no responsibility beyond a
convening function. Problems are shifted from
one “working group” to another; debates on
vital issues extend for years. “Consensus” in
the KP means that everyone must agree; a single
dissenter can block forward movement.
Nobody takes responsibility for action or inaction,
failure or success; the Kimberley Process
has no core body apart from its annual “plenary
meeting” and thus nobody is held responsible
for anything.
The Kimberley Process Certification Scheme
(KPCS) has a peer review mechanism which
reviews each member’s compliance roughly
once every three years. Some reviews are thorough
and recommendations are heeded. In
many cases, however, recommendations are
ignored, and there is little or no follow-up —
this has been the case in the past with DRC
and Angola. And, as this Annual Review notes,
some reviews are completely bogus. In 2008, a
bloated, nine-member team visited Guinea, a
country beset by corruption, weak diamond
controls, and almost certain smuggling. The
team spent less than two hours outside the
capital and its report remained unfinished for
almost 11 months. A team visited Venezuela in
2008 but its makeup, agenda and itinerary
were dictated entirely by the Venezuelan government.
NGOs were barred and there were no visits to mining areas or border towns.
Zimbabwe, rife with smuggling and gross diamond-
related human rights abuse, consumed
months of ineffectual internal KP debate. In the
end, the KP agreed on a review mission, but only
after being publicly shamed into action by NGO
and media reports. The result is a lowest-common-
denominator “consensus” and continuing
inaction....
-
November 5, 2008
National Democratic Institute for International Affairs
Abstract:
Africa’s natural resources have for many decades
been a source of power and wealth for the continent’s
ruling elites and multinational corporations,
and less often for Africans themselves.
Tragically and repeatedly, competition for control
of revenues from natural resources has fueled
cycles of corruption, conflict and poverty, forestalling
opportunities to spur economic growth
and social development.
As global mineral and petroleum resources grow
scarcer on other continents, and new African
sources come into production, resource-rich
African nations are earning rising profits from
their natural wealth. If these resources are to be
used effectively and harnessed for development,
more accountable and transparent mechanisms
must be developed and supported by governments,
multinational corporations, legislative
bodies, political parties, civic organizations and
the media.
This report is an effort to help elected political
officials – particularly those in the legislative
branch of government – serve as constructive
leaders in improving the oversight and management
of their countries’ natural resources....
-
October 29, 2008
Partnership Africa Canada
Abstract:
Just as peace is not simply the absence of war,
an end to conflict diamonds does not necessarily
mean that diamonds will create prosperity
or that human security will prevail in the
areas where they are mined. The campaign to
halt conflict diamonds has largely succeeded,
although the phenomenon continues in Côte
d’Ivoire, seemingly beyond the ingenuity and
the powers of the 75 governments represented
in the Kimberley Process (KP) and the
world’s entire diamond industry. But the KP
challenge today is not just Côte d’Ivoire; the
larger challenge is to ensure that diamonds are
controlled and tracked in ways that prevent a
return of the much more deadly diamondfuelled
wars of the past.
Diamonds are not just symbols of love, fidelity
and purity, they are the most concentrated
form of wealth on earth, and because of that,
they attract problems. A raid on a Damiani
showroom in Milan netted thieves as much as
$30 million in diamond jewellery in February.
That was just one of many diamond heists. If
you Google “diamond theft 2008” you will
find more than five million articles. It stands to
reason, therefore, that conflict diamonds could
return to countries where development is
stunted and governance weak. That is why
organizations like the Diamond Development
Initiative (DDI) are so important, and why
efforts to bring greater transparency to the
extractive sector need all the support they can
get. The intergovernmental Extractive
Industries Transparency Initiative and the NGOled
Publish What You Pay Campaign are key
elements in this.
Partnership Africa Canada (PAC) has been a
leader in the campaign against conflict diamonds
since 1999. It has been, and remains an
active member of all Kimberley Process meetings
and working groups. We have produced
several background studies on diamond-related
issues, 17 occasional papers and a quarterly newsletter, "Other Facets". All are available on
the PAC website (www.pacweb.org).
Starting in 2003, we began to publish standalone
Annual Reviews of the Diamond Industry
on Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of
the Congo and Angola. The Annual Reviews,
published in English (all), French (DRC) and
Portuguese (Angola) aimed to provide governments,
civil society and investors with information
that would be helpful in the promotion of
greater transparency and more positive developmental
outcomes. The Annual Reviews have
been widely quoted and have become documents
of record on the diamond industries in
those countries.
For 2008 we have taken a different approach,
expanding the project to cover more countries,
but producing one report rather than three.
This report — Diamonds and Human Security
Annual Review 2008 — concentrates on the
three countries most seriously affected by diamond-
fuelled conflict – Angola, DRC and
Sierra Leone – but we have also included articles
on countries touched by those conflicts, or
where internal controls over diamonds, and
where development considerations, remain
problematic....
-
Search for all records in "Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville)"
-
Costa Rica
-
September 15, 2009
German Institute of Global and Area Studies
Abstract:
The Costa Rican talk of crime is fundamentally based on the assumption that a formerly explicitly nonviolent nation has been transformed into a battleground for social violence—that is, on the belief that an alarming “crime wave” is occurring today while there was no crime at all in the past. On the basis of this assumption, the fear of crime and the call for zero tolerance and drastic law enforcement actions have been increasing. In this paper I discuss the Costa Rican talk of crime from a historical perspective to demonstrate that crime has always been a topic that has generated pervasive feelings of insecurity and so‐cial pessimism. I argue that social changes in Costa Rican society and the paradigmatic shift in economic and social‐welfare politics since the 1980s have been essential in the transformation of the talk of crime. As part of this transformation, the politicization of crime since the 1990s has been one of the most powerful changes in the dominant dis‐course....
-
September 15, 2009
German Institute of Global and Area Studies
Abstract:
The Costa Rican talk of crime is fundamentally based on the assumption that crime rates have increased significantly in recent years and that there is today a vast and alarming amount of crime. On the basis of this assumption, fear of crime, the call for the “iron fist,” and drastic law enforcement actions are continually increasing. While crime statistics are the logical basis for the hypothesis on the far-reaching extent of delinquency, they are used in a problematic way in the talk of crime. In this paper I discuss Costa Rican crime statis-tics, their development, and their utilization in the talk of crime against the background of criminological theory. The theses of the paper are that a) the informative value of crime statistics regarding Costa Rican reality is far more questionable than the common utiliza-tion of them implies and b) when they are used as argumentation, these crime statistics do not provide evidence of the oft-proclaimed rising crime wave....
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
August 19, 2008
German Institute of Global and Area Studies
Abstract:
Violence, crime, and insecurity are major topics in contemporary political and societal discourses
in Central America. With very different crime rates and varying thematic foci, these
topics are discussed in the media, politics, and society. It is noticeable that the fear of crime
and the public sensationalization of crime and violence vary significantly from country to
country. Thus, low crime rates do not necessarily reduce fear and vice versa.
This paper is related to a research project about discourses on violence and crime in contemporary
Central America, and is based on the observation that the “talk of crime” is very
prevalent in Costa Rica, a country usually known as being calm and peaceful. The extensive
fear of crime becomes manifest in many different social spaces and contexts. Rico recently
stated, on the basis of crime statistics and opinion polls, that a) many Costa Ricans do not
have a clear idea, or even have a very incorrect idea, of crime rates in Costa Rica and that b)
the number of Costa Ricans who have the impression that they could very likely become a
victim of crime is remarkably high (Rico 2006: 30). In 2004, for example, 77.6 percent of the respondents of a representative public opinion poll stated that Costa Rica is not safe at all
(while 62 percent regarded their neighborhood as a safe place); 59.9 percent declared that
one should not leave his home unguarded; 64.2 percent declared that houses need fences in
Costa Rica; and 39.2 percent advocated for a watchdog in their houses (Rico 2006: 31-32).
Furthermore, there is notable sensationalization of violence and crime in the Costa Rican
mass media (Fonseca/Sandoval 2006; Bejarano 2006: 32-34) as well as in political debates
about Costa Rica. An example of the extraordinary social significance of violence and crime
compared to other topics is provided by the Informe Nacional de Desarrollo Humano 2005 of
the UNDP. Out of all possible social problems, the UNDP picked violence, crime and insecurity
for the Costa Rican report....
-
July 3, 2008
German Institute of Global and Area Studies
Abstract:
Central America has the reputation of being a violent region with high crime rates, youth gangs, drug traffic, and ubiquitous insecurity. Politicians, the media, and social scientists in and outside the region often claim that the societies are in complete agreement with their judgment of the situation and that all society members are calling for law and order and social segregation. Focusing on Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, the paper analyzes the social perception of violence and crime. On the basis of essays written by secondary school students and interviews with citizens from all walks of life in the three countries, the paper points out how elite arguments on violence and crime are translated into
everyday life, and what society members suggest be done to deal with these problems. The sources prove that there are noticeable hegemonic discourses on violence and crime in Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua. Simultaneously, a majority of the respondents call for social and integrative solutions rather than the so-called “iron fist.” The repressive trend in Central American policies therefore does not necessarily receive the presumed affirmation asserted by many authorities on and in the region....
-
Search for all records in "Costa Rica"
-
Cote d'Ivoire
-
May 28, 2010
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
By its resolution 1911 (2010), the Security Council renewed the mandate of
the United Nations Operation in Côte d’Ivoire (UNOCI) until 31 May 2010 and
expressed its intention to review in full, with a view to possible significant
modifications, the mandate of UNOCI, as well as the authorization provided to the
French forces which support it, the level of troops of UNOCI, and the benchmarks
referred to in annex I to my report of 7 January 2010 (S/2010/15). The Council
requested me, in paragraph 22 of that resolution, to provide a full report, including
detailed recommendations and options for the future of UNOCI, as well as revised
benchmarks based on the results of a technical assessment mission. The present
report provides an update on major developments since my report of 7 January
2010, as well as the requested options, recommendations and benchmarks, based on
the findings and proposals of a technical assessment mission....
-
May 13, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Already delayed six times, Côte d’Ivoire’s presidential election is still some way off. Over two months after President Gbagbo dissolved the Independent Electoral Commission (Commission Électorale Indépendante, CEI) and the government, preparations are at a virtual standstill. The process of electoral identification already carries serious risks of violence. Armed groups and militias, the resurgence of xenophobic language and a challenging socio-economic situation make for an explosive environment, threatening the stability of this key West African country. Unless its politicians urgently meet the challenge of escalating tensions, accelerate electoral preparations and desist from hate speech, and unless regional, UN and other international partners establish the operational, political and security mechanisms necessary to prevent violence, the peace process could very well collapse, with dramatic consequences for the country and its neighbours....
-
May 6, 2010
United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:
In 2002, civil war broke out in Côte d’Ivoire, dividing communities and destroying already
fragile public institutions. Although most of the fighting ended by late 2004, the violence
left behind a legacy of contentious issues that have yet to be sufficiently resolved. The
latest of numerous peace deals—the Ouagadougou Peace Accords (OPA) of March 2007—
promised to address many of these issues, but tensions remained high and several thousand
French and United Nations troops (United Nations Operations in Côte d’Ivoire, or UNOCI)
are still in Côte d’Ivoire to maintain the peace. This case study will review the relationship
between conflict and education in Côte d’Ivoire and illustrate several points of particular
concern for analysts of Côte d’Ivoire and for those engaged with peacebuilding and development
elsewhere.
In situations such as those found in Côte d’Ivoire, a nuanced understanding of the education
system is needed. While the education sector was clearly a victim of the civil war that
raged, it was also a catalyst for the conflict. A better understanding of the Ivorian education
system will allow for a more accurate analysis of events and provide a firmer foundation for
recommendations and intervention....
-
April 23, 2010
Open Society Institute // Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project // International African Institute // Royal African Society // Social Science Research Council
Abstract:
‘We needed a war because we needed our identity cards. Without an identity card you are nothing in this country.’ As the author points out, a fighter for the rebel ‘new forces’ in Côte d’Ivoire condenses the argument of the book into two short sentences: that the denial of a right to citizenship has been at the heart of many of the conflicts of post-colonial Africa, and that it is time to change the rules. Without citizenship, the author points out, people: cannot get their children registered at birth or entered in school or university
cannot obtain travel documents, or employment without a work permit; if they leave the country they may not be able to return; most of all, they cannot vote, stand for office or work for state institutions. Furthermore , as the book highlights questions of citizenship have been used to prevent specific individuals from challenging for political position.
This book gives more details on issues such as: Citizenship law in Africa: a history of discrimination and exclusion; denationalized groups: disputes over the law have been at the heart of the wider debate; silencing individuals: citizenship law has also proved a useful tool to incumbent governments wishing to silence critics; and the scale of the problem: the true number of people affected by the crisis of citizenship in Africa is difficult to estimate....
-
March 23, 2010
Accord International Review of Peace Processes // Conciliation Resources
Abstract:
Do sanctions, incentives and conditionality support or undermine the peace process?
This edition of Accord assesses whether these instruments can persuade conflict
parties to engage in peacemaking. Used effectively, these tools can tip the balance
towards a settlement by increasing the costs of fighting and rewarding peace. But
unless developed as part of a coherent and strategic approach to peacemaking they
can be ineffective and have sometimes exacerbated tensions and fuelled conflict.
Sanctions, incentives and conditionality must be responsive to parties’ own
motivations and support pre-existing conditions for conflict resolution. Four overriding conclusions can be drawn from this
study for how to enhance the effectiveness of external
influence in support of peacemaking. (1) External actors
need to prioritize support for sustainable peace as their
primary goal in a conflict situation and craft their
strategy to help achieve it – recognizing that this may, in
turn, create the enabling conditions for achieving other
foreign policy goals. (2) Sanctions, incentives and
conditionality are most likely to be effective when they
are responsive to the parties’ own motivational
structures and support a pre-existing societal dynamic
for conflict resolution. (3) They need to be designed and
implemented in ways that help to create momentum in
the resolution process, which (4) typically requires a degree of strategic coherence amongst external actors,
necessitating mechanisms for coordination....
-
Search for all records in "Cote d'Ivoire"
-
Croatia
-
March 29, 2010
European Council on Refugees and Exiles // Center for Peace, Legal Advice and Psychosocial Assistance // Group 484
Abstract:
The refugee situation of the early 1990’s in the former Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (SFRY) was one of the most serious post-World War II crises in Europe.
Nearly 15 years following the conflict, the plight of some 97,000 refugees forced to flee
their homes in present-day Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina remains unresolved. For
the approximately 70,000 ethnic Serb refugees from Croatia, the chief impediment to
securing durable solutions is Croatia’s unwillingness to recognize their acquired rights as
former tenancy rights holders. In this report, we focus on the most pressing unresolved issues of the refugee problem in
the region -- the deprivation of acquired rights granted by previously established legal
principles of tenancy rights and the status of specially protected lessees of socially owned
flats....
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
January 26, 2010
Swiss Peace Foundation
Abstract:
Since the end of the Cold War, the debate on the role of the private sector in peacebuilding has attracted increasingly more interest from research as well as policy-making. One of the oft-made claims is that the economic self-interest of corporate actors in a peaceful business environment should spur them into supporting peacebuilding processes. However, this seemingly compelling argument is confronted with a relatively small number of practical examples where business actors in fact assumed an active role in peace.
The goal of the working paper is to contribute to a better understanding of the motivating and deterring factors for corporate engagement in peace. Focusing the empirical research on the conflictvulnerable tourism sector in Croatia, Rwanda, and Sri Lanka, the working paper argues that economic incentives are an important though not a sufficient motivation for most forms of corporate engagement in peace. Other factors such as the terms (or costs) of peace and the relationships to or dependence from the government can also strongly influence corporate willingness to actively contribute to peacebuilding....
-
October 9, 2009
International Center for Transitional Justice
Abstract:
When the Security Council established the ICTY and ICTR to prosecute mass
atrocities, its motivation was clearly stated in the preambles to Resolutions 827 and 955:
it was—and I quote—“determined to put an end to such crimes and to take effective
measures to bring to justice the persons who are responsible for them.” The Council was
“convinced that in the particular circumstances [of the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda
respectively] the prosecution of persons responsible for serious violations of international
humanitarian law would enable this aim to be achieved and would contribute to the
process of national reconciliation and the restoration and maintenance of peace.” The
Council set out its belief that establishing such international tribunals would “contribute
to ensuring that such violations are halted and effectively redressed.” From the outset,
these goals were fundamental to the mandates of the international judicial institutions that
emerged.
While neither ICTY nor ICTR were intended to be permanent institutions, neither of the
courts’ mandates specified an end date for their work. As discussions progress in
meetings such as this one about how the tribunals should complete the tasks the Council
has assigned them, it is important to reflect on the underlying conceptual framework that
drove those original commitments and to ensure that new decisions preserve the positive
legacies that have been built over the past 15 years. It is worth noting that this will
require input from the constituencies that have been the subject of the tribunals’ work....
-
September 3, 2009
Freedom House
Abstract:
Nations in Transit 2009 is the 13th edition of Freedom House’s comprehensive,
comparative study of democratic development from Central Europe
to Eurasia. It examines 29 countries, including the newest independent
state in the region, Kosovo. The overarching conclusion is that 2008 was a very
difficult year for democracy: scores declined for 18 of the 29 countries, and a record
8 countries are now in the “consolidated authoritarian regimes” category. Worrying
trends highlighted in the previous three editions of Nations in Transit became even
more pronounced in 2008, while positive trends lost momentum.
A number of events illustrate the intensification of these negative trends. In
2008, for the first time in the 21st century, a war erupted between two states covered
in Nations in Transit. The so-called “August War” between Georgia and Russia served
as a wake-up call for those who believed that the democratic decline observed in
the region over the last few years would not have a detrimental effect on security
and stability. Highly problematic elections accentuated the region’s troubles. Two
petro-states, Azerbaijan (which recorded the largest democratic decline in this
edition of Nations in Transit) and the Russian Federation, held uncompetitive
presidential elections in which the result was predetermined. Armenia’s presidential
poll was marred by lethal postelection violence. And the government in Georgia
used administrative resources to seriously influence that country’s hotly contested
presidential and parliamentary elections. Nations in Transit 2009 documents
how journalists were once again at risk throughout the region, from Croatia to
Uzbekistan, and national governments were challenged by corruption scandals, as
was the case in Bulgaria; by divisive ethnic politics, as in Bosnia and Herzegovina;
by parliamentary boycotts, as in Montenegro; or by infighting and outright
irresponsibility among political leaders, as in Ukraine....
-
Search for all records in "Croatia"
-
Cuba
-
March 19, 2010
United Kingdom Foreign and Commonwealth Office
Abstract:
This is the 12th FCO Annual Report on Human
Rights. The report sets out the UK’s work and
policy on human rights in 2009, and explains the
importance of human rights across our foreign
policy goals. It highlights our main policies,
countries of concern and the challenges we
face. It demonstrates how we seek to address
these issues through diplomatic channels and
international bodies, as well as our programme
work across the globe. However, many of the issues covered in these pages
highlight the growing tendency to once again claim
human rights as a “Western” construct, unsuited to
particular cultures and countries. In the Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea, the government continues
to insist that national security and cultural differences
invalidate human rights obligations and justify
subjecting humanitarian workers to severe restrictions.
In Burma, Aung San Suu Kyi is incarcerated on
the basis of similar arguments that her battle for
Foreword by the Foreign Secretary
David Miliband
Foreign Secretary
democracy undermines national security. Women are
still denied their human rights in many parts of the
world, on the basis that culture and religion render
those rights inapplicable. The increasing threat to
gay people’s rights in some African countries reminds
us that tolerance is a dream rather than a reality for
much of the world’s population.
But this report also shows how people around the
world are pushing back against the idea that human
rights are not universal – in 2009 demonstrators
in Guinea and Honduras demanded their rights to
democracy, human rights defenders from Belarus
to Syria continued to protest against injustice and
worldwide, individuals and groups continue to work
to realise the rights of all. We have a responsibility
to applaud these efforts, and to support them by
challenging the notion that human rights depend on
culture and circumstance....
-
March 15, 2010
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
This report updates the topic of Iran’s Growing Relations with Latin America [page 5]. Over the past several years, U.S. officials and other observers have expressed concerns about
Iran’s increasing activities in Latin America, particularly under the government of President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. For example, in January 2009 congressional testimony, Secretary of
Defense Robert Gates maintained that he was concerned about the level of “subversive activity
that the Iranians are carrying on in a number of places in Latin America, particularly South
America and Central America.” There has been some contention, however, over the level and significance of Iran’s linkages with
the region. One view emphasizes that Iran’s relations with several Latin American leaders who
have employed strong anti-U.S. rhetoric and its past support for terrorist activities in the region
are reasons why its presence should be considered a potential destabilizing threat to the region.
Another school of thought emphasizes that Iran’s domestic politics and strategic orientation
toward the Middle East and Persian Gulf region will preclude the country from sustaining a focus
on Latin America. Adherents of this view assert that Iran’s promised aid and investment to Latin
America have not materialized. Some observers holding both of these views contend that while Iran’s activities in Latin America do not currently constitute a major threat to U.S. national
security, there is enough to be concerned about to keep a watchful eye on developments in case it
becomes a more serious threat. On October 27, 2009, the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on
the Western Hemisphere held a hearing on “Iran in the Western Hemisphere” that reflected these
range of views....
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
November 18, 2009
Human Rights Watch
Abstract:
In July 2006, Fidel Castro handed control of the Cuban government over to his brother Raúl
Castro. As the new head of state, Raúl Castro inherited a system of abusive laws and
institutions, as well as responsibility for hundreds of political prisoners arrested during his
brother’s rule. Rather than dismantle this repressive machinery, Raúl Castro has kept it
firmly in place and fully active. Scores of political prisoners arrested under Fidel Castro
continue to languish in Cuba’s prisons. And Raúl Castro’s government has used draconian
laws and sham trials to incarcerate scores more who have dared to exercise their
fundamental freedoms.
Raúl Castro’s government has relied in particular on a provision of the Cuban Criminal Code
that allows the state to imprison individuals before they have committed a crime, on the
suspicion that they might commit an offense in the future. This “dangerousness” provision
is overtly political, defining as “dangerous” any behavior that contradicts socialist norms.
The most Orwellian of Cuba’s laws, it captures the essence of the Cuban government’s
repressive mindset, which views anyone who acts out of step with the government as a
potential threat and thus worthy of punishment.
Despite significant obstacles to research, Human Rights Watch documented more than 40
cases in which Cuba has imprisoned individuals for “dangerousness” under Raúl Castro
because they tried to exercise their fundamental rights. We believe there are many more. The
“dangerous” activities in these cases have included handing out copies of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, staging peaceful marches, writing news articles critical of the
government, and attempting to organize independent unions....
-
September 25, 2009
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
Since the September 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, U.S. attention to
terrorism in Latin America has intensified, with an increase in bilateral and regional cooperation.
In its April 2009 Country Reports on Terrorism, the State Department maintained that terrorism in
the region was primarily perpetrated by terrorist organizations in Colombia and by the remnants
of radical leftist Andean groups. Overall, however, the report maintained that the threat of a
transnational terrorist attack remained low for most countries in the hemisphere. Cuba has
remained on the State Department’s list of state sponsors of terrorism since 1982 pursuant to
Section 6(j) of the Export Administration Act, which triggers a number of economic sanctions.
Both Cuba and Venezuela are on the State Department’s annual list of countries determined to be
not cooperating fully with U.S. antiterrorism efforts pursuant to Section 40A of the Arms Export
Control Act. U.S. officials have expressed concerns over the past several years about Venezuela’s
lack of cooperation on antiterrorism efforts, its relations with Iran, and President Hugo Chávez’s
sympathetic statements for Colombian terrorist groups. The State Department terrorism report
noted, however, that President Chávez publicly changed course in June 2008 and called on the
FARC to unconditionally release all hostages, declaring that armed struggle is “out of place” in
modern Latin America.
In recent years, U.S. concerns have increased over activities of the radical Lebanon-based Islamic
group Hezbollah and the Sunni Muslim Palestinian group Hamas in the tri-border area of
Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay. The State Department terrorism report maintains that the United
States remains concerned that Hezbollah and Hamas sympathizers are raising funds among the
sizable Middle Eastern communities in the region, but stated that there was no corroborated
information that these or other Islamic extremist groups had an operational presence in the area.
Allegations have linked Hezbollah to two bombings in Argentina: the 1992 bombing of the Israeli
Embassy in Buenos Aires that killed 30 people and the 1994 bombing of the Argentine-Israeli
Mutual Association (AMIA) in Buenos Aires that killed 85 people. Concerns about Iran’s
increasing activities in Latin America center on the country’s ties to Hezbollah and the terrorist
attacks in Argentina....
-
Search for all records in "Cuba"
-
Cyprus
-
June 9, 2010
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The present report on the United Nations operation in Cyprus covers
developments from 21 November 2009 to 20 May 2010. It brings up to date, since
the issuance of my last report (S/2009/609) on 25 November 2009, the record of
activities carried out by the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus
(UNFICYP) pursuant to Security Council resolution 186 (1964) and subsequent
Council resolutions, most recently resolution 1898 (2009). The activities of my
mission of good offices in Cyprus are covered separately in my report dated 11 May
2010 (S/2010/238). As at 30 April, the strength of the military component stood at 859, including
all ranks, and the strength of the police component stood at 69 (see annex). The main efforts of UNFICYP during the reporting period have focused on
maintaining the stability of the buffer zone and contributing to the overall United
Nations effort in support of the peace process. The opposing forces have cooperated
very well with UNFICYP military forces and the situation in the buffer zone has
remained stable. Regular meetings between the UNFICYP Force Commander and
Commanders of the opposing forces continued to be positive and beneficial for
maintaining the stable environment on the island....
-
April 19, 2010
openDemocracy
Abstract:
The chances of an internal resolution of the enduring Cyprus conflict are receding. This reinforces the temptation of many to embrace a “European solution” as the way forward. But the European Union's understanding of democracy is less principled than Greek Cypriots would like it to be, says Hubert Faustmann. “The view of some in the Greek Cypriot political arena that a European solution is on the cards is unwise and shows their ignorance of the European Union […] I’m afraid that, from the very beginning, many Greek Cypriots have regarded the European Union not as a balance of rights and responsibilities that people assume when they join, but as a one-way ticket to getting everything they want and haven’t been able to get out of the international community over the previous period.” David (Lord) Hannay: quoted in Jean Christou, “European solution? Dream on”, Cyprus Mail, 4 November 2004. The perennial Cyprus conflict passes another stage on 18 April 2010 when elections within the Turkish Cypriot community in the northern part of the island are held. The probable outcome is the coming to power of a hardliner who is likely to spoil the chances both of reconciliation with the Greek-Cypriot-dominated Republic of Cyprus and of political progress more generally. This bleak political prospect is confirmation of the continued blockage of one the most enduring international political disputes of the age - despite hopes of a breakthrough raised most recently in 2004 by the (ultimately abortive) “Annan plan” - the United Nations’ blueprint to reunify Cyprus. This article examines one of the most persistent arguments of Greek Cypriot opponents to the kind of solution envisaged in the Annan plan: that a notional “European solution” can be achieved as the instrument of moving beyond the intractable situation on the island....
-
March 17, 2010
Collaborative for Development Action // Reflecting on Peace Practice Project
Abstract:
In order to assess the impact of peacebuilding activities in Cyprus we conducted a number of interviews with individuals from both Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities and with third parties involved in the Cyprus issue. The purpose of the interviews was to enable an analysis of individual reflections on their involvement in the peace process in Cyprus and to assess their impact. All the interviews were transcribed with the interviewees’ consent. Many of the interviewees are remarkable in that they have been a part of the most important citizen-based rapprochement/peacebuilding groups in Cyprus who worked for peace for decades. They created a process of dialogue and encounters which, since the events in 1974, has been unique in its intensity and extent. The report summarizes the history of the conflict and civil society peacebuilding activities in Cyprus, along with the topics: civil society peacebuilding activities in cyprus; interview results: experiences with the Cyprus peace process: Turkish Cypriot analysis, Greek Cypriot analysis, external participants' analysis; convergence and divergence: analyzing interview results for cumulative impact: Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots, international interviewees....
-
January 5, 2010
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The Security Council today renewed for another six months the 45-year-old United Nations peacekeeping mission in Cyprus, citing “a rare opportunity to make decisive progress in a timely fashion” to reunify the Mediterranean island after a history of fighting between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities.
In a resolution adopted by 14 votes to one, with only Turkey opposing, the 15-member body strongly urged the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot leaders “to increase the momentum in the negotiations to ensure the full exploitation of this opportunity to reach a comprehensive settlement based on a bicommunal, bizonal federation with political equality.”
Greek Cypriot leader Dimitris Christofias and Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat have been meeting regularly for more than a year under UN auspices in a bid to establish a Federal Government with a single international personality, along with a Turkish Cypriot Constituent State and a Greek Cypriot Constituent State, which would be of equal status.
The Council extended the mandate of the UN peacekeeping mission in Cyprus (UNFICYP) until 15 June, 2010. Now mustering 926 uniformed personnel – 858 troops and 68 police – supported by 40 international civilian staff, the mission was first established in 1964 to prevent further fighting between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities. After hostilities erupted again in 1974, its responsibilities were expanded to supervise ceasefire lines, maintain a buffer zone and undertake humanitarian activities....
-
December 4, 2009
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The present report on the United Nations operation in Cyprus covers
developments from 11 May to 20 November 2009 and brings up to date the record
of activities carried out by the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus
(UNFICYP) pursuant to Security Council resolution 186 (1964) and subsequent
Council resolutions, most recently resolution 1873 (2009). The activities of my
mission of good offices in Cyprus are covered separately in my report S/2009/610
dated 30 November 2009. As at 31 October, the strength of the military component of UNFICYP stood at
858, including all ranks, and the strength of the police component stood at 69 (see
annex)....
-
Search for all records in "Cyprus"
-
Czech Republic
-
June 3, 2009
Initiative for Peacebuilding // Partners for Democratic Change International
Abstract:
This Synthesis Report extracts the main findings from seven EU Member State case studies surveyed under
the Capacity-Building and Training Cluster of the Initiative for Peacebuilding (IfP). Case studies were conducted
in Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Greece, Poland, Portugal, Slovenia and Spain in order to assess these countries’
capacities to meet EU spending targets for official development assistance (ODA) and to analyse the position of
peacebuilding within national ODA policies. Each case study analysed country-specific ODA policies by focusing
on institutional mechanisms and key actors in managing and implementing ODA; the role and capacity of civil
society organisations in influencing planning, implementation, and evaluation of ODA; and public awareness of
and support for ODA.
This report finds that international development cooperation has received growing attention during the last
decade in all surveyed case-study countries. New EU Member States in particular are striving to adhere to
their international commitments by further refining their ODA policies; enhancing the institutional structures
for managing and implementing ODA; and increasing cooperation with and consultation of civil society
organisations....
-
December 10, 2008
International Centre for Migration Policy Development
Abstract:
A Survey and Analysis of Border Management and Border Apprehension Data from 20 States.
With a Special Survey on the Use of Counterfeit Documents.
Based on the contributions of the border services of 20 Central and Eastern European states, the 2006 Yearbook again provides its valuable overview and analysis of irregular migration trends in the region. Over the past ten years the annual Yearbook on Illegal Migration, Human Smuggling and Trafficking in Central and Eastern Europe has come to be regarded as an authoritative source of information on recent border trends and in particular on the phenomena of illegal migration, human smuggling and trafficking. The annual Yearbook covers the most recent trends in illegal migration and human smuggling in the region, including long-term trends in border apprehensions, shifts in source, transit and destination countries, demographic characteristics of irregular migrants, the relationship between legal and illegal border crossings, new developments in the methods of border crossings and document abuse and on removals of irregular migrants. In addition, this year’s edition for the first time features a Special Survey on the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes. This Survey is based on the contributions received from document specialists or Special Units dealing with document security in the countries under review and provides the first comprehensive overview and analysis of patterns and trends in the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes in Central and Eastern Europe....
-
September 8, 2008
Amnesty International
Abstract:
This bulletin contains information about Amnesty International’s main concerns in Europe and
Central Asia between July and December 2007. Not every country in the region is reported on; only
those where there were significant developments in the period covered by the bulletin, or where
Amnesty International (AI) took specific action.
A number of individual country reports have been issued on the concerns featured in this bulletin.
References to these are made under the relevant country entry. In addition, more detailed
information about particular incidents or concerns may be found in Urgent Actions and News
Service Items issued by AI.
This bulletin is published by AI every six months....
-
September 5, 2008
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
U.S. policymakers have made securing and maintaining foreign contributions
to the stabilization and reconstruction of Iraq a major priority since the preparation
period for the launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. This report
highlights and discusses important changes in financial and personnel contributions
from foreign governments to Iraq since 2003.
To date, foreign donors have pledged an estimated $16.4 billion in grants and
loans for Iraq reconstruction, with most major pledges originating at a major donors'
conference in Madrid, Spain, in October 2003. However, only a small part of the
pledges have been committed or disbursed to the World Bank and United Nations
Development Group Trust Funds for Iraq. The largest non-U.S. pledges of grants
have come from Japan, the European Commission, the United Kingdom, Canada,
South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. The World Bank, the International
Monetary Fund, Japan, and Saudi Arabia have pledged the most loans and export
credits.
Currently, 33 countries including the United States have some level of troops
on the ground in Iraq or supporting Iraq operations from nearby locations. Those
forces are working under the rubric of one of several organizations — the
Multi-National Force-Iraq (MNF-I), the NATO Training Mission-Iraq (NTM-I); or
the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI). Currently, the largest
troop contributors, in addition to the United States, are the United Kingdom, Georgia,
Australia, South Korea, and Poland. Some of these key contributors have announced
their intention to reduce or withdraw their forces from Iraq during 2008. The total
number of non-U.S. coalition troop contributions has declined since the early
stabilization efforts, as other countries have withdrawn their contingents or
substantially reduced their size....
-
May 14, 2007
Government Accountability Office
Abstract:
In March 2003, a U.S.-led multinational force began operations in Iraq. At that time, 48 nations, identified as a "coalition of the willing," offered political, military, and financial support for U.S. efforts in Iraq, with 38 nations other than the United States providing troops. In addition, international donors met in Madrid in October 2003 to pledge funding for the reconstru#ction of Iraq's infrastructure, which had deteriorated after multiple wars and decades of neglect under the previous regime.
This testimony discusses (1) the troop commitments other countries have made to operations in Iraq, (2) the funding the United States has provided to support other countries' participation in the multinational force, and (3) the financial support international donors have provided to Iraq reconstruction efforts....
-
Search for all records in "Czech Republic"
-
Denmark
-
June 15, 2010
Dansk Institut for Militaere Studier // Danish Institute for Military Studies
Abstract:
If measures against pirates are to be effective, they must be carried out on land. Pirates are criminals who can best be thwarted by eliminating their bases and networks. At sea, it is only possible to treat the symptoms of piracy and catch the small fish. This report focuses on the pirates off the coast of Somalia as this is where the problem has spread dramatically, and as Denmark has been extensively involved in combating piracy in the area around the Horn of Africa.
Strategies with three time horizons can be developed for combating pirates: short-term, medium-term, long-term. To date, a large number of states has become involved in combating piracy at a rapid pace, and the steps they have taken have therefore been characterised by a short-term time horizon. The aim of this report is to present recommendations that can function in the medium term. This means that temporary measures such as convoying or stationing soldiers on board merchant ships have not been taken into consideration. It is not realistic to maintain such operations for a longer period of time. Nor is there any attempt in the report to find a solution to the civil war in Somalia – something that would otherwise help to solve the problem of piracy in the long term....
-
April 28, 2010
RAND Corporation
Abstract:
The Netherlands Ministry of Defence (NL MOD) commissioned RAND Europe to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the Netherlands armed forces, asking RAND to focus on recent deployments of the Netherlands armed forces relative to the deployments of other countries' armed forces. This study is therefore not a root and branch consideration of the Netherlands armed forces, but a comparative study of several different armed forces to illustrate contrasts and similarities with those of the Netherlands. This study was conducted within the context of the NL MOD's Future Policy Survey, which is a review of the Netherlands' future defence ambition, required capabilities and associated levels of defence expenditure. The Future Policy Survey was delivered to the Netherlands Parliament in April 2010. The overarching aim of the Dutch Future Policy Survey is to provide greater insight into how to exploit and enhance the potential contribution of the Netherlands armed forces....
-
April 16, 2010
Demos
Abstract:
The path into terrorism in the name of Islam is often described as a process of radicalisation. But to be radical is not necessarily to be violent. Violent radicals are clearly enemies of liberal democracies, but non-violent radicals might sometimes be powerful allies.
This report is a summary of two years of research examining the difference between violent and non-violent radicals in Europe and Canada. The report covers five countries: the UK, Canada, Denmark,
France and the Netherlands, focusing on the phenomenon
of ‘home-grown’ al-Qaeda inspired terrorism in these
countries. It represents a step towards a more nuanced understanding of behaviour across radicalised individuals, the appeal of the al-Qaeda narrative, and the role of governments and communities in responding....
-
October 7, 2009
Henry L. Stimson Center
Abstract:
In 2001, when foreign militaries – including the American, Belgian, British, Canadian, Danish, German, Italian, and Turkish – entered the country, Afghans welcomed them warmly, strewing flowers as they passed through towns and villages. There was widespread hope that the country would finally see peace and stability after decades of war.
Eight years later, however, there is still a consistent failure to establish the appropriate mechanisms for security and development in Afghanistan. Since the Bonn Agreement, both security assistance and development assistance have taken a short term view – primarily addressing immediate and acute problems rather than identifying and responding to underlying weaknesses. Such a “quick fix” approach has cost time and popular support from those eager for change, and has wasted resources and opportunities. Significant amounts of aid are re-routed back to the donors’ home countries through contractors and consultants. The creation of parallel structures of governance such as command and control centers and prisons has undermined national authority, inhibited national initiative, weakened security, and slowed development. Prospects for sustainable development are slim, and the initially close relationship between the Afghan public and international forces has deteriorated.
Underlying the current approach is the assumption that Afghanistan could only be rescued by an enormous international intervention. However the presence of the international community, even if extensive and well-directed, will not be useful if Afghans are not in charge of their own recovery and development. Although the international community and the Afghan government have rhetorically committed themselves to inclusive nation-building, significant progress has yet to be made in including a wide cross-section of Afghan society....
-
August 11, 2009
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Abstract:
Terrorism is not a new phenomenon, nor is it likely to disappear anytime soon. It is not the exclusive domain of any single religion or ideology, nor do all terrorists come from the same socioeconomic class or share the same mental pathologies.1 In part, the diversity within contemporary terrorism is what makes it so great a challenge. This report describes, in great detail, the state of terrorism in Western countries over the course of 2008.
Before turning to terrorism events in the West during 2008 and key developments within Western countries’ legal systems, we are going to pinpoint a few broad trends—a few currents that run through the various incidents and cases that follow. As this report will show, concerns about the contemporary connection between criminal activities and terrorism are clear in Bulgaria, a country rife with organized crime. An April 2008 parliamentary report charged that profits from the country’s drug trade were channeled to Middle Eastern terrorist groups....
-
Search for all records in "Denmark"
-
Djibouti
-
July 27, 2010
Refugees International
Abstract:
Tens of thousands of Somali refugees have sought asylum in cities in neighboring countries but have long been overlooked by humanitarian actors. Many of these refugees have found ways to survive in Nairobi, Djibouti, Aden, and Sana’a and have become self-reliant, but others suffer from police harassment, arbitrary arrest and detention, and forced return. Registration and documentation should be the foundation of refugee protection in cities. Partnerships with community-based organizations and ongoing refugee profiling is essential to identify and serve the most vulnerable. Promoting the protection of refugees in cities helps them live with greater independence and dignity. Due to ongoing violence, human rights violations, and conflict in Somalia, today there are some 580,000 Somali refugees in four main asylum countries—Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya and Yemen....
-
January 19, 2010
Crisis States Research Centre // London School of Economics // Development Studies Institute
Abstract:
The Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) is the regional organisation of
seven Eastern African countries with a stated ambition to achieve peace, prosperity and
regional integration among its member states. Each of these objectives is challenging, but
none more so than the prevention, management and resolution of violent conflict in a region
that has been steeped in warfare for decades. The current conflicts in the Horn of Africa
include civil war in Darfur, protracted state collapse in Somalia, deep hostility and a stalled
peace process between Ethiopia and Eritrea, a fragile peace agreement between North and
South Sudan, a border dispute between Eritrea and Djibouti and periodic bouts of unrest in
the Ogaden and Northern Uganda.
This paper assesses the contribution that IGAD has made to regional security in the Horn of
Africa since the mid 1990s. It begins with a brief account of the origins of IGAD in 1986 and
the development of its peace and security mandate in 1996, set in the context of an evolving
African regionalism. It then examines the two major peace processes over which IGAD has
presided, the first for Sudan (1993-2005) and then the Somali process (2002-2004). The next
section considers the overall effectiveness of IGAD’s contribution to peace and security and
assesses the success of IGAD’s reconciliation efforts in Sudan and Somalia. The paper argues
that the regional security framework of IGAD was conceived during an exceptional (and
brief) interlude of good relations among all its member states. It attributes the subsequent
failure of IGAD to prevent or resolve much of the serious conflict in the Horn to an
entrenched political culture that endorses the use of force and mutual intervention by states in
each other’s conflicts and domestic affairs. It notes that IGAD member states continue to fuel
conflict even when reconciliation talks are in progress and suggests that where positive results
have been achieved these are more the product of regional power politics than of IGAD’s
institutional strength. It concludes that the scope for the IGAD Secretariat to develop an
autonomous conflict-resolution capability will remain limited, but that member states will still
seek to utilise IGAD’s authority to legitimise their own regional policies....
-
January 13, 2010
Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs // John F. Kennedy School of Government // Harvard University
Abstract:
The following is intended to provide a report of the discussions at the “Examining the ‘Bastions’ of Terror: Governance and Policy in Yemen and the Horn of Africa” conference held November 4-6, 2004 at the John F. Kennedy School of Government. Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, and the Sudan—the countries constituting the “Horn of Africa”— together with Yemen, are potential hostages to terrorism. Their largely unsecured territories provide a platform for terrorists, and their internal conflicts and weaknesses create potential breeding grounds for current and future anti-American terrorism.
American efforts to combat terrorism in the region demand cohesive strategies across U.S. foreign policy agencies and across the region. The U.S. must employ multipronged social, economic, political, and military strategies to overcome not only the immediate threats but medium- and longer-term risks....
-
January 5, 2010
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The Security Council today imposed arms and travel sanctions on Eritrea for supporting insurgents trying to topple the nascent government in nearby Somalia.
The resolution, supported by 13 of the 15 members of the Council, places an arms embargo on Eritrea, imposes travel bans on the Horn of Africa nation's top political and military officials, and freezes the assets of some of the country's senior political and military officials.
China, one of the five permanent members of the Council, abstained from voting for the resolution, while Libya voted against it.
In the resolution, the Council expressed concern over Eritrea's rejection of the United Nations-facilitated Djibouti Agreement, a 2008 peace accord between Somalia's Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia (ARS).
Despite that pact, fighting and humanitarian suffering continue to engulf Somalia, which has been without a central authority for nearly two decades. Eritrea and Djibouti are also engaged in a border dispute.
Today's resolution “demands that all Member States, in particular Eritrea, cease arming, training, and equipping armed groups and their members including al-Shabaab, that aim to destabilize the region or incite violence and civil strife in Djibouti.”
It also calls on all nations to support the Djibouti peace process and support the TFG's reconciliation efforts in Somalia....
-
November 9, 2009
The World Bank Group
Abstract:
Fragile and conflict-affected states are not new, but the challenges they pose have moved to the top of the development agenda in recent years. Experience has shown that the task of moving a poor, conflict-affected state out of fragility is a complex, difficult and long-term project. In many cases, like in Afghanistan, gains have been hard-won, slow and uncertain. Nonetheless, recent history offers grounds for optimism. Mozambique and El Salvador, once stuck in a downward slide of violent conflict and economic ruin, are now democracies enjoying growth and relative stability. Rwanda, Liberia and Angola have made rapid progress, especially given the conditions they faced when their conflicts ended. But Timor Leste and the Horn of Africa, while very different, remind us that progress can also be marred by setbacks.
Paul Collier, who contributed an article to this issue of Development Outreach, has helped us understand
the forces that keep states fragile, and how that fragility undermines development prospects. External assistance is essential to help solve the problems of what Collier calls the “Bottom Billion” states, many of which are fragile, conflict-affected or both. But this aid must be complemented by local leaders who fill the institutional voids that created the vulnerability in the first place. One of their first tasks is to build capacity in the public service and in key institutions of civil society. Sanjay Pradhan and Alastair McKechnie, respectively World Bank Vice President for the World Bank Institute, and Director of the Bank Group’s Fragile and Conflict-Affected States Unit, outline the challenges on these fronts.
Elsewhere in this issue—which was developed with guidance from Henriette von Kaltenborn-
Stachau and Erik Caldwell Johnson—analysts and world leaders offer lessons. Timor Leste’s Finance
Minister Emilia Pires underlines the importance of long-term commitments by donors. At the same
time, she cautions governments in fragile settings not to take on everything at once. Perhaps the most decisive element in success or failure is the kind of leadership that emerges in fragile situations. Harvard Professor Matt Andrews, defines this as, “individuals connected in networks [who] intentionally mobilize people, ideas,meaning and resources toward achieving a purpose.”...
-
Search for all records in "Djibouti"
-
Dominica
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
February 24, 2006
U.S. Department of State
Abstract:
Dominica is a multiparty, parliamentary democracy governed by a prime minister, a cabinet, and a unicameral legislative assembly. A president, nominated by the Prime Minister in consultation with the leader of the opposition party, and elected for a 5-year term by the Parliament, was head of state with largely ceremonial powers. Prime Minister Pierre Charles' Dominica Labour Party (DLP) prevailed in generally free and fair elections in 2000. Following the sudden death of Prime Minister Charles on January 6, Members of Parliament appointed Roosevelt Skerrit as Prime Minister on January 8. The judiciary is independent.
The Office of the Prime Minister oversaw the Dominica Police, the country's only security force. The civilian authorities maintained effective control of the security forces. Some members of the security force committed human rights abuses....
-
July 28, 2005
U.S. Army War College
Abstract:
The US military has had a host of successful experiences in counter-guerrilla war, including some distinct successes with certain aspects of the Vietnam War. However, the paradox stemming from America's unsuccessful crusade in the jungles of Vietnam is thisxe2x80x94because the experience was perceived as anathema to the mainstream American military, hard lessons learned there about fighting guerrillas were neither embedded nor preserved in the US Army's institutional memory. The American military culture's efforts to expunge the specter of Vietnam, embodied in the mantra "No More Vietnams," also prevented the US Army as an institution from really learning from those lessons. In fact, even the term "counterinsurgency" seemed to become a reviled and unwelcome word, one that the doctrinal cognoscenti of the 1980s conveniently transmogrified into "foreign internal defense." Even though many lessons exist in the US military's historical experience with small wars, the lessons from the Vietnam War were the most voluminous. Yet these lessons were most likely the least read, because the Army's intellectual rebirth after Vietnam focused almost exclusively on a big conventional war in Europexe2x80x94the scenario preferred by the US military culture. Since the US Army and its coalition partners are currently prosecuting counter-guerrilla wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, it is useful to revisit the lessons from Vietnam and other counterinsurgencies because they are germane to the wars of today and tomorrow. Capturing all or many of these lessons is beyond the scope of this article and is most likely beyond the scope of a single-volume book. However, this article aims to distill some of the more relevant counterinsurgency lessons from the American military's experiences during Vietnam and before. A bigger goal of this article, however, is to highlight some salient studies for professional reading as the US Army starts to inculcate a mindset that embraces the challenges of counterinsurgency and to develop a culture that learns from past lessons in counterinsurgency. This analysis also offers a brief explanation of US military culture and the hitherto embedded cultural obstacles to learning how to fight guerrillas. To simplify and clarify at the outset, the terms counterinsurgency, counter-guerrilla warfare, small war, and asymmetric conflict are used interchangeably. It is a form of warfare in which enemies of the regime or occupying force aim to undermine the regime by employing classical guerrilla tactics. For most of the 20th century, the US military culture (notwithstanding the Marines' work in small wars) generally embraced the big con#ventional war paradigm and fundamentally eschewed small wars and insurgencies. Thus, instead of learning from our experiences in Vietnam, the Philippines, the Marine Corps' experience in the Banana Wars, and the Indian campaigns, the US Army for most of the last 100 years has viewed these experiences as ephemeral anomalies and aberrationsxe2x80x94distractions from preparing to win big wars against other big powers. As a result of marginalizing the counterinsurgencies and small wars that it has spent most of its existence prosecuting, the US military's big-war cultural preferences have impeded it from fully benefitingxe2x80x94studying, distilling, and incorporating into doctrinexe2x80x94from our somewhat extensive lessons in small wars and insurgencies. This article starts by briefly examining some of the salient lessons for counterinsurgency from Vietnam and lists some of the sources for lessons from that war that have been neglected or forgotten. This article also examines some sources and lessons of counterinsurgencies and small wars predating Vietnam.
...
-
October 15, 2004
HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco
Abstract:
-
September 17, 2004
Protection Project // School of Advanced International Studies // Johns Hopkins University
Abstract:
-
Search for all records in "Dominica"
-
Dominican Republic
-
April 6, 2009
Forced Migration Review // University of Oxford // Refugee Studies Centre
Abstract:
Forced Migration Review (FMR) provides a
forum for the regular exchange of practical
experience, information and ideas between
researchers, refugees and internally
displaced people, and those who work with
them. It is published in English, Arabic,
Spanish and French by the Refugee Studies
Centre of the Oxford Department of
International Development, University
of Oxford. This issue focuses on 'Statelessness'. A ‘stateless person’ is someone who is not recognised as a national by any state.
They therefore have no nationality or citizenship (terms used interchangeably in
this issue) and are unprotected by national legislation, leaving them vulnerable
in ways that most of us never have to consider. The possible consequences of
statelessness are profound and touch on all aspects of life. It may not be possible
to work legally, own property or open a bank account. Stateless people may be
easy prey for exploitation as cheap labour. They are often not permitted to attend
school or university, may be prohibited from getting married and may not be able to
register births and deaths. Stateless people can neither vote nor access the national
justice system....
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
September 5, 2008
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
U.S. policymakers have made securing and maintaining foreign contributions
to the stabilization and reconstruction of Iraq a major priority since the preparation
period for the launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. This report
highlights and discusses important changes in financial and personnel contributions
from foreign governments to Iraq since 2003.
To date, foreign donors have pledged an estimated $16.4 billion in grants and
loans for Iraq reconstruction, with most major pledges originating at a major donors'
conference in Madrid, Spain, in October 2003. However, only a small part of the
pledges have been committed or disbursed to the World Bank and United Nations
Development Group Trust Funds for Iraq. The largest non-U.S. pledges of grants
have come from Japan, the European Commission, the United Kingdom, Canada,
South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. The World Bank, the International
Monetary Fund, Japan, and Saudi Arabia have pledged the most loans and export
credits.
Currently, 33 countries including the United States have some level of troops
on the ground in Iraq or supporting Iraq operations from nearby locations. Those
forces are working under the rubric of one of several organizations — the
Multi-National Force-Iraq (MNF-I), the NATO Training Mission-Iraq (NTM-I); or
the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI). Currently, the largest
troop contributors, in addition to the United States, are the United Kingdom, Georgia,
Australia, South Korea, and Poland. Some of these key contributors have announced
their intention to reduce or withdraw their forces from Iraq during 2008. The total
number of non-U.S. coalition troop contributions has declined since the early
stabilization efforts, as other countries have withdrawn their contingents or
substantially reduced their size....
-
June 2, 2008
Refugees International
Abstract:
On May 16, President Leonel Fernandez won a further term in office using the electoral slogan “Pa’lante” (“moving forward”) with a campaign message of modernization and development for the country. But the Dominican Republic is not utilizing all its human resources to move forward. An illegal retroactive application of nationality laws is leaving increasing numbers of Dominicans of Haitian descent functionally stateless. Hundreds of thousands of people are left in legal limbo and, in practice, most of them now have no access to either Dominican or Haitian nationality. This issue must be resolved if the country truly wants to modernize and develop....
-
May 14, 2007
Government Accountability Office
Abstract:
In March 2003, a U.S.-led multinational force began operations in Iraq. At that time, 48 nations, identified as a "coalition of the willing," offered political, military, and financial support for U.S. efforts in Iraq, with 38 nations other than the United States providing troops. In addition, international donors met in Madrid in October 2003 to pledge funding for the reconstru#ction of Iraq's infrastructure, which had deteriorated after multiple wars and decades of neglect under the previous regime.
This testimony discusses (1) the troop commitments other countries have made to operations in Iraq, (2) the funding the United States has provided to support other countries' participation in the multinational force, and (3) the financial support international donors have provided to Iraq reconstruction efforts....
-
Search for all records in "Dominican Republic"
-
East Africa
-
September 2, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
The January 2011 referendum on self-determination could result in Sudan’s partition, and the country’s North-South border may ultimately become the world’s newest international boundary. The 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that ended two decades of civil war called for the border between the North and the semi-autonomous South to be demarcated within six months. Five years later, the task remains incomplete. The sooner the parties break the border deadlock the better, though the process need not necessarily be completed prior to the referendum as Khartoum has argued previously. Furthermore, a solution to the border is about not only drawing a line, but also defining the nature and management of that border and the future relations of communities on both sides. A “soft” boundary is ideal, one backed by a framework for cross-border arrangements and, if necessary, safeguarded by a joint monitoring mechanism. Progress toward both demarcating and defining the border will prevent it from becoming a source of renewed conflict in the post-CPA era....
-
September 1, 2010
Crisis States Research Centre // London School of Economics // Development Studies Institute
Abstract:
This paper examines the history of civil wars in Uganda through the concept of 'elite bargains', arguing that allowing a biased access to positions of state power fails to accommodate the dominant social cleavages and is more likely to lead to civil war. Drawing on the definition of 'elite bargains' as developed at the Crisis States Research Centre, as well as on the wider literature surrounding issues of state power and the distribution of rights and entitlements, the paper draws a distinction between 'inclusive' and 'exclusionary' bargains and their differential outcomes....
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: The Mysterious Relationship Between
Al-Qa`ida and Iran, by Bruce Riedel; Al-Shabab’s Agenda in the Wake of the Kampala Suicide Attacks, by Tim Pippard; The Punjabi Taliban: Causes and Consequences of Turning Against the State, by Ben Brandt; The Ghazi Force: A Threat to Pakistan’s
Urban Centers, by Syed Manzar Abbas Zaidi; Pakistan’s Challenges in Orakzai
Agency, by Tayyab Ali Shah; The Growing Threat of Female Suicide
Attacks in Western Countries, by Houriya Ahmed; Countering Terrorist Financing:
Successes and Setbacks in the Years
Since 9/11, by Michael Jonsson....
-
August 30, 2010
Darfur Relief and Documentation Centre
Abstract:
At the end of July 2010, the UN Security Council is expected to renew the mandate of the
African Union/United Nation Hybrid operation in Darfur (UNAMID).The forthcoming renewal will
mark the end of the third year of UNAMID existence and the beginning of the fourth year. The
establishment of UNAMID is provided for by UN Security Council resolution 1769(2007) adopted
on 31st July 2007 with the overall objective of protecting civilians in Darfur, in addition to facilitating
the humanitarian relief operations and providing an environment conducive to the attainment of
peace and security in the region. Realization of these ambitious objectives required mobilization of
vast human and material resources and, above all, the necessary political will to enable robust
response and action. So far UNAMID has achieved little success in any of these three vital areas.
UNAMID has great potential to succeed but also all the ingredients to fail. The
unprecedented attention accorded to the humanitarian situation in Darfur by high-level regional
and international decision-making bodies is a clear signal of the world’s determination to put a halt
to the commission of massive atrocities by States against their own citizens thus giving effects to
the universally acclaimed concept referred to as the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). The
mobilisation of massive human and material resources for relief operations in Darfur saved the
lives of millions of war-affected communities and played a major role in averting a humanitarian
crisis of a much larger scale. Yet UNAMID works against many odds in Darfur. It operates in
difficult conditions in a hostile, dangerous and insecure environment that lacks sufficient
infrastructure. UNAMID has also been left without choice but to collaborate with unwilling and
intransigent local stakeholders some of them manifestly have no interest to see the peacekeeping
operation comes to a successful conclusion. This Briefing Paper attempts to provide critical
analysis of the role of UNAMID in Darfur and to advocate for measures to enhance its work....
-
August 26, 2010
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars // Africa Program
Abstract:
Sudan faces multiple crises. The CPA, which ended the southern conflict, has not been fully implemented. International support has been patchy. Demarcation of the North/South border has again been postponed. Preparations for the southern and Abyei referenda, due to be held in January, are well behind schedule, as are the popular consultations in Blue Nile and South Kordofan, where state elections have been put off until November. Inter-tribal conflict troubles the South. Opinion is increasingly polarized as the southern referendum approaches and the risk of renewed conflict grows, with damaging implications for the region and Africa as a whole. The two papers published here reflect the views of their authors only, but we believe that they will make a useful contribution to the policy debate, not least because they are written from very different perspectives.
Prendergast and Jones argue that past US Sudan policy of pressure on Khartoum has been successful and plead for more leverage and more effective use of leverage, especially on the NCP, which they judge keen to repair its relations with the US. Satti, on the other hand, writing during a visit to Sudan, contends that past US policy has served only to reduce Sudanese faith in US promises and US influence in Khartoum. Basing himself on a shrewd analysis of the NCP and its objectives, he suggests a policy of constructive engagement. Both papers, however, agree on the need for the US to work closely and harmoniously with the international community, especially the UN and AU, and for more US diplomatic effort on the ground....
-
Search for all records in "East Africa"
-
Ecuador
-
February 26, 2010
The World Bank // Social Development Department
Abstract:
This paper explores how a “conflict and violence‐sensitive” framework in project assessment, design and
implementation facilitates early identification and mitigation of negative consequences of competition and
dispute, and promotes sustainable development over the longer term. It discusses the role of renewable resources
in perpetuating conflict and violence, and distills lessons from selected development programming experiences in
managing conflict risks associated with these dynamics. The study emphasizes that building capacity to
productively address conflict and to improve community resilience to ecological change decreases vulnerability to
violence, and improves livelihoods—particularly for the world’s poorest communities. The study draws on a range
of development experience and specifically examines six case studies: three from the World Bank portfolio and
three external to the Bank. Of the World Bank projects, the paper considers Andhra Pradesh Community Forest
Management Project (India), Land Conflict and Vulnerability Pilot Project (Afghanistan), and Second Fadama
Development Project (Nigeria). The paper also studies three external cases: Conservation of Managed Indigenous
Areas (Ecuador) and Building the Capacity of ICCN to Resolve and Manage Environmental Conflicts in Virunga
National Park (DRC), both financed by USAID; and the Community Development Component of GTZ’s Palestinian
Water Program (West Bank). The concluding chapter outlines good practice and lessons learned from experience,
emphasizing principals for building institutional and organizational capacity that support constructive conflict
management....
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
January 29, 2010
International Assessment and Strategy Center
Abstract:
Many of the underlying issues of structural corruption, drug trafficking, money laundering and the presence of the FARC predate the Correa administration by many years. Ecuador's geographic position has also made it a vulnerable and attractive crossroads for transnational non-state armed groups. Ecuador's decision to adopt the U.S. dollar as its official currency in 2000 also created numerous new vulnerabilities for the state and advantages to criminal organizations.
These factors, taken together with the changing internal situation in Colombia and the expanding influence of the Mexican drug cartels have, over the past three years, helped turn Ecuador into an important and growing center of operation for transnational organized criminal gangs. This poses a significant threat not only to the Ecuadoran state but all of Latin America and the United States.
After decades as a transit route for cocaine and a secondary money laundering center, Ecuador is emerging as a key meeting ground for multiple transnational criminal and terrorist organizations and an important part of a pipeline that moves not only cocaine but human cargo, weapons, precursor chemicals and hundreds of millions of dollars a year....
-
November 24, 2009
openDemocracy
Abstract:
Border zones are incubators of criminal instability and violence. Weak state presence and the lucrative drugs trade is combining to challenge state sovereignty in acute ways. Consider Mexico, where the northern frontier with the US and southern border with Guatemala are contested zones. The bloody center of gravity of Mexico’s drug cartels is the ‘plazas’, the drug smuggling corridors that link the borders. When most think of conflict and border zones, they imagine territorial disputes such as India and Pakistan’s recurring battles over Kashmir or less serious tug-of-wars such as Japan and South Korea’s contestation of the Liancourt Rocks. To be sure, there have been territorial disputes, such as Nicaragua’s dispute with Colombia over several islands, or Colombia’s conflicts with Venezuela and Ecuador over narco-guerrillas operating from their territory. Yet, as former FRIDE researcher Ivan Briscoe argues, the biggest sources of violent conflict has been the erosion of government control over border zones and the rise of criminal groups, gangs, and cartels in loosely governed zones. As Briscoe argues, "violence and institutional corrosion have plagued as never before the frontier between Mexico and the United States, while Guatemala’s eastern border region and Colombia’s frontiers with Ecuador, Venezuela and Brazil witness these countries’ highest murder rates, as well as territorial capture by armed groups and narco-trafficking networks."...
-
October 28, 2009
Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre
Abstract:
In March, 2008, the Colombian armed forces attacked a FARC camp located in the Ecuadorian province of Sucumbíos. This attack resulted in the death of FARC’s second in command, Raúl Reyes. This event, which turned around relations between the two countries, which to date continue severed, and received copious international attention, including a condemning resolution from the Organization of American States, merely evidenced what for years had been known to the people living near the Ecuador-Colombia border: that for many years, the Colombian conflict has been spilling over to Ecuador, and that in everyday life and for everyone all the same—armed actors, civilian population, and even government forces—the 600-kilometer border is not much more than an abstract political fiction.
While for tens of thousands of Colombians Ecuador offers a much safer environment than the border departments of Nariño and Putumayo, the extensive presence of illegal armed groups and high levels of insecurity increasingly threaten the stability of the Ecuadorian border provinces, especially Esmeraldas, Carchi, and Sucumbíos. In addition to the well-documented flow of Colombian asylum seekers, recent reports signal that internal displacement of Ecuadorians may be a growing phenomenon. Humanitarian aid on the Ecuadorian side is limited and the response from the Ecuadorian government, even though highly superior comparatively to Venezuela’s and Panamá’s, is still insufficient....
-
Search for all records in "Ecuador"
-
Egypt
-
August 12, 2010
Norwegian Peacebuilding Centre // Noref
Abstract:
The conflict in Sudan’s western province of
Darfur has revived even as the peace talks in
Qatar between Sudan’s government and the
rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM)
seem to have collapsed. Egypt has hitherto
refrained from involvement in negotiations to
end the conflict, a strategy that has contributed
to further diminishing Cairo’s already weakened
status as a major player in regional politics and
diplomacy.
Now, however, several developments present
Egypt with an opportunity to assume a more
active mediating role. Among these is a direct
invitation to Egypt from the JEM leader Khalil
Ibrahim. Egypt’s position is complicated by its
need to balance its relations with Sudan and
those of other Sudanese political actors, and
inhibited by narrow security calculations – chief
among which is ensuring a stable government
in Khartoum.
But Egypt still has the political stature and
regional influence to impel the parties to
the conflict to negotiate in earnest. Such an
effort would carry risks for Cairo, not least the
possibility of damaging its relationship with
both Khartoum and the rebel groups. However,
a more active contribution to peace diplomacy
over Darfur would restore Egypt’s position as
a regional heavyweight and could help resolve
one of the most intractable disputes of the past
decade....
-
July 8, 2010
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
The Arab-Israeli military balance has steadily evolved in recent years to put more and
more emphasis on irregular or asymmetric warfare, and the use of military force for
political and ideological leverage – both inside the countries involved and in dealing with
their neighbors. Most of this focus is driven by the steady strengthening of Hezbollah,
and Hamas in Gaza, but it also includes a nascent nuclear arms race between Israel and
Iran in which Israel seems to be strengthening both its long-range nuclear and
conventional attack capabilities and is clearly strengthening its missile defense
capabilities.
At the same time, the conventional arms race has continued to narrow down to two
countries. While Egyptian, Jordanian and Lebanese military development should not be
ignored, the overall balance continues to center on evolving Israeli-Syrian confrontation
and brinksmanship in the region.
These shifts do not mean the conventional balance has lost its importance. The fact that
Israel is at peace with Egypt and Jordan, and has a significant conventional superiority
over Syria, has both been a major factor in stabilizing the peace process and deterring
conventional clashes and wars. Yet, it also means that the regional military balance must
increasingly be assessed in new ways, and kept in careful perspective....
-
April 30, 2010
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:
Recognition by Egypt’s leading Jihadists that violence has failed to achieve
political change and in fact has been counterproductive has led them to a
remarkable change of course.
After years of violent confrontation with the Egyptian government and society,
and defeat by the country’s security forces, al-Jama‘a al-Islamiya and, later,
segments of al-Jihad have accepted their failure to radically change society
and politics, and to recognize the harm that their violent activities—formerly
justifi ed using religious concepts—have infl icted on Muslims and non-Muslims
alike. These developments have given rise to a Jihadi revisionism that
renounces violence and redefi nes attitudes toward the state, politics, and society.
The same Islamic concepts that once were used to justify violence have
been redefi ned to sanction and urge nonviolent social and political activism.
Revisionist documents outline a careful cost-benefi t analysis that effectively
rules out the use of violence to achieve the groups’ goals.
A variety of factors prevent al-Jama‘a and al-Jihad from fully implementing
these reformed views, such as the Egyptian regime’s refusal to allow members
of either group to reintegrate into the country’s political and social fabric and
al-Jihad’s specifi c challenge of disseminating revisionist ideas throughout its
fragmented movement that still largely condones violence. However, Jihadi
revisionism has led both groups to forego violence and has shifted Egypt’s
Islamist spectrum toward moderation....
-
April 30, 2010
The Wilson Quarterly // Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars
Abstract:
The Arab world today is ruled by contradiction. Turmoil and stagnation prevail, as colossal wealth and hypermodern cities collide with mass illiteracy and rage-filled imams. In this new diversity may lie disaster, or the makings of a better Arab future. October 6, 1981, was meant to be a day of celebration in Egypt. It marked the anniversary of Egypt’s grandest moment of victory in three Arab- Israeli conflicts, when the country’s underdog army thrust across the Suez Canal in the opening days of the 1973 Yom Kippur War and sent Israeli troops reeling in retreat. On a cool, cloudless morning, the Cairo stadium was packed with Egyptian families that had come to see the military strut its hardware. On the reviewing stand, President Anwar el-Sadat, the war’s architect, watched with satisfaction as men and machines paraded before him. I was nearby, a newly arrived foreign correspondent. Suddenly, one of the army trucks halted directly in front of the reviewing stand just as six Mirage jets roared overhead in an acrobatic performance, painting the sky with long trails of red, yellow, purple, and green smoke. Sadat stood up, apparently preparing to exchange salutes with yet another contingent of Egyptian troops. He made himself a perfect target for four Islamist assassins who jumped from the truck, stormed the podium, and riddled his body with bullets. As the killers continued for what seemed an eternity to spray the stand with their deadly fire, I considered for an instant whether to hit the ground and risk being trampled to death by panicked spectators or remain afoot and risk taking a stray bullet. Instinct told me to stay on my feet, and my sense of journalistic duty impelled me to go find out whether Sadat was alive or dead....
-
April 28, 2010
Transnational Law & Contemporary Problems
Abstract:
“Operation Iraqi Freedom” has led to massive humanitarian devastation in the Middle East region. It is estimated that the conflict has led to the internal and external displacement of at least 4 million Iraqis. Ultimately, this Note finds that current international law is inadequate to meet the humanitarian crises that stem from military conflicts entered into in violation of international law, as the Iraqi refugee crisis demonstrates. Accordingly, this Note recommends an additional Protocol to the 1967 Refugee Convention and Protocol. Finally, this Note makes specific recommendations to the current U.S. Presidential Administration as it develops the U.S. response to the disaster. Part II outlines the respective responses to the ongoing Iraqi refugee crisis from the international community, host countries, and the U.S. government during both the Bush and Obama Administrations. Part III takes up the question of what legal obligations host countries, the United States, and the international community possess in regard to the Iraqi refugee crisis under current international law, and proposes a new Protocol to the 1967 Refugee Convention and Protocol. The proposed Protocol would require states that create massive humanitarian disasters through their unlawful entry into war to provide for the financial costs of addressing the toll. Part IV concludes the Note with legal and policy recommendations to the international community and the Obama Administration....
-
Search for all records in "Egypt"
-
El Salvador
-
August 26, 2010
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars // Mexico Institute // University of San Diego // Trans-border Institute
Abstract:
While Mexico is having some limited success dealing with its spiraling conflict, vulnerable
States in Central America are struggling to keep the organized criminal groups at bay, even while
they face other challenges such as widespread gang activity. Problems are particularly acute in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras, three States with vast
coastlines, large ungoverned spaces and the greatest proximity to Mexico. However, geography
is only part of the problem. Armed conflicts in Guatemala, El Salvador and parts of Honduras
between 1960 and the mid-1990s laid the foundations for the weapons trafficking, money
laundering and contraband traffic that we are witnessing today. This chapter is about drug trafficking organizations (DTO) operating in Central America. It is
broken down by theme rather than by country. It provides a brief history of DTO activity in the
region; descriptions of who operates the DTOs, both locally and internationally, and their modus
operandi; the use of street gangs in DTO activities; DTO penetration in government and security
forces; local, regional and international efforts and challenges as they try and combat DTOs. The
chapter is centered on the three countries where the problem of DTOs appears to be the most
acute: Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras....
-
July 19, 2010
Escola de Cultura de Pau // School for a Culture of Peace
Abstract:
A survey of the models of peace processes existing today
and in the immediate past will show how they are very
closely bound to the kinds of demands underlying each of
the conflicts. In other words, the underlying issue being
disputed is what determines the model of peace process. Following
this line of thought, we can distinguish between five
main models, namely reinsertion, power-sharing, exchange,
trust-building measures and self-governance. The first model, reinsertion, is the simplest, although
it is also not very frequent. It refers to cases in which the
armed group agrees to lay down its weapons in exchange
for facilities to help them reintegrate into society. The second model, one of the most frequent, which
involves political, economic and military power-sharing,
takes place when the armed groups seek to attain the power
to take over the political steering of a country and from
there run all the economic and military affairs. The third model is what we call exchange, in which
peace is achieved in exchange for something else. A fourth model of peace process, though not a common
one, is based on creating confidence-building measures. Finally, the fifth model involves achieving some kind
of self-governance in regions with demands for autonomy
or independence; this is called “intermediate political
architectures”....
-
April 20, 2010
Strategic Studies Institute // United Sates Army War College
Abstract:
At the end of the first decade of the 21st century, the United States is involved in two ongoing wars, faces a significant international terrorist threat, and is witnessing an escalation of international resistance to its leadership of the global world order. Looking out to 2025, many see the potential for a prolonged period of instability as a result of competing economic models, demographics, the rise of new international actors and the resurgence old ones, climate change, and the scarcity of resources. The range of stability challenges will stretch the capabilities of any military force structure and require innovative thinking on the part of policymakers and military professionals alike on the appropriate development and use of the military element of power. In this anthology, 16 students of the U.S. Army War College Class of 2008 offer their perspectives on the use of military power across the spectrum of conflict in the 21st century, short of or following general war, and provide insights into the necessary force structure, policy, strategy, and doctrinal approaches for future success. Beyond a focus on operations short of general war, these writings share in common a worthwhile idea or set of ideas that can materially contribute to how the U.S. military can best conduct full spectrum operations. Collectively, these essays reveal the innovative thinking and diversity and depth of thought of the U.S. and foreign military and civilian agency personnel that comprise each student body at the U.S. Army War College as they prepare themselves to become senior leaders and fulfill their roles in their militaries or agencies....
-
March 12, 2010
International Center for Transnational Justice // Social Science Research Council
Abstract:
Over the past twenty years, international donors have invested in large-scale disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) programs. In the same period, there has been a proliferation of transitional justice measures to help render truth, justice, and reparations in the aftermath of state violence and civil war. Yet DDR programs are seldom analyzed to consider justice-related aims; and transitional justice mechanisms rarely articulate strategies for coordinating with DDR. Disarming the Past: Transitional Justice and Ex-combatants examines how these two types of initiatives have connected — or failed to connect — in peacebuilding contexts, and begins to articulate how future DDR programs ought to link with transitional justice aims. This book includes: Introduction: Linking DDR and Transitional Justice, by Lars Waldorf; Chapter 1: Amnesties and DDR Programs, by Mark Freeman; Chapter 2: Beyond “Peace vs. Justice”: Understanding the Relationship Between DDR Programs and the Prosecution of International Crimes, by Eric Witte; Chapter 3: Ex-Combatants and Truth Commissions, by Lars Waldorf; Chapter 4: Establishing Links Between DDR and Reparations, by Pablo de Greiff; Chapter 5: Transitional Justice and Female Ex-Combatants: Lessons Learned from International Experience, by Luisa Maria Dietrich Ortega; Chapter 6: DDR, Transitional Justice, and the Reintegration of Former Child Combatants, by Roger Duthie and Irma Specht; Chapter 7: Local Justice and Reintegration Processes as Complements to Transitional Justice and DDR, by Roger Duthie; and Chapter 8: Transitional Justice, DDR, and Security Sector Reform, by Ana Cutter Patel....
-
May 5, 2009
Global Facilitation Network for Security Sector Reform // University of Birmingham // Department for International Development
Abstract:
Peace agreements form a crucial entry point for security sector reform (SSR). However, there has been little consistency in the way that security sector reform provisions have been approached (or implemented) in peace agreements. This report is the result of a research project which examines peace agreements from eight countries in Africa (Mozambique, Zimbabwe, South Africa, Sudan, Burundi, DRC, Sierra Leone and Liberia), two from Central America (El Salvador and Guatemala) and one from Asia (East Timor). The report demonstrates that there is a potentially high price to be paid for failing to integrate issues of SSR into peace negotiations and agreements at the very outset, or for doing so in a selective and shallow manner. The risks are detailed and recommendations for future provisions in peace agreements are presented....
-
Search for all records in "El Salvador"
-
Equatorial Guinea
-
July 9, 2009
Human Rights Watch
Abstract:
The government of Equatorial Guinea has set new low standards of political and economic malfeasance in handling its billions of dollars in oil revenue instead of improving the lives of its citizens, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today.
The 107-page report, "Well Oiled: Oil and Human Rights in Equatorial Guinea," details how the dictatorship under President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo has used an oil boom to entrench and enrich itself further at the expense of the country's people. Since oil was discovered there in the early 1990s, Equatorial Guinea's gross domestic product (GDP) has increased more than 5,000 percent, and the country has become the fourth-largest oil producer in sub-Saharan Africa. At the same time, living standards for the country's 500,000 people have not substantially improved.
"Here is a country where people should have the per capita wealth of Spain or Italy, but instead they live in poverty worse than in Afghanistan or Chad," said Arvind Ganesan, director of the Business and Human Rights Program at Human Rights Watch. "This is a testament to the government's corruption, mismanagement, and callousness toward its own people."...
-
March 26, 2008
Annual Convention of the International Studies Association
Abstract:
Resilience refers to the ability to rebound, maintain or strengthen functioning during and after a disturbance; to cope successfully in the face of extreme adversity or risk. In many cases where the term ´resilience´ is used, it is applied as a simple descriptor without analysis of why particular systems are resilient even when, by most accounts, they should not be. This paper provides (1) A framework for conceptualizing resilience with regard to vulnerable, fragile, and conflict prone states (in other words, what IS resilience and why is it relevant?) and (2) A small collection of case studies including Afghanistan, Iraq, Haiti, Guinea and others which highlight particular adaptive strategies. The key argument of this research is that the nature of development strategies in such environments must
tend towards enhancing the capacity of local communities to self organize, by prioritizing experimentation and local ownership over project designs and outcomes....
-
May 28, 2007
Freedom House
Abstract:
This overview report is a companion to the annual
survey on the state of global political rights and civil liberties, Freedom in the
World.
The reports are excerpted from Freedom in the World 2007, which surveys the
state of freedom in 193 countries and 15 select territories. The ratings and
accompanying essays are based on events from December 1, 2005 through
December 31, 2006. The 17 countries and 3 territories profiled in this report are
drawn from the total of 45 countries and 7 territories that are considered to be
Not Free and whose citizens endure systematic and pervasive human rights
violations.
Included in this report are eight countries judged to have the worst records:
Burma, Cuba, Libya, North Korea, Somalia, Sudan, Turkmenistan, and
Uzbekistan. Also included are two territories, Chechnya and Tibet, whose
inhabitants suffer intense repression. These states and regions received the
Freedom House survey's lowest rating: 7 for political rights and 7 for civil
liberties. Within these entities, state control over daily life is pervasive and
wide-ranging, independent organizations and political opposition are banned or
suppressed, and fear of retribution for independent thought and action is part of
daily life. In the case of Chechnya, the rating in large measure reflects the fallout
of a vicious conflict that in the last 12 years has disrupted normal life and
resulted in some 200,000 deaths.
The report also includes nine further countries near the bottom of Freedom
House's list of the most repressive: Belarus, China, Cote d'Ivoire, Equatorial
Guinea, Eritrea, Laos, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Zimbabwe. The territory of
Western Sahara is also included in this group. While these states scored slightly
better than the "worst of the worst," they offer very limited scope for private
discussion while severely suppressing opposition political activity, impeding
independent organizing, and censoring or punishing criticism of the state.
Massive human rights violations take place in nearly every part of the world.
This year's roster of the "most repressive" includes countries from the Americas,
the Middle East, Central Asia, Africa, and East Asia; they represent a wide array
of cultures and levels of economic development. This report from Freedom
House to the United Nations focuses on states and regions that have seen some
of the world's most severe repression and most systematic and brutal violations
of human dignity. The report seeks to focus the attention of the United Nations
Human Rights Council on states and territories that deserve investigation and
condemnation for their widespread violations.
[Ed. note: Exact publishing date not given]...
-
September 7, 2006
Freedom House
Abstract:
Freedom House has prepared this overview report as a companion to our annual survey on the state of global political rights and civil liberties, Freedom in the World. We are publishing this report to assist policymakers, human rights organizations, democracy advocates, and others who are working to advance freedom around the world. We also hope that the report will be useful to the work of the new United Nations Human Rights Council.
The reports are excerpted from Freedom in the World 2006, which surveys the state of freedom in 192 countries and 14 select territories. The ratings and accompanying essays are based on events from December 1, 2004 through November 30, 2005. The 17 countries and 3 territories profiled in this report are drawn from the total of 45 countries and 8 territories that are considered to be Not Free and whose citizens endure systematic and pervasive human rights violations....
-
July 13, 2006
Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
Abstract:
The Court of Justice of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS/CEEAC) is an institution that exists solely as a possibility on paper. ECCAS was founded upon the decision of the members of the Central African Customs and Economic Union (UDEAC) to form a larger community by merging with the Economic Community of the Great Lakes States and a few other states. The Community began to operate, with the appointment of a Secretariat in 1985.
-
Search for all records in "Equatorial Guinea"
-
Eritrea
-
April 8, 2010
Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung // Heinrich Böll Foundation
Abstract:
[...] The implementation of the CPA has often been delayed and was marred by a lack
of trust between its signatories: the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s
Liberation Movement (SPLM). As a consequence, the agreement has largely failed
to realize democratic transformation and to make the unity of the country attractive.
Instead, political tensions in the run-up to the elections indicate that older
conflicts still persist, and that the referendum will only reconfigure challenges.
The already fragile situation could easily trigger a new outbreak of violence.
It is therefore of the utmost urgency to prepare for the post-CPA period in
Sudan. In discussions about the future of the country, and in the day-to-day
business of diplomats and international observers, the perspective beyond 2011
has only recently started to receive attention. Not all events of the coming years
are fully predictable, of course. Yet it is possible to delineate potential scenarios,
and to identify the political options they open up for different actors.
The Heinrich Böll Foundation, which has been working both with civil
society partners in Sudan and on Sudan-related issues in the German context,
has put together this publication in order to reflect on such scenarios. [...]...
-
March 12, 2010
United States Department of State // Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
Abstract:
Eritrea, with a population of an estimated 5.5 million, is a one‑party state that became independent in 1993 when citizens voted for independence from Ethiopia, following 30 years of civil war. The People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), previously known as the Eritrean People's Liberation Front, is the sole political party and has controlled the country since 1991. The country's president, Isaias Afwerki, who heads the PFDJ and the armed forces, dominated the country, and the government continued to postpone presidential and legislative elections; the latter have never been held. The border dispute with Ethiopia continued, despite international efforts at demarcation. The situation was used by the government to justify severe restrictions on civil liberties. Although civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces, consistent and systemic gross human rights violations persisted unabated at the government's behest. uman rights abuses included abridgement of citizens' right to change their government through a democratic process; unlawful killings by security forces; torture and beating of prisoners, sometimes resulting in death; abuse and torture of national service evaders, some of whom reportedly died from their injuries while in detention; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention, including of national service evaders and their family members; executive interference in the judiciary and the use of a special court system to limit due process; and infringement on privacy rights, including roundups of young men and women for national service, and the arrest and detention of the family members of service evaders. The government severely restricted freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, and religion....
-
February 4, 2010
United Nations Children's Fund
Abstract:
The Humanitarian Action Report is UNICEF's only publication dealing specifically with the needs of children and women in emergencies. It spotlights crises that require exceptional support, and additional funding, to save lives and protect children from harm in an increasingly challenging humanitarian environment.
This year's report – subtitled 'Partnering for children in emergencies' – says the world is seeing crises exacerbated by larger trends, such as climate change and the international financial downturn, that are beyond the capacity of any one agency to address.
The report appeals for nearly $1.2 billion in international donor funding for emergency-response efforts in 28 countries covering six regions – from Eastern Europe to Africa to Asia to Latin America. The funding will be used to support a greater emphasis on emergency preparedness, early warning, disaster risk reduction and rapid recovery....
-
January 26, 2010
German Institute of Global and Area Studies // Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien
Abstract:
This article analyzes contemporary Eritrea’s acute crisis within the framework of the theory
of anomie. It is based on the hypothesis that militarization, forced labor, mass exodus,
and family disintegration can be interpreted as the consequences of two incompatible
norm and value systems: the collectivist, nationalistic, and militaristic worldview of the
former liberation front and ruling party People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ),
and the traditional cultural system of Eritrea’s society. In 2002 the regime introduced an
unlimited “development campaign,” thereby forcing large parts of the society to live as
conscripts and perform unpaid labor. This has caused a mass exodus of young people and
a rapid process of family disintegration. The article is based on empirical fieldwork and
evaluates the ongoing developments, which have led to rapid economic decline and the
destabilization of the entire fabric of society....
-
January 19, 2010
Crisis States Research Centre // London School of Economics // Development Studies Institute
Abstract:
The Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) is the regional organisation of
seven Eastern African countries with a stated ambition to achieve peace, prosperity and
regional integration among its member states. Each of these objectives is challenging, but
none more so than the prevention, management and resolution of violent conflict in a region
that has been steeped in warfare for decades. The current conflicts in the Horn of Africa
include civil war in Darfur, protracted state collapse in Somalia, deep hostility and a stalled
peace process between Ethiopia and Eritrea, a fragile peace agreement between North and
South Sudan, a border dispute between Eritrea and Djibouti and periodic bouts of unrest in
the Ogaden and Northern Uganda.
This paper assesses the contribution that IGAD has made to regional security in the Horn of
Africa since the mid 1990s. It begins with a brief account of the origins of IGAD in 1986 and
the development of its peace and security mandate in 1996, set in the context of an evolving
African regionalism. It then examines the two major peace processes over which IGAD has
presided, the first for Sudan (1993-2005) and then the Somali process (2002-2004). The next
section considers the overall effectiveness of IGAD’s contribution to peace and security and
assesses the success of IGAD’s reconciliation efforts in Sudan and Somalia. The paper argues
that the regional security framework of IGAD was conceived during an exceptional (and
brief) interlude of good relations among all its member states. It attributes the subsequent
failure of IGAD to prevent or resolve much of the serious conflict in the Horn to an
entrenched political culture that endorses the use of force and mutual intervention by states in
each other’s conflicts and domestic affairs. It notes that IGAD member states continue to fuel
conflict even when reconciliation talks are in progress and suggests that where positive results
have been achieved these are more the product of regional power politics than of IGAD’s
institutional strength. It concludes that the scope for the IGAD Secretariat to develop an
autonomous conflict-resolution capability will remain limited, but that member states will still
seek to utilise IGAD’s authority to legitimise their own regional policies....
-
Search for all records in "Eritrea"
-
Estonia
-
December 10, 2008
International Centre for Migration Policy Development
Abstract:
A Survey and Analysis of Border Management and Border Apprehension Data from 20 States.
With a Special Survey on the Use of Counterfeit Documents.
Based on the contributions of the border services of 20 Central and Eastern European states, the 2006 Yearbook again provides its valuable overview and analysis of irregular migration trends in the region. Over the past ten years the annual Yearbook on Illegal Migration, Human Smuggling and Trafficking in Central and Eastern Europe has come to be regarded as an authoritative source of information on recent border trends and in particular on the phenomena of illegal migration, human smuggling and trafficking. The annual Yearbook covers the most recent trends in illegal migration and human smuggling in the region, including long-term trends in border apprehensions, shifts in source, transit and destination countries, demographic characteristics of irregular migrants, the relationship between legal and illegal border crossings, new developments in the methods of border crossings and document abuse and on removals of irregular migrants. In addition, this year’s edition for the first time features a Special Survey on the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes. This Survey is based on the contributions received from document specialists or Special Units dealing with document security in the countries under review and provides the first comprehensive overview and analysis of patterns and trends in the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes in Central and Eastern Europe....
-
September 8, 2008
Amnesty International
Abstract:
This bulletin contains information about Amnesty International’s main concerns in Europe and
Central Asia between July and December 2007. Not every country in the region is reported on; only
those where there were significant developments in the period covered by the bulletin, or where
Amnesty International (AI) took specific action.
A number of individual country reports have been issued on the concerns featured in this bulletin.
References to these are made under the relevant country entry. In addition, more detailed
information about particular incidents or concerns may be found in Urgent Actions and News
Service Items issued by AI.
This bulletin is published by AI every six months....
-
September 5, 2008
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
U.S. policymakers have made securing and maintaining foreign contributions
to the stabilization and reconstruction of Iraq a major priority since the preparation
period for the launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. This report
highlights and discusses important changes in financial and personnel contributions
from foreign governments to Iraq since 2003.
To date, foreign donors have pledged an estimated $16.4 billion in grants and
loans for Iraq reconstruction, with most major pledges originating at a major donors'
conference in Madrid, Spain, in October 2003. However, only a small part of the
pledges have been committed or disbursed to the World Bank and United Nations
Development Group Trust Funds for Iraq. The largest non-U.S. pledges of grants
have come from Japan, the European Commission, the United Kingdom, Canada,
South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. The World Bank, the International
Monetary Fund, Japan, and Saudi Arabia have pledged the most loans and export
credits.
Currently, 33 countries including the United States have some level of troops
on the ground in Iraq or supporting Iraq operations from nearby locations. Those
forces are working under the rubric of one of several organizations — the
Multi-National Force-Iraq (MNF-I), the NATO Training Mission-Iraq (NTM-I); or
the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI). Currently, the largest
troop contributors, in addition to the United States, are the United Kingdom, Georgia,
Australia, South Korea, and Poland. Some of these key contributors have announced
their intention to reduce or withdraw their forces from Iraq during 2008. The total
number of non-U.S. coalition troop contributions has declined since the early
stabilization efforts, as other countries have withdrawn their contingents or
substantially reduced their size....
-
October 15, 2007
Central Asia Caucasus Institute
Abstract:
The workshop from which this report originates dealt with organized crime,
corruption and investment of criminal proceeds in the Baltic Sea region. This
workshop report, compiled by Klas Kxc3xa4rrstrand, summarizes the presentations
made during the workshop and the discussions stimulated by the each of the
presentations.
The main purpose is to identify recent trends
and developments in order to point out potential consequences for the social,
economic, legal and political development, in especially Estonia, Latvia and
Lithuania, but also for the region as a whole....
-
May 14, 2007
Government Accountability Office
Abstract:
In March 2003, a U.S.-led multinational force began operations in Iraq. At that time, 48 nations, identified as a "coalition of the willing," offered political, military, and financial support for U.S. efforts in Iraq, with 38 nations other than the United States providing troops. In addition, international donors met in Madrid in October 2003 to pledge funding for the reconstru#ction of Iraq's infrastructure, which had deteriorated after multiple wars and decades of neglect under the previous regime.
This testimony discusses (1) the troop commitments other countries have made to operations in Iraq, (2) the funding the United States has provided to support other countries' participation in the multinational force, and (3) the financial support international donors have provided to Iraq reconstruction efforts....
-
Search for all records in "Estonia"
-
Ethiopia
-
July 28, 2010
African Centre for for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Abstract:
Traditional institutions of conflict resolution play a very significant role in
the day-to-day lives of Africans in general and Ethiopians in particular. In
Ethiopia, a country that has adopted ethnic federalism as its policy, such
traditional institutions help to blur political boundaries and bring people from
different ethnic and regional backgrounds together. Furthermore, they serve as
alternative institutions of conflict resolution in a country where the state legal
system is failing to fully provide the judiciary needs of the nation. For instance,
in Jille Dhmugaa district, where the research was conducted, there are only two
judges for a total population of 102 936. Apart from the lack of capacity under
which it suffers, the state legal system can also be criticised for a high degree of
preferential treatment due to corruption, so that justice is provided only to a
few. Furthermore, the ideology of the state legal system is drawn mainly from
the western legal philosophy which is highly influenced by an individualistic
orientation and does not fit the strong social orientation on the ground where
it is being implemented. These reasons and more are raised by many as main drawbacks of the state legal system in Ethiopia. There were times in Ethiopian
history when the state legal system officially incorporated elements from the
traditional institutions of conflict resolution in the state courts (Carmichael
2003:122; Walker 1933:153–156). The Ethiopian constitution has, however,
limited the mandate of the customary and religious institutions to private and
family matters. Nevertheless, these institutions are playing a very significant role
in other domains – such as criminal matters. The strong social tie existing in the
community makes the significance of reconciliation, the key role of traditional
institutions, indispensable.
The main questions this paper attempts to answer, on the bases of ethnographic
data, are: What are the pull factors towards traditional institutions? And why do
people prefer the traditional institutions vis-à-vis the state legal system?...
-
July 28, 2010
African Centre for for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Abstract:
This article tries to show the impacts of conflict on women, the role of
women in conflict and indigenous conflict resolution, and the participation
of women in social institutions and ceremonies among the Issa and Gurgura
clans of the Somali ethnic group. It explores the system of conflict resolution
in these clans, and women’s representation in the system. The primary role
of women in the formation of social capital through marriage and blood
relations between different clans or ethnic groups is assessed. The paper
focuses on some of the important elements of the socio-cultural settings
of the study community that are in one way or another related to conflict
and indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms. It also examines the positive
aspects of marriage practices in the formation of social capital which
strengthens friendship and unity instead of enmity....
-
July 27, 2010
Refugees International
Abstract:
Tens of thousands of Somali refugees have sought asylum in cities in neighboring countries but have long been overlooked by humanitarian actors. Many of these refugees have found ways to survive in Nairobi, Djibouti, Aden, and Sana’a and have become self-reliant, but others suffer from police harassment, arbitrary arrest and detention, and forced return. Registration and documentation should be the foundation of refugee protection in cities. Partnerships with community-based organizations and ongoing refugee profiling is essential to identify and serve the most vulnerable. Promoting the protection of refugees in cities helps them live with greater independence and dignity. Due to ongoing violence, human rights violations, and conflict in Somalia, today there are some 580,000 Somali refugees in four main asylum countries—Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya and Yemen....
-
July 26, 2010
African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // Conflict Trends Issue #1 2010
Abstract:
At just over 77 million, ethiopia is the third-most
populous country in Africa. since 1991, ethiopia has been
implementing an ethno-linguistic federal politico-legal
arrangement. As per Articles 1 and 47 of the Constitution
of the Federal Democratic republic of ethiopia, the
country is a federation of nine ethno-linguistically divided
regional states. These can be classified into three groups,
based on (i) their population numbers, as minority or
majority in the federation; (ii) ethno-linguistic diversity, as multi-ethnic or homogeneous; and (iii) way of life, as
settled or pastoralist. The Tigray, Afar, Amhara, Oromia and
somali regional states (taking the name of their majority inhabitants) are more or less ethnically homogeneous,
with a dominant ethno-linguistic community at regional
level. Percentages of the population that are from their
respective dominant ethno-linguistic communities in these
states are as follows: Tigray 94.98%, Afar 91.8%, Amhara
91.2%, Oromia 85%, and somali 95.6%. The remaining
four regional states (southern Nations, Nationalities and
People’s region or sNNP; Gambella; Benshangul/Gumuz
and Harari) are multi-ethnic, without a de jure dominant
ethno-linguistic community. This does not mean there is no ethno-cultural dominant community in power, even if that
community could be a minority in number. In an ethnic
federal arrangement, a minority ethno-cultural community
could have dominant power as a result of economic or/and
political domination it exercises....
-
May 26, 2010
United States Agency for International Development
Abstract:
This map represents the United States Government's humanitarian assistance to Ethiopia based on regional levels of food insecurity, as of 21 May 2010.
-
Search for all records in "Ethiopia"
-
Fiji
-
February 24, 2010
United Nations Development Programme Pacific Centre // Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat
Abstract:
In the last couple of decades, debate within the international community and the Pacific has centred on the challenges posed to socio-economic and political development by insecurity and conflict. This focus has also resulted in a shifting understanding of security, which now includes the safety and well-being of people and communities as well as the security of the state.
The Pacific, like other regions, is dealing with a difficult and diverse set of law enforcement, governance and security challenges. The region has witnessed violent conflict, civil unrest and political crises. This has led to a growing recognition of the critical role of law enforcement agencies and security institutions. However, in recent years, there have been concerns that these institutions lack capacity to meet the challenge of providing security to the general public; that governments do not have the necessary civilian security expertise to manage them; that legislatures are not empowered to oversee them; and that security forces are not held accountable under the law for their actions. Effective governance of security institutions is vital for the Pacific region. In the context of conflict and violence, it supports the efforts of state institutions to stabilize the security situation, begin the road to recovery and reduce the potential of relapse. In non-conflict contexts, it ensures security institutions fulfil their mandate to combat insecurity. This creates an enabling environment for poverty reduction and sustainable development....
-
September 8, 2009
Amnesty International
Abstract:
This report illustrates Amnesty International’s concerns about widespread human
rights violations which followed then President Ratu Josefa Iloilo’s abrogation of the
Fiji Constitution on 10 April 2009. These include violations of the rights to freedom
of assembly, opinion, expression and movement, the right to a fair trial, and
freedom from arbitrary detention.
Amnesty International was present in Fiji during the abrogation of the Constitution
and its aftermath and managed to conduct extensive consultations and interviews
with activists and stakeholders about the human rights situation there. During the mission, Amnesty International obtained first hand information about ongoing
human rights violations and the Fijian people’s prevailing fears about the impunity
with which the authorities violate human rights there.
These violations have been facilitated, among other things, by the unilateral and
unconstitutional removal by the President of legal safeguards against human rights
violations, including human rights provisions in the Constitution; provisions on the
independence of the judiciary and of legal professionals in general; and the granting
of wholesale impunity to officials who violate human rights when implementing
Presidential decrees.
In this report, Amnesty International calls on the government of Fiji to put an
immediate halt to all human rights violations by members of the security forces and
government officials, including the arbitrary arrests; intimidation and threats; and
assaults and detention of journalists, government critics and others. The Fijian
government should also immediately repeal the Public Emergency Regulations
(PER) in force since 10 April 2009, whose broad and sweeping provisions have
enabled officials to violate key human rights with impunity. Finally, the government
must ensure that all serious violations of human rights are subject to prompt,
independent, effective and impartial investigations and that suspected perpetrators,
including those suspected of ordering these acts, regardless of rank, are brought to
justice in proceedings which meet international standards of fairness without
recourse to the death penalty....
-
July 14, 2009
The Australian National University
Abstract:
In recent years, the Pacific has not been an ocean of peace. After a generally harmonious transition from European colonialism to independence, a number of the small Pacific island states have been plagued by internal conflict.
The largest of the Pacific island states, Papua New Guinea, having withstood the challenge of regional separatist groups in Papua and in Bougainville on the eve of independence, faced a rebellion on Bougainville from 1988 to 1997 (and is still in the process of implementing a peace agreement) and has seen an escalation of local-level inter-group fighting in the central highlands over the past two decades. Fiji became the first Pacific island state to have a military coup, in 1987, and continues to suffer the effects of racially-based tensions. In the Solomon Islands, ethnic divisions contributed to an outbreak of violence on the island of Guadalcanal in 1998, which culminated in the effective collapse of government two years later. Vanuatu’s transition to independence was marred by a separatist rebellion on the island of Santo, and although it has enjoyed a relatively peaceful history since 1980 it has had to survive more than one constitutional crisis. In New Caledonia, independence demands by the indigenous kanak people resulted in violent confrontation between pro- and anti-independence groups in the 1980s, and New Caledonia remains a French dependency.
While each of these cases is, to some extent, a unique reflection of particular historical and other circumstances, there are some recurring features of the internal conflicts, which largely derive from the fragmented nature of the pre-colonial societies and/or ethnic divisions created by the influx of settler populations during the colonial period, and the absence, in all these cases, of a developed sense of national (as opposed to local) identity.
This paper will briefly describe the nature of the conflicts in each of the four states and one territory listed above, and the processes of conflict resolution in each. It will then attempt to identify what features are common and what are unique in the five cases, and to suggest some lessons from their experience, which might be relevant to conflict and peace-making elsewhere....
-
July 14, 2009
The Australian National University
Abstract:
Internal conflict has become the predominant threat to the security and stability of many of the small island nations of the Southwest Pacific and particularly in the countries of Melanesia.
Since the late 1980s, conflicts of varying causes and degrees of intensity have occurred in Papua New Guinea (Bougainville secession attempt)i, Fiji (coups and attempted coups), Vanuatu (police rebellion) and Solomon Islands (ethnic conflict and coup).
These events have seriously debilitated the already fragile national economies and polities of all countries, so much so in the Solomon Islands that that country is now being described by many analysts as a “failing”, if not “failed”, state.ii
While most of these countries have so far been able (not without difficulty) to maintain a measure of state integrity, the situation in Solomon Islands has become so precarious that Australia and New Zealand (with the support of most Pacific Island governments and anticipating a request from the Solomons’ parliament) are preparing to intervene in an attempt to restore the rule of law and rebuild administrative institutions. The form of that intervention is not yet clear - it is thought likely to include up to 2,000 armed military and police with a large team of civilian technical personnel – nor has a mandate been determined.
In this context a host of questions arises as to how best to resolve, contain, manage and/or transform these internal conflicts in the interest of the security, stability and well-being of the peoples of the countries concerned and of the region as a whole. The purpose of this paper is to consider one form of conflict management undertaken recently in the region; that is, the peace monitoring interventions by Australia, New Zealand and some Pacific Island Countries (PICs) in Bougainville and Solomon Islands. How useful have these exercises been in assisting peace processes and in conflict management/peace construction, and what lessons can be drawn from them for any future such operations - including perhaps for the more vigorous “co-operative intervention” currently in prospect?...
-
May 27, 2009
Lowy Institute
Abstract:
Fiji President Iloilo’s abrogation of the 1997 constitution has
entrenched a military dictatorship in Australia’s backyard.
Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama’s dominant leadership of the
interim government and his exclusion of dissenting voices will
exacerbate and accelerate economic decline in Fiji and cause
unprecedented hardship to Fiji’s population. The economic
implications threaten the whole Pacific Islands region and challenge
Australia’s capacity to demonstrate regional leadership....
-
Search for all records in "Fiji"
-
Finland
-
September 29, 2009
The Finnish Institute of International Affairs // Ulkopoliittinen Instituutti
Abstract:
The summer of 2009 has been without a doubt a bad one for ISAF, the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan. The increase in fighting this summer has led to debates in most of the troop contributing nations as to how they perceive Afghanistan’s future and their role in it. A complex insurgency has spread across the country as different groups have come together under the banner of the Taliban fighting both the international troops and the Afghan government. In the south and the east of Afghanistan, where guerilla warfare has been ongoing for at least three years, the fighting has intensified and an increase in the technical abilities and tactical skill of the Taliban insurgents has taken a heavy toll on coalition soldiers. In the north and west of Afghanistan—previously considered safer areas—the security situation has worsened considerably and troops who had been able to focus predominantly on reconstruction work are increasingly finding themselves soldiering in far more traditional ways. The Afghanistan general elections of 20 August can be considered a very limited success at best, not only because of the extensive and seemingly well based accusations of vote rigging, but also because in many parts of the country although the ISAF forces could secure the voting sites themselves, they could not provide sufficient security to stop Taliban intimidation from dissuading many Afghans from going to the polls in the first place. As the fighting has increased across the country, it is the Afghan civilians who are paying highest price....
-
September 4, 2009
The Finnish Institute of International Affairs // Ulkopoliittinen Instituutti
Abstract:
In the shadow of a Europe-wide debate over military involvement in Afghanistan, Finland is in the process of drafting a comprehensive national crisis management strategy (CNCM). The timeliness of this exercise was thrown into dramatic relief in January, when Israeli missiles struck and destroyed Finn Church Aid’s Al Shujaia clinic in Gaza. The clinic bombing was one of several related incidences of violence against humanitarian facilities. On a policy level, both the debate over Afghanistan and the events in Gaza call attention to a post September 11 environment in which humanitarian facilities and personnel are increasingly targets of terror and military violence. Finnish policymakers should take into consideration the changing security environment and the mosaic of actors involved in crisis management.
This briefing paper looks at the shrinking of humanitarian space and the increase in violence towards aid workers in the context of military-
humanitarian integration. It is argued that increased integration has complicated aid agencies’ attempts to maintain neutrality in the field.
The role of Finland in these issues is consequential. First, for Finland and aid agencies alike, joint operations raise the question as to whether impartiality requires neutrality. This relates to domestic debates over NATO involvement in Afghanistan and EU operations elsewhere. Though Finland has largely discontinued use of the term “neutral,” it continues to pursue the goal of impartiality in its humanitarian operations. Second, Finland has, through two successive EU presidencies, positioned itself as a leader in crisis management and as a proponent of expanded European civil-
military coordination. In the words of Erkki Tuomioja, former Minister for Foreign Affairs, Finland “view[s] comprehensive crisis management operations, combining both the military and civilian instruments, as our challenge for the future.”...
-
August 11, 2009
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Abstract:
Terrorism is not a new phenomenon, nor is it likely to disappear anytime soon. It is not the exclusive domain of any single religion or ideology, nor do all terrorists come from the same socioeconomic class or share the same mental pathologies.1 In part, the diversity within contemporary terrorism is what makes it so great a challenge. This report describes, in great detail, the state of terrorism in Western countries over the course of 2008.
Before turning to terrorism events in the West during 2008 and key developments within Western countries’ legal systems, we are going to pinpoint a few broad trends—a few currents that run through the various incidents and cases that follow. As this report will show, concerns about the contemporary connection between criminal activities and terrorism are clear in Bulgaria, a country rife with organized crime. An April 2008 parliamentary report charged that profits from the country’s drug trade were channeled to Middle Eastern terrorist groups....
-
March 17, 2009
Chr. Michelsen Institute // Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation
Abstract:
The meeting of the Nordic Foreign Ministers in Stockholm on 18 April 2008 adopted a Plan
of Action for Nordic Cooperation in Afghanistan to enable them to be a more concerned
partner for the Government of Afghanistan (GoA) and the international community. The
countries indicated that a joint study should be undertaken to identify differences and
similarities in development strategies for Afghanistan, and the possibilities to strengthen this
cooperation over time.
The overall aim of an increased cooperation in the development field is to achieve a stronger
impact in sectors of particular importance to the Nordic countries. A more efficient
organisation of development work should ease the workload for each country. Furthermore, a
strengthened Nordic cooperation would enhance cooperation among donors in general, and
strengthen the role of the Afghan government in taking overall responsibility for the
development of Afghanistan.
The Nordic countries identified the following sectors as possible fields of increased
cooperation: good governance; administrative reform; capacity building; education; respect for human rights, with a particular focus on women; justice sector; fight against drugs....
-
September 5, 2008
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
U.S. policymakers have made securing and maintaining foreign contributions
to the stabilization and reconstruction of Iraq a major priority since the preparation
period for the launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. This report
highlights and discusses important changes in financial and personnel contributions
from foreign governments to Iraq since 2003.
To date, foreign donors have pledged an estimated $16.4 billion in grants and
loans for Iraq reconstruction, with most major pledges originating at a major donors'
conference in Madrid, Spain, in October 2003. However, only a small part of the
pledges have been committed or disbursed to the World Bank and United Nations
Development Group Trust Funds for Iraq. The largest non-U.S. pledges of grants
have come from Japan, the European Commission, the United Kingdom, Canada,
South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. The World Bank, the International
Monetary Fund, Japan, and Saudi Arabia have pledged the most loans and export
credits.
Currently, 33 countries including the United States have some level of troops
on the ground in Iraq or supporting Iraq operations from nearby locations. Those
forces are working under the rubric of one of several organizations — the
Multi-National Force-Iraq (MNF-I), the NATO Training Mission-Iraq (NTM-I); or
the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI). Currently, the largest
troop contributors, in addition to the United States, are the United Kingdom, Georgia,
Australia, South Korea, and Poland. Some of these key contributors have announced
their intention to reduce or withdraw their forces from Iraq during 2008. The total
number of non-U.S. coalition troop contributions has declined since the early
stabilization efforts, as other countries have withdrawn their contingents or
substantially reduced their size....
-
Search for all records in "Finland"
-
France
-
July 8, 2010
Strategic Studies Institute // United States Army War College
Abstract:
Domestic public opinion is frequently and correctly described as a crucial battlefront in the war in Afghanistan. Commentary by media and political figures currently notes not only the falling support for the war in the United States but also in many of its key allies in Europe and elsewhere, making it all the more difficult for the Obama administration to secure the help it believes it needs to bring the war to a successful conclusion. This study is an extensive examination of the determinants of domestic support for and opposition to the war in Afghanistan in the United States and in five of its key allies--the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Canada, and Australia. Tracing the trajectory of public opinion on the war from the original invasion in 2001 to the fall of 2009, this paper concludes that the combination of mounting casualties with a declining belief that the war could be won by the Coalition is the key factor driving the drop in support. Other factors, such as the deployment of numerous and shifting rationales by the political leadership in various countries, and the breakdown of elite consensus have played important but secondary roles in this process....
-
April 16, 2010
Demos
Abstract:
The path into terrorism in the name of Islam is often described as a process of radicalisation. But to be radical is not necessarily to be violent. Violent radicals are clearly enemies of liberal democracies, but non-violent radicals might sometimes be powerful allies.
This report is a summary of two years of research examining the difference between violent and non-violent radicals in Europe and Canada. The report covers five countries: the UK, Canada, Denmark,
France and the Netherlands, focusing on the phenomenon
of ‘home-grown’ al-Qaeda inspired terrorism in these
countries. It represents a step towards a more nuanced understanding of behaviour across radicalised individuals, the appeal of the al-Qaeda narrative, and the role of governments and communities in responding....
-
April 8, 2010
Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies
Abstract:
On 27 March 2009, President Barack Obama announced his new Af-Pak strategy that includes the dismantling, disruption, and the defeat of al Qaeda and preventing the resurgence of the Taliban. He declared that peace in the region is essential for peace in the world. The means put in disposition to achieve this goal incorporate additional US troops and building a more efficient Afghan army and police. By 2011, he hopes to build an Afghan army of 134,000 and a police force of 82,000, at which point, Afghans would be responsible for their security.
France supports Obama’s new strategy. According to a French Official, France has been following a similar strategy since 2003. Indeed, France has been involved in Afghanistan since the 1920s, when they first opened French schools. Ever since, it has been engaged through the EU, UN and NATO through: University exchange programs in the 1960s; the inauguration of a French hospital in 2006; France trained 4,200 Afghan soldiers through Operation Epidote (2007), and an Internal Security Attaché was put in charge to over-see police training (2003); also a Franco-German initiative was launched to train Afghan judges and magistrates (2007); and France supported the construction of an Parliament through the EC and UNDP....
-
October 26, 2009
Stanford University // Security Studies
Abstract:
This article seeks to explain why two states faced with a similar
terrorist threat, perceiving it in a similar way, and drawing the
same broad implications for their counterterrorist investigations,
have nevertheless put in place significantly different types of organizational
reforms in response to that threat. The study shows that
although France and Britain have embraced a common preventive
logic in the face of Islamist terrorism, the changes that they
have made to the coordination of intelligence, law enforcement,
and prosecution in that context have differed because of contrasting
organizational routines and interinstitutional conventions in
the two states. An analysis of the British and French cases shows
that law enforcement can be preventive but that western states are
likely to pursue different ways of bringing security agencies and the
law together to prevent and prosecute terrorism. The organizational
and institutional factors that give rise to such divergent practices
have important consequences for the ability of a state to develop a
coordinated operational response to terrorism and convict terrorist
suspects of crimes in a court of law....
-
September 29, 2009
The Finnish Institute of International Affairs // Ulkopoliittinen Instituutti
Abstract:
The summer of 2009 has been without a doubt a bad one for ISAF, the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan. The increase in fighting this summer has led to debates in most of the troop contributing nations as to how they perceive Afghanistan’s future and their role in it. A complex insurgency has spread across the country as different groups have come together under the banner of the Taliban fighting both the international troops and the Afghan government. In the south and the east of Afghanistan, where guerilla warfare has been ongoing for at least three years, the fighting has intensified and an increase in the technical abilities and tactical skill of the Taliban insurgents has taken a heavy toll on coalition soldiers. In the north and west of Afghanistan—previously considered safer areas—the security situation has worsened considerably and troops who had been able to focus predominantly on reconstruction work are increasingly finding themselves soldiering in far more traditional ways. The Afghanistan general elections of 20 August can be considered a very limited success at best, not only because of the extensive and seemingly well based accusations of vote rigging, but also because in many parts of the country although the ISAF forces could secure the voting sites themselves, they could not provide sufficient security to stop Taliban intimidation from dissuading many Afghans from going to the polls in the first place. As the fighting has increased across the country, it is the Afghan civilians who are paying highest price....
-
Search for all records in "France"
-
French Guiana
-
October 14, 2009
Partnership Africa Canada
Abstract:
By all indications, and from the evidence gathered
for this year’s Diamonds and Human
Security Annual Review, the Kimberley Process
(KP), designed to halt and prevent the return
of “conflict diamonds”, is failing. The cost of a
collapse would be disastrous for an industry
that benefits so many countries, and for the
millions of people in developing countries who
depend, directly and indirectly on it. A criminalized
diamond economy would re-emerge
and conflict diamonds could soon follow. The
problems can and must be fixed.
Accountability is the primary issue. There is no
KP central authority. The “chair” rotates annually
and has virtually no responsibility beyond a
convening function. Problems are shifted from
one “working group” to another; debates on
vital issues extend for years. “Consensus” in
the KP means that everyone must agree; a single
dissenter can block forward movement.
Nobody takes responsibility for action or inaction,
failure or success; the Kimberley Process
has no core body apart from its annual “plenary
meeting” and thus nobody is held responsible
for anything.
The Kimberley Process Certification Scheme
(KPCS) has a peer review mechanism which
reviews each member’s compliance roughly
once every three years. Some reviews are thorough
and recommendations are heeded. In
many cases, however, recommendations are
ignored, and there is little or no follow-up —
this has been the case in the past with DRC
and Angola. And, as this Annual Review notes,
some reviews are completely bogus. In 2008, a
bloated, nine-member team visited Guinea, a
country beset by corruption, weak diamond
controls, and almost certain smuggling. The
team spent less than two hours outside the
capital and its report remained unfinished for
almost 11 months. A team visited Venezuela in
2008 but its makeup, agenda and itinerary
were dictated entirely by the Venezuelan government.
NGOs were barred and there were no visits to mining areas or border towns.
Zimbabwe, rife with smuggling and gross diamond-
related human rights abuse, consumed
months of ineffectual internal KP debate. In the
end, the KP agreed on a review mission, but only
after being publicly shamed into action by NGO
and media reports. The result is a lowest-common-
denominator “consensus” and continuing
inaction....
-
October 7, 2009
Small Arms Survey // Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva // Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Abstract:
The data in this report is derived from country submissions when possible,
and estimates when necessary. Estimates are extrapolated from each country’s
identified procurement, highest modern personnel totals, and strategic doctrine.
Except where noted, the military small arms and light weapons data
presented here is not official, comprehensive, or conclusive; it is for general
evaluation and comparison only. The complete methodology used here is described
in Chapter 2 of the Small Arms Survey 2006.
Small arms are state-owned handguns, submachine guns, rifles, shotguns,
and light and medium machine guns. Firearms are civilian-owned handguns,
submachine guns, rifles, and shotguns. Long at the forefront of international small arms issues, public debate and
activism in South America have largely focused on matters surrounding civilian
firearms, estimated here to total between 21.7 and 26.8 million. The reasons
for this civilian preoccupation are principally linked to chronic gun violence.
South America has 14 per cent of the global population, and roughly 3.5 to 4 per
cent of the world’s civilian firearms, but it suffers from roughly 40 per cent of
all homicides committed with firearms.
Military small arms are rarely part of public debate, largely because of a
strong culture of national security secrecy in South America. But military
small arms policy has attracted much closer scrutiny in recent years, especially
as military small arms and light weapons are diverted to criminals and
guerrillas, fuelling insurgencies and civil violence. This report focuses primarily
on issues surrounding surplus military small arms and light weapons in
the region. Law enforcement and civilian firearms inventories and issues are
recognized here as well, to ensure a balanced overall perspective.
The region’s military establishments do not have a strong record of identifying
or eliminating their surplus small arms, light weapons, or ammunition.
South America holds some of the world’s largest military small arms and
light weapons surpluses. Military inventories are not exceptionally large in
absolute terms, but they are a major element in global surplus problems. Among
the 12 independent countries of South America, there are an estimated 3.6
million military small arms as of 2007, 1.5 per cent of the global total. Of these,
approximately 1.3 million, more than one-third, are surplus....
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
October 4, 2004
British Broadcasting Corporation
Abstract:
Dense equatorial forests, colonial towns and a major space centre are among the varied faces of French Guiana, a region of France on the northeast coast of South America.
-
Search for all records in "French Guiana"
-
Gabon
-
September 3, 2009
Angus Reid Global Monitor
Abstract:
n 1960, Gabon attained its independence from France. Leon Mba became the African country’s first president. In 1964, Mba was briefly deposed after a coup, but French forces reinstated him within days.
In 1966, Albert-Bernard Bongo, who had served as foreign minister, took over as Gabon’s vice-president, eventually succeeding Mba after his death in 1967.
In 1968, Bongo formed the Parti Démocratique Gabonais (PDG—Gabonese Democratic Party) and established Gabon as a de facto one-party state. In 1973, Bongo converted to Islam and adopted the name Omar.
In the early 1990s, a decrease in oil prices led to anti-government demonstrations. French forces once again supported the government.
To this day, France continues to influence Gabon to a very large extent. Currently, over 10,000 French people live in Gabon. The total population is 1.5 million.
In 1991, a new constitution introduced a multi-party system. Bongo remained the country’s head of state, winning the 1993 presidential election, and defeating two contenders in the 1998 ballot with two-thirds of the vote.
In 2003, the PDG-dominated National Assembly made significant changes to electoral regulations, which included abolishing the two-term limit for the head of state, and cancelling the second round in the event no candidate garners 50 per cent of the vote. The presidential term was extended from five to seven years. Bongo’s critics accused him of changing the law to secure a lifetime in office.
Defence minister Ali Bongo—the current president’s son—has long been regarded as a possible successor. In February 2005, Togo announced that Faure Gnassingbé—son of long-time ruler Gnassingbé Eyadema—would be taking over as head of state. Gnassingbé eventually won an election in May.
Oil production has allowed Gabon to boast one of Africa’s highest per capita incomes. More than 40 different ethnic groups are represented in the country.
In November 2005, Bongo was elected to a new seven-year term with 79.2 per cent of the vote....
-
July 13, 2006
Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
Abstract:
The Court of Justice of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS/CEEAC) is an institution that exists solely as a possibility on paper. ECCAS was founded upon the decision of the members of the Central African Customs and Economic Union (UDEAC) to form a larger community by merging with the Economic Community of the Great Lakes States and a few other states. The Community began to operate, with the appointment of a Secretariat in 1985.
-
July 13, 2006
Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
Abstract:
The Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC) is the continuation (envisioned in 1994) of the Customs and Economic Union of Central Africa (UEAC/UDEAC) created in 1964. The CEMAC consists of two Unions, the Economic Union of Central Africa (UEAC) and the Monetary Union of Central Africa (UMAC). The Community Court of Justice is one of the organs of the overarching Community. One of the main goals of the CEMAC is the creation of a "true African Common Market." The Court is composed of a Judicial Chamber and Chamber of Auditors. Both chambers are functioning....
-
July 13, 2006
Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
Abstract:
The Common Court of Justice and Arbitration (CCJA) is the court of the Organization for the Harmonization of Business Law in Africa (OHADA), one of the most successful regional legal harmonization efforts on the Continent. Unlike the other continental regional integration groups, OHADA does not seek to conform national law to an overarching treaty and successive regulations and directives, which allow national legislature some leeway. Instead, OHADA uses the integration method of issuing binding uniform acts that automatically supercede all prior and future inconsistent national laws. With the goal of creating a secure, simple and modern legal framework for the conduct of business in Africa, OHADA has issued eight uniform acts on general commercial law, commercial companies and economic interest groups, securities, arbitration, simplified recovery procedures and measures of execution, collective insolvency and accounting....
-
June 1, 2006
Sciences Po // Center For Peace And Human Security
Abstract:
Situated in between Ghana and Benin, with a coastline of no more than 56km, Togo is one of Africa's smallest countries. However, what has habitually been a little talked about West African nation holds a long history of political unrest and has recently entered into a phase of instability in the beginning of 2005. Civil society members and organizations are now regrouped in the WANEP network, (West African Network for Peacebuilding) in a joint effort to set a national agenda toward reconciliation, peace and security and lead the way in facing Togo's unprecedented public health, development and education challenges....
-
Search for all records in "Gabon"
-
Gambia, The
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
November 18, 2008
Amnesty International
Abstract:
This report illustrates how human rights violations in Gambia are perpetrated by the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), army and police against real and perceived opponents of the government on a routine basis. It demonstrates that once people are in the custody of the government, they are susceptible to a whole range of human rights violations including unlawful detention, torture while in detention, unfair trials, enforced disappearance and extrajudicial executions. This report documents human rights violations that have taken place following the March 2006 foiled coup attempt....
-
July 13, 2006
Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
Abstract:
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS/CEDEAO) is well known for its military intervention in Liberia and Sierra Leone. ECOWAS was created in 1975 to replace the Customs Union of West African States originally created in 1959 to redistribute customs duties collected by the coastal states of West Africa. The Treaty on the Economic Community of West African States was revised at the Cotonou Summit of July 1993 to replace the inexistent Tribunal originally envisioned with a Community Court of Justice....
-
June 1, 2006
Sciences Po // Center For Peace And Human Security
Abstract:
Situated in between Ghana and Benin, with a coastline of no more than 56km, Togo is one of Africa's smallest countries. However, what has habitually been a little talked about West African nation holds a long history of political unrest and has recently entered into a phase of instability in the beginning of 2005. Civil society members and organizations are now regrouped in the WANEP network, (West African Network for Peacebuilding) in a joint effort to set a national agenda toward reconciliation, peace and security and lead the way in facing Togo's unprecedented public health, development and education challenges....
-
June 1, 2006
Energy Information Administration
Abstract:
Regional leaders created the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) on May 28, 1975 in Lagos, Nigeria. ECOWAS is comprised of 15 countries, which include: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote d'Ivoire , The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria , Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo. The leaders established ECOWAS to promote regional integration and economic growth in West Africa, as well as to create a monetary union in the region. However, ECOWAS has encountered problems in the process of regional integration including: political instability and lack of good governance that has plagued many member countries, the insufficient diversification of national economies, the absence of reliable infrastructure, and the multiplicity of organizations for regional integration with the same objectives....
-
Search for all records in "Gambia, The"
-
Georgia
-
September 2, 2010
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
The North Caucasus experienced another deadly summer (May 1 – August 31, 2010). Although Chechnya and Ingushetia saw comparatively less violence than they did in Summer 2009, we observed a troubling rise in the level of violence in Dagestan and Kabardino-Balkaria. Dagestan proved the most deadly republic in the region, while Kabardio-Balkaria, normally a relatively quiet republic, incurred levels of violence surpassing Chechnya.
Since 2008, CSIS staff has tracked, on a daily basis, incidents of violence occurring in the North Caucasus. We have released seven previous reports, the last of whichillustrated the dramatic rise in violence in Spring 2010.
In this report, we present our data for Summer 2010 (May 1–August 31), paying particular attention to the geographic spread of the violence across the North Caucasus, most notably into Kabardino-Balkaria....
-
August 5, 2010
Amnesty International
Abstract:
This report focuses on the obligations of the Georgian government in areas under its effective
control, documenting and analysing the human rights situation on the ground for both those
displaced during the 90’s, as well as those displaced as a result of the war in August 2008.
It provides an overview of some of the most pressing issues faced by internally displaced
persons in Georgia, focusing on the Georgian government’s obligation to respect, protect and
fulfil their economic, social and cultural rights.
Beyond this main focus, the report also highlights issues such as the security and human
rights of people in other situations, such as those who have returned to areas which are
under the effective control of the de facto authorities in the self-proclaimed breakaway
regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, or the villages adjacent to the Administrative
Boundary Line (ABL), where they still face security risks. Such concerns require cooperation
among all parties of the conflict in order to be effectively addressed.
Some of the main concerns addressed in this report include the ongoing lack of adequate
housing, especially for these in protracted displacement, high poverty and unemployment
among the displaced people and barriers to access to healthcare and livelihood/employment
opportunities. The report also provides an overview and analysis of some of the government
programmes and policies dealing with the displaced, highlighting the issues of concern such
as the lack of planning, coordination and consultation with these communities, which often
hinder effectiveness and result in a failure to implement these programmes and policies in
ways that safeguard the human rights of the supposed beneficiaries....
-
July 23, 2010
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees // Policy Development and Evaluation Service
Abstract:
This paper was commissioned by UNHCR’s Policy Development and Evaluation Service in order to capture UNHCR’s experience in IDP return and reintegration processes over the past decade, analyse the extent and depth of this involvement and the range of activities undertaken, identify challenges encountered and identify lessons and examples of good practice that could be used to further strengthen UNHCR’s engagement. It seeks to identify those elements which distinguish IDP returns from traditional voluntary repatriation operations for refugees, and to explain what this means for UNHCR’s operational engagement. International support for the pursuit of durable solutions is an inherently inter-agency effort. The paper is divided into two parts. The first provides an overview of the background and rationales for UNHCR’s involvement in IDP return processes, and explores the roles the agency has played and the operational activities undertaken. The second part consists of six case studies (Colombia, Georgia, Pakistan, Southern Sudan, Sri Lanka and Uganda), in which operational challenges and good practices are explored in more detail....
-
May 31, 2010
Caucasian Review of International Affairs
Abstract:
After the Russia-Georgia war, tensions grew in the relationship between Russia and the West. These tensions have occasionally led some to argue that a New Cold War may be on the horizon between Russia and the West. Others have even claimed that the Old Cold War has not really ended. This work investigates such arguments by examining Western ties to Georgia, Russia’s power resurgence, and Georgia’s role in that war. The authors claim that those, who interpret the Russia-Georgia war within a Cold War paradigm, neglect the complexities of that conflict. During similar conflicts, the Cold War is an easily comprehendible and adoptable paradigm for the West, particularly the US. Adopting a Cold War perspective, however, ignores that Tbilisi had a significant role to play in defining the 2008 war. Russia versus West tensions can no longer be characterized by the ideological rivalries of the Cold War. Moreover, the Russia-Georgia war appears to indicate a return to older forms of international rivalry....
-
May 11, 2010
Peace Research Institute Frankfurt // Hessische Stiftung Friedens-und Konflikfortschung
Abstract:
The August war of 2008 in Georgia shows that unresolved territorial conflicts in the
countries of the former Soviet Union remain a security risk for the states concerned as
well as for Europe, as they can flare up at again. Further unresolved conflicts of this kind
exist between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh as well as in Moldova
concerning Transnistria. External actors are involved in all of these conflicts. While the
risk of a military conflict in Moldova remains low, the heightened arms dynamic between
Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh on one side and Azerbaijan on the other point to an
increased risk of war, even though it was diminished after the August war due to the intensified
political efforts of the Minsk Group and the process of normalization in Turkish-
Armenian relations.
In light of these developments the question arises of what contribution military confidence
building and arms control can make to prevent wars and stabilize crises as well as
normalize the situation in these territorial conflicts....
-
Search for all records in "Georgia"
-
Germany
-
July 8, 2010
Strategic Studies Institute // United States Army War College
Abstract:
Domestic public opinion is frequently and correctly described as a crucial battlefront in the war in Afghanistan. Commentary by media and political figures currently notes not only the falling support for the war in the United States but also in many of its key allies in Europe and elsewhere, making it all the more difficult for the Obama administration to secure the help it believes it needs to bring the war to a successful conclusion. This study is an extensive examination of the determinants of domestic support for and opposition to the war in Afghanistan in the United States and in five of its key allies--the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Canada, and Australia. Tracing the trajectory of public opinion on the war from the original invasion in 2001 to the fall of 2009, this paper concludes that the combination of mounting casualties with a declining belief that the war could be won by the Coalition is the key factor driving the drop in support. Other factors, such as the deployment of numerous and shifting rationales by the political leadership in various countries, and the breakdown of elite consensus have played important but secondary roles in this process....
-
May 6, 2010
Institut für Strategie- Politik- Sicherheits- und Wirtschaftsberatung
Abstract:
The German Army and civilian helpers have now been in Afghanistan since the end of 2001.
Towards the end of 2003 German troops deployed to Northern Afghanistan, where they took
over the US Army camp in Kunduz, at the same time Germany took on the responsibility for
the entire northern region of the country and established bases in Kunduz, Feyzabad,Taloquan
and Mazar-e-Sharif.
Germany rapidly established a Provincial Reconstruction Team in Kunduz which was run by
both the Military and representatives of the German Foreign Office. The concept from the
outset was that the German Army, together with the Afghan Security Forces, would ensure
the security of the region. The German Ministry of Overseas Development would then be able
to provide aid and reconstruction for the region. The German Ministry of the Interior was
responsible for training the Afghan Police and the Foreign Office was to coordinate all the
efforts.
A sound enough plan when viewed from a desk in Berlin which reflected the official view
that the Germans were in Afghanistan not to wage war on Islamic extremists, but there to
improve the lot of the civilian population....
-
April 28, 2010
RAND Corporation
Abstract:
The Netherlands Ministry of Defence (NL MOD) commissioned RAND Europe to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the Netherlands armed forces, asking RAND to focus on recent deployments of the Netherlands armed forces relative to the deployments of other countries' armed forces. This study is therefore not a root and branch consideration of the Netherlands armed forces, but a comparative study of several different armed forces to illustrate contrasts and similarities with those of the Netherlands. This study was conducted within the context of the NL MOD's Future Policy Survey, which is a review of the Netherlands' future defence ambition, required capabilities and associated levels of defence expenditure. The Future Policy Survey was delivered to the Netherlands Parliament in April 2010. The overarching aim of the Dutch Future Policy Survey is to provide greater insight into how to exploit and enhance the potential contribution of the Netherlands armed forces....
-
April 16, 2010
Strategic Studies Institute // United Sates Army War College
Abstract:
Recent experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan remind U.S. policymakers of the tremendous obstacles and challenges that confront states as they attempt to install liberal, democratic political institutions. The multifaceted transition process involves a host of overlapping and interrelated political, economic, and social innovations that often must be tailored to the specific historical, demographic, and regional needs of each community. While it would be presumptuous to suggest any rigid schedule or set of priorities, most scholars and policymakers agree that restructuring the security and civil-military institutions is vital to the transition. The primary focus of this analysis is a detailed examination of two earlier and successful efforts at democratization—the Federal Republic of Germany and South Africa—paying particular attention to the role of civil-military institutions. The West German and South African examples illustrate the intricate complexities and numerous considerations that factor into this process and provide some important lessons for the future. This monograph analyzes the decisionmaking process behind the construction of the German and South African armed forces in their transition to democracy, and it concludes with a brief list of policy recommendations for future efforts geared toward democratizing formerly authoritarian armed forces....
-
April 13, 2010
Campaign for Innocent Victims in Conflict
Abstract:
Afghan civilians deserve amends from warring parties for deaths, injuries, and property
losses—that is, some form of recognition and monetary compensation. Under international
law and agreements signed with the Afghan government, the troop contributing nations
(TCNs) of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) are not liable for damage to
civilian property or civilian injury or death as a result of lawful operations. However, most
ISAF members now offer payments when such losses occur. This is a marked improvement
from the early days of the conflict when the US and its NATO allies declined to address civilian
harm. CIVIC’s research into the experiences of ISAF troops and Afghan civilians demonstrates that
when international military forces provide payment (henceforth called “compensation” to
indicate both monetary and in-kind help), especially combined with an apology for harm,
civilian hostility toward international forces decreases. However, the effectiveness of these
payments has been limited by the lack of uniform policies across ISAF nations, limited information
gathering about civilian harm generally and, in many cases, insensitive requirements
that civilians suffering losses take the initiative to file claims.
This report describes the policies and practices of major ISAF TCNs. It finds that soldiers as
well as civilians view amends for harm favorably. The process of investigation, negotiation
of payment, and offers of formal compensation are opportunities to strengthen relationships
with local leaders and communities, to explain what happened, and acknowledge loss....
-
Search for all records in "Germany"
-
Ghana
-
August 24, 2010
Global Consortium on Security Transformation
Abstract:
Adequate and effective security has long been recognized as a pre-requisite for the socio-
economic development of states and societies, and thus most individuals and states engage in
various activities aimed at the achievement of security. Generally, states are responsible for
the provision of security to their citizens. In many developing countries however, state security
provision has largely been inadequate, being focused
mainly on using military, police and intelligence services for state preservation against external
aggression and internal disorder. An inordinate focus on this form of security has resulted in
the neglect of the physical and other socio-economic needs of a majority of citizens, who have
consequently resorted to 'self-help' mechanisms using the private, non-state sector to address their
security needs. The term non-state actors as used in this paper broadly refers to individuals,
groups and organizations that provide security services, but are not part of formal, statutory
institutions mandated by the state to provide security related services, such as the police or
military.
This paper is organized into five sections. The fi rst section provides a background to the
study as well as the methodology that was employed. This is followed by an overview of the
security situation in the country. The third section presents the findings on the identified non-
state security actors in the country. Section four analyses the impacts of their activities on
security in the country, and the last section concludes the paper....
-
December 9, 2009
Conflict, Security and Development // Routledge
Abstract:
In recent years, the potential security threat posed by climate change has caught the
world’s political imagination, generating a perceptible shift in the way that a growing
number of decision-makers in the North and the South are talking about the subject.
The African Union, in a January 2007 decision, expressed grave concern about the
vulnerability of Africa’s ‘socio-economic and productive systems to climate change and
variability and to the continent’s low mitigation and response capacities’. The European
Security Strategy predicts that climate change will aggravate competition for natural
resources, and likely increase conflict and migratory movements in various regions.
Meanwhile, climate change has become a core foreign policy priority of many
governments, including the new administration’s programme in the US, a move that is
rationalised, at least in part, by the security threat it presents. This paper explores the development of
conceptualisations of environment and security that influence current discussions over
the potential impacts of climate change on security. To illustrate, we devote particular
attention to the ways in which West Africa is vulnerable to the impacts of climate change,
and draw upon recent empirical evidence and climate change scenario planning research
from two West African countries: Ghana and Burkina Faso....
-
October 14, 2009
Partnership Africa Canada
Abstract:
By all indications, and from the evidence gathered
for this year’s Diamonds and Human
Security Annual Review, the Kimberley Process
(KP), designed to halt and prevent the return
of “conflict diamonds”, is failing. The cost of a
collapse would be disastrous for an industry
that benefits so many countries, and for the
millions of people in developing countries who
depend, directly and indirectly on it. A criminalized
diamond economy would re-emerge
and conflict diamonds could soon follow. The
problems can and must be fixed.
Accountability is the primary issue. There is no
KP central authority. The “chair” rotates annually
and has virtually no responsibility beyond a
convening function. Problems are shifted from
one “working group” to another; debates on
vital issues extend for years. “Consensus” in
the KP means that everyone must agree; a single
dissenter can block forward movement.
Nobody takes responsibility for action or inaction,
failure or success; the Kimberley Process
has no core body apart from its annual “plenary
meeting” and thus nobody is held responsible
for anything.
The Kimberley Process Certification Scheme
(KPCS) has a peer review mechanism which
reviews each member’s compliance roughly
once every three years. Some reviews are thorough
and recommendations are heeded. In
many cases, however, recommendations are
ignored, and there is little or no follow-up —
this has been the case in the past with DRC
and Angola. And, as this Annual Review notes,
some reviews are completely bogus. In 2008, a
bloated, nine-member team visited Guinea, a
country beset by corruption, weak diamond
controls, and almost certain smuggling. The
team spent less than two hours outside the
capital and its report remained unfinished for
almost 11 months. A team visited Venezuela in
2008 but its makeup, agenda and itinerary
were dictated entirely by the Venezuelan government.
NGOs were barred and there were no visits to mining areas or border towns.
Zimbabwe, rife with smuggling and gross diamond-
related human rights abuse, consumed
months of ineffectual internal KP debate. In the
end, the KP agreed on a review mission, but only
after being publicly shamed into action by NGO
and media reports. The result is a lowest-common-
denominator “consensus” and continuing
inaction....
-
September 1, 2009
African Centre for for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // Conflict Trends Issue #2 2009
Abstract:
Ghana is touted as a model of electoral peace,
having held five presidential and parliamentary
elections since its “founding elections” in 1992. Two
of these elections – the 2000 and the most recent 2008
presidential elections – have led to a turnover of power
from the incumbent party to the opposition party: from
the National Democratic Congress Party (NDC) to the
New Patriotic Party (NPP) in 2000, and vice versa in 2008.
While the state is applauded for managing its conflicts
well – making Ghana a so-called haven of peace – various
individual communities are engaged in violent communal
conflicts, some of which have been escalated by electoral
politics. This article examines the politicisation or the
recharging of latent and relatively unknown conflicts
during Ghana’s 2008 elections, to challenge the electoral
peace theory in general, and the Ghana case in particular.
The conflict between two villages, Mirigu and Kandiga, in
the Upper East Region of Ghana, is examined.
The central purpose of this article is to contest
the orthodox view in the extant literature on the
relationship between elections and conflict management
and transformation in Africa; namely, that through
institutional design, elections can be an opportunity
for conflict management. This claim – henceforth, the
electoral peace paradigm – is widely accepted, not just as
the panacea for conflict transformation and peacebuilding
in post-conflict situations, but also as the test of democracy and conflict management in multi-ethnic
societies. Unsurprisingly, one of the first things on the
agenda of international peace missions in post-conflict
situations is to organise elections – for example, the
international community hurriedly organised elections
in post-conflict situations in Bosnia, Kosovo, Liberia,
Sierra Leone, Afghanistan and even Iraq. Similarly, in
“peaceful” multi-ethnic contexts, states like India, Ghana
and post-apartheid South Africa are presented as models
of electoral peace, because they hold periodic elections
and rotate power between and within parties peacefully....
-
August 11, 2009
International Center for Transitional Justice
Abstract:
With socio-economic development a crucial priority in Africa, transitional
justice practitioners are asking whether methods of addressing past human rights
abuses can also help tackle development issues. ICTJ, in conjunction with the
Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), explored this question during a
workshop on Transitional Justice and Development in Cape Town, South Africa,
from Sep. 15-19. In their discussions, the more than 20 participants concluded
that transitional justice mechanisms need to be shaped by the socio-economic
and political contexts in which human rights violations took place if the justice
measures are to be relevant to the public. Engaging development issues is an
important way to take a more holistic approach toward justice.
The workshop was the third in a series devoted to the topic. At the
previous workshops, in October 2006 and November 2007, experts examined the
theoretical connections between transitional justice and development. The most
recent seminar focused on the practical intersections between the two fields in
post-conflict societies. The workshop brought together practitioners from
government, civil society and international agencies in 11 African countries:
Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ghana, Kenya, Liberia, Rwanda,
Sierra Leone, South Africa, Sudan, Uganda and Zimbabwe. Delegates drew on their own countries' experiences to offer lessons for
others. There were talks on the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation
Commission's lessons for Kenya; the lessons of Liberian security sector and
institutional reform efforts for Kenya and Zimbabwe; and a Gender and
Development talk that focused on DRC, Zimbabwe and Sudan, as well as the
role of international aid. A special session reflected critically on South Africa's
transition. Participants also discussed the formation of a Transitional Justice and
Development Network within the broader African Transitional Justice Network.
Participants agreed that the nexus between transitional justice and development
was of continuing interest and relevance to their own work.
The presentations and discussion sessions are briefly summarized in the
main body of this report. The next section reproduces the original concept paper
that led to the workshop. It outlines in detail both the broad conceptual issues at
stake as well as specific points of possible intersection between transitional
justice and development. Following that is an overview of all of the formal
presentation and discussion sessions that happened during the week. Finally, a
brief conclusion discusses the ‘way forward.’ Appendices contain information
about the workshop schedule, and the participants, presenters and
observers....
-
Search for all records in "Ghana"
-
Gibraltar
-
May 10, 2010
Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University
Abstract:
A key contention of the transitional justice movement is that the more comprehensive and
vigorous the effort to bring justice to a departed authoritarian regime the better the
democratizing outcome will be. This essay challenges this view with empirical evidence
from the Iberian Peninsula. In Portugal, a sweeping policy of purges intended to cleanse
the state and society of the authoritarian past nearly derailed the transition to democracy
by descending into a veritable witch-hunt. In Spain, by contrast, letting bygones be
bygones, became a foundation for democratic consolidation. These counter-intuitive
examples suggest that there is no pre-ordained outcome to transitional justice, and that
confronting an evil past is neither a requirement nor a pre-condition for democratization.
This is primarily because the principal factors driving the impulse toward justice against
the old regime are political rather than ethical or moral. In Portugal, the rise of
transitional justice mirrored the anarchic politics of the revolution that lunched the
transition to democracy. In Spain, the absence of transitional justice reflected the
pragmatism of a democratic transition anchored on compromise and consensus....
-
June 8, 2006
International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights
Abstract:
The human rights situation deteriorated in numerous former Soviet republics. Independent
human rights monitoring groups, including several affiliates of the IHF, came under
attack. The Russian Federation, Belarus, and the Central Asian regimes promulgated
new legislation or changed their practices to allow these states arbitrarily to restrict the activities
of nongovernmental organizations. The leaders of the Belarusian Helsinki Committee
faced fabricated criminal charges, and in January 2006, state-controlled Russian media
falsely implicated the Moscow Helsinki Group in espionage....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers - spun with the collaboration or tolerance of Council of Europe member states, the Legal Affairs Committee of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) said today. In a draft resolution adopted at a meeting in Paris, based on a report by Dick Marty (Switzerland, ALDE), the committee said hundreds of persons had become entrapped in this web - in some cases when they were merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation. The parliamentarians said this knowing collusion of member states took several different forms, including secretly detaining a person on European territory, capturing a person and handing them over to the US or permitting unlawful "renditions" through their airspace or across their territory. "It# has now been demonstrated incontestably, by numerous well-documented and convergent facts, that secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers involving European countries have taken place, such as to require in-depth inquiries and urgent responses by the executive and legislative branches of all the countries concerned," the committee said. The committee called on Council of Europe member states to review bilateral agreements signed with the United States, particularly those on the status of US forces stationed in Europe, to ensure they conformed fully to international human rights norms. The report is due for debate by the plenary Assembly - which brings together 630 parliamentarians from the 46 Council of Europe member states - in Strasbourg on 27 June 2006....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States of America finds that neither the classic instruments of criminal law and procedure, nor the framework of the laws of war (including respect for the Geneva Conventions) has been apt to address the terrorist threat. As a result it has introduced new legal concepts, such as "enemy combatant" and "rendition", which were previously unheard of in international law and stand contrary to the basic legal principles that prevail on our continent. Thus, across the world, the United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers, often encompassing countries notorious for their use of torture. Hundreds of persons have become entrapped in this web, in some cases merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation....
-
October 5, 2004
British Broadcasting Corporation
Abstract:
The British overseas territory of Gibraltar, a limestone outcrop on the southern tip of the Iberian peninsula, occupies a commanding position at the western gateway to the Mediterranean Sea.
-
Search for all records in "Gibraltar"
-
Greece
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: AQAP’s Growing Security Threat to
Saudi Arabia, by Caryle Murphy; Assessing AQI’s Resilience After April’s Leadership Decapitations, by Myriam Benraad; The Return of Moqtada al-Sadr and the Revival of the Mahdi Army, by Babak Rahimi; Indoctrinating Children: The Making of Pakistan’s Suicide Bombers, by Kalsoom Lakhani; The Third Way: A Paradigm for
Influence in the Marketplace of Ideas, by Scott Helfstein; Still Fighting for Revolution:
Greece’s New Generation of Terrorists, by George Kassimeris;...
-
September 2, 2009
World Security Network
Abstract:
Recent news updates from leading Greek media citing commentary and exclusive information from high-level police and security circles indicate that arrests are underway regarding domestic terrorist groups that have managed over the past 5 years to launch impressive attacks against a variety of state, diplomatic and police targets.
According to the reports there are indications that the Greek anti-terrorist unit and the Greek intelligence service have managed to acquire valuable information relating to the culprits of the attacks and several journalists have noted that arrests cannot be ruled out within the coming weeks.
The two most sought-after terrorist groups in Greece are the "Revolutionary Struggle" and the "Revolutionary Sect". The former appeared in late 2003 and has launched a series of attacks since then, the most important being the rocket attack against the US Embassy in Athens on January the 12th 2007. The latter appeared in early 2009 and has attacked a TV station, public buildings and fatally wounded an anti-terrorist police Sergeant in June this year.
The present article will provide several notes and information regarding the attack against the American Embassy in Athens, streaming from news reports at that time and public commentary thereafter in the Greek and international media....
-
August 11, 2009
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Abstract:
Terrorism is not a new phenomenon, nor is it likely to disappear anytime soon. It is not the exclusive domain of any single religion or ideology, nor do all terrorists come from the same socioeconomic class or share the same mental pathologies.1 In part, the diversity within contemporary terrorism is what makes it so great a challenge. This report describes, in great detail, the state of terrorism in Western countries over the course of 2008.
Before turning to terrorism events in the West during 2008 and key developments within Western countries’ legal systems, we are going to pinpoint a few broad trends—a few currents that run through the various incidents and cases that follow. As this report will show, concerns about the contemporary connection between criminal activities and terrorism are clear in Bulgaria, a country rife with organized crime. An April 2008 parliamentary report charged that profits from the country’s drug trade were channeled to Middle Eastern terrorist groups....
-
June 3, 2009
Initiative for Peacebuilding // Partners for Democratic Change International
Abstract:
This Synthesis Report extracts the main findings from seven EU Member State case studies surveyed under
the Capacity-Building and Training Cluster of the Initiative for Peacebuilding (IfP). Case studies were conducted
in Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Greece, Poland, Portugal, Slovenia and Spain in order to assess these countries’
capacities to meet EU spending targets for official development assistance (ODA) and to analyse the position of
peacebuilding within national ODA policies. Each case study analysed country-specific ODA policies by focusing
on institutional mechanisms and key actors in managing and implementing ODA; the role and capacity of civil
society organisations in influencing planning, implementation, and evaluation of ODA; and public awareness of
and support for ODA.
This report finds that international development cooperation has received growing attention during the last
decade in all surveyed case-study countries. New EU Member States in particular are striving to adhere to
their international commitments by further refining their ODA policies; enhancing the institutional structures
for managing and implementing ODA; and increasing cooperation with and consultation of civil society
organisations....
-
January 14, 2009
Harvard International Review
Abstract:
On December 8, 2008, a young boy was shot dead by a policeman in a neighborhood of Athens, known for the conflicts that frequently take place there between anarchist groups and the police. The shooting followed an exchange of insults between two policemen and a group of teenagers. It is still unclear whether the policeman in question shot directly at the boy, i.e. with the intention to kill him, or whether he just shot in the air, hitting the boy accidentally.
An hour after the boy’s death, demonstrations started in Athens and soon spread to the rest of the country. Thousands of young people protested against the killing of one of their peers but also against the brutality of the police in general; in the margins of these demonstrations, shops were broken, cars were burnt, and stones were thrown at the police. The riots lasted for more than three days.
It is not the only time that the Greek police have abused its power in recent years. In a video shown in Greek television in 2007, Greek policemen obliged two young Albanians accused of robbery to hit each other in a police station; in another one, a group of policemen laughed as two prostitutes were forced to dance in front of them. But though these videos were a shock for Greek public opinion, this kind of police abuse is, unfortunately, not new and certainly not a Greek privilege. Yet, one rarely sees reactions of similar violence and intensity as those that shook Greece during the last month. There are much deeper causes to the anger of the Greek youth....
-
Search for all records in "Greece"
-
Greenland
-
June 8, 2006
International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights
Abstract:
The human rights situation deteriorated in numerous former Soviet republics. Independent
human rights monitoring groups, including several affiliates of the IHF, came under
attack. The Russian Federation, Belarus, and the Central Asian regimes promulgated
new legislation or changed their practices to allow these states arbitrarily to restrict the activities
of nongovernmental organizations. The leaders of the Belarusian Helsinki Committee
faced fabricated criminal charges, and in January 2006, state-controlled Russian media
falsely implicated the Moscow Helsinki Group in espionage....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers - spun with the collaboration or tolerance of Council of Europe member states, the Legal Affairs Committee of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) said today. In a draft resolution adopted at a meeting in Paris, based on a report by Dick Marty (Switzerland, ALDE), the committee said hundreds of persons had become entrapped in this web - in some cases when they were merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation. The parliamentarians said this knowing collusion of member states took several different forms, including secretly detaining a person on European territory, capturing a person and handing them over to the US or permitting unlawful "renditions" through their airspace or across their territory. "It# has now been demonstrated incontestably, by numerous well-documented and convergent facts, that secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers involving European countries have taken place, such as to require in-depth inquiries and urgent responses by the executive and legislative branches of all the countries concerned," the committee said. The committee called on Council of Europe member states to review bilateral agreements signed with the United States, particularly those on the status of US forces stationed in Europe, to ensure they conformed fully to international human rights norms. The report is due for debate by the plenary Assembly - which brings together 630 parliamentarians from the 46 Council of Europe member states - in Strasbourg on 27 June 2006....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States of America finds that neither the classic instruments of criminal law and procedure, nor the framework of the laws of war (including respect for the Geneva Conventions) has been apt to address the terrorist threat. As a result it has introduced new legal concepts, such as "enemy combatant" and "rendition", which were previously unheard of in international law and stand contrary to the basic legal principles that prevail on our continent. Thus, across the world, the United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers, often encompassing countries notorious for their use of torture. Hundreds of persons have become entrapped in this web, in some cases merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation....
-
October 4, 2004
British Broadcasting Corporation
Abstract:
Greenland is the world's largest island. Formerly a province of Denmark, it gained the status of an autonomous Danish dependent territory with limited self-government as well as its own parliament in 1979.
-
Search for all records in "Greenland"
-
Grenada
-
February 3, 2009
Center for Strategic and International Studies // Human Rights and Security Initiative
Abstract:
Throughout the 1980s, the United States assisted the Salvadoran government in keeping the leftist FMLN insurgency under control. A U.S. military advisory group comprised primarily of Special Forces troops advised and trained the Salvadoran military to reach hearts and minds through civil defense and civic action campaigns.
On October 12, 1983, militant Marxists carried out a violent coup against the moderate Marxist government. The United States resolved to rescue six hundred American medical students, restore popular government, and deny Cuba greater involvement in Grenada.
There was no Civil Affairs planning prior to the invasion of Grenada, but the Civil Affairs teams that were deployed improvised with reasonable success. The U.S. military focused on rebuilding Grenadian infrastructure that had fallen into disrepair under the Bishop regime of 1979-1983.
When General Manuel Noriega of Panama lost the 1989 election, he installed himself as head of government. Following the death of a U.S. marine, President George H.W. Bush ordered the invasion of Panama to protect U.S. interests and remove Noriega from power. Civil-military objectives in Panama were to support U.S. military forces in establishing law and order, to support to the new central government and city governments, to manage a refugee camp, and to assist in nation building programs. CA units successfully carried out several missions despite imperfections in civil-military planning....
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
February 24, 2006
U.S. Department of State
Abstract:
Grenada is a parliamentary democracy, governed by a prime minister, a cabinet, and a unicameral legislature, with a governor general as titular head of state. In November 2003, Prime Minister Keith Mitchell's New National Party (NNP) won 8 out of 15 parliamentary seats in generally free and fair elections. The judiciary is independent.
The Royal Grenada Police Force is responsible for maintaining internal law and order and external security. Civilian authorities maintained effective control of the security forces. Some members of the security force committed occasional human rights abuses. Following Hurricane Ivan, the Regional Security Service (RSS) sent soldiers and police officers from other Caribbean nations to assist the police force with maintaining law and order. The RSS was present from September to December. ...
-
October 6, 2005
Globalsecurity.org
Abstract:
Grenada, one of the smallest independent nations in the Western Hemisphere and one of the southernmost Caribbean islands in the Windward chain, has an area of only 133 square miles. The population is 110,000. But size is not necessarily the determining factor when governments consider strategic military locations. The Cuban government knew the value of Grenada's location when it decided to utilize the former British colony as a holding place for arms and military equipment, complete with a major airport. Eastern Caribbean nations fully understood the implication of the communist threat and called upon the United States for help. The response was Urgent Fury, a multinational, multiservice effort....
-
October 15, 2004
HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco
Abstract:
-
Search for all records in "Grenada"
-
Guadeloupe
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
May 4, 2005
Justixc3xa7a Global
Abstract:
A little over a year since international pressure and an armed rebellion forced the departure of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and the collapse of his government, Haiti is at risk of becoming a permanent failed state. The presence of the United Nations ("UN") peacekeeping force, established 3 months after Aristide's controversial ouster, has done little to establish stability, protect the populace, or curb human rights violations. This report critiques the performance of that peacekeeping force, the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti ("MINUSTAH"), by documenting its failure to effectuate not only the overriding spirit but even the plain terms of its mandate....
-
Search for all records in "Guadeloupe"
-
Guatemala
-
August 26, 2010
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars // Mexico Institute // University of San Diego // Trans-border Institute
Abstract:
While Mexico is having some limited success dealing with its spiraling conflict, vulnerable
States in Central America are struggling to keep the organized criminal groups at bay, even while
they face other challenges such as widespread gang activity. Problems are particularly acute in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras, three States with vast
coastlines, large ungoverned spaces and the greatest proximity to Mexico. However, geography
is only part of the problem. Armed conflicts in Guatemala, El Salvador and parts of Honduras
between 1960 and the mid-1990s laid the foundations for the weapons trafficking, money
laundering and contraband traffic that we are witnessing today. This chapter is about drug trafficking organizations (DTO) operating in Central America. It is
broken down by theme rather than by country. It provides a brief history of DTO activity in the
region; descriptions of who operates the DTOs, both locally and internationally, and their modus
operandi; the use of street gangs in DTO activities; DTO penetration in government and security
forces; local, regional and international efforts and challenges as they try and combat DTOs. The
chapter is centered on the three countries where the problem of DTOs appears to be the most
acute: Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras....
-
July 19, 2010
Escola de Cultura de Pau // School for a Culture of Peace
Abstract:
A survey of the models of peace processes existing today
and in the immediate past will show how they are very
closely bound to the kinds of demands underlying each of
the conflicts. In other words, the underlying issue being
disputed is what determines the model of peace process. Following
this line of thought, we can distinguish between five
main models, namely reinsertion, power-sharing, exchange,
trust-building measures and self-governance. The first model, reinsertion, is the simplest, although
it is also not very frequent. It refers to cases in which the
armed group agrees to lay down its weapons in exchange
for facilities to help them reintegrate into society. The second model, one of the most frequent, which
involves political, economic and military power-sharing,
takes place when the armed groups seek to attain the power
to take over the political steering of a country and from
there run all the economic and military affairs. The third model is what we call exchange, in which
peace is achieved in exchange for something else. A fourth model of peace process, though not a common
one, is based on creating confidence-building measures. Finally, the fifth model involves achieving some kind
of self-governance in regions with demands for autonomy
or independence; this is called “intermediate political
architectures”....
-
July 15, 2010
Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity
Abstract:
This Overview summarises the key findings and policy challenges identified by the CRISE
research programme in its evaluation of three Latin American countries. The case studies
selected were the three countries with the largest indigenous populations in proportionate
terms: Bolivia, Guatemala and Peru. The underlying research challenge was to understand
the role of horizontal or group inequality in overall acute inequality in the countries studied,
and the relevance of group inequality to political violence.
The paper shows that horizontal inequalities (HIs)—political, social, economic and cultural—
are deeply embedded in two of these countries, Guatemala and Peru, and have played a significant
role in terrible political violence. They remain severe; indeed, political HIs have worsened
in some respects with the legacy of violence and repression. In Guatemala and Peru, the pervasiveness
of embedded prejudice and ways of thinking make even good policy initiatives
non-functional. In Bolivia, meanwhile, an exceptional set of political and geographical circumstances has,
over many decades, resulted in political accommodation mechanisms that have avoided
widespread violence and led to a genuine improvement in political HIs....
-
July 6, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
The 1996 peace accords formally ended Guatemala’s civil
war but failure to address the conflict’s root causes and
dismantle clandestine security apparatuses has weakened
its institutions and opened the door to skyrocketing violent
crime. Guatemala is one of the world’s most dangerous
countries, with some 6,500 murders in 2009, more
than the average yearly killings during the civil war and
roughly twice Mexico’s homicide rate. Under heavy pressure
at home, Mexican drug traffickers have moved into
Guatemala to compete for control of Andean cocaine
transiting to the U.S. The UN-sanctioned International
Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) has
brought hope by making some progress at getting a handle
on high-level corruption. However, in June 2010 its
Spanish director, Carlos Castresana, resigned saying the
government had not kept its promise to support CICIG’s
work and reform the justice system. President Álvaro
Colom needs to consolidate recent gains with institutional
reform, anti-corruption measures, vetting mechanisms and
a more inclusive political approach, including to indigenous
peoples.
The administration of President Álvaro Arzú and the
Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity (URNG) guerrilla
group signed peace accords fourteen years ago that
promised a massive overhaul of the military and of a
system that marginalised the majority of citizens, among
them large sectors of the indigenous population, and
served the interests of the small economic and political
elite. However, there has been little follow-through. Tax
collection is still the lowest in Latin America (some 10
per cent of gross domestic product, GDP), in flagrant violation
of a key provision of the peace accords. In addition
to the rise of clandestine groups, many directed by exsenior
military officers and politicians, the country has
seen the proliferation of Mexican drug-trafficking organisations
(DTOs) and youth gangs (maras). Criminal organisations
traffic in everything from illegal drugs to adopted
babies, and street gangs extort and terrorise entire neighbourhoods,
often with the complicity of authorities....
-
May 13, 2010
Strategic Studies Institute // United States Army War College
Abstract:
Guatemala is currently experiencing a full-blown crisis of the democratic state. An unholy trinity of criminal elements—international drug traffickers, domestically based organized crime syndicates, and youth gangs—is effectively waging a form of irregular warfare against government institutions, with devastating consequences. The police, the judiciary, and entire local and departmental governments are rife with criminal infiltrators; murder statistics have surpassed civil-war levels in recent years; criminal operatives brazenly assassinate government officials and troublesome members of the political class; and broad swaths of territory are now effectively under the control of criminal groups. Guatemala’s weak institutions have been unable to contain this violence, leading to growing civic disillusion and causing a marked erosion in the authority and legitimacy of the government....
-
Search for all records in "Guatemala"
-
Guinea
-
April 30, 2010
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
A “government of national unity” was formed in Guinea on January 15, 2010, a year after a
military junta, the National Council for Democracy and Development (CNDD), took power in a
coup d’état. While the CNDD has not been dissolved, it has agreed to share power with civilian
opposition groups in the lead-up to presidential elections, scheduled for June 27, 2010. Defense
Minister Sekouba Konate has assumed executive power as interim president, while opposition
spokesman Jean-Marie Dore was named prime minister. The formation of a unity government followed six weeks of political uncertainty after CNDD
President Capt. Moussa Dadis Camara was shot in December 2009 by a member of his personal
guard and evacuated for medical treatment. The appointment of the unity government has
temporarily stemmed international concerns over political instability in Guinea and its potential
spillover into fragile neighboring countries, such as Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire. However, concerns
remain over the political will to hold elections, impunity and disorder among the security forces,
and the potential for “spoilers” to disrupt Guinea’s long-awaited transition to civilian rule. The United States, which had been highly critical of Dadis Camara’s erratic leadership, has
expressed support for Guinea’s transitional government. At the same time, certain restrictions on
U.S. bilateral assistance and targeted travel restrictions against CNDD members and others
remain in place. As electoral preparations advance, a number of issues will confront U.S. policy.
These include U.S. relations with the Guinean government; the status of U.S. assistance and
travel restrictions on CNDD members; the monitoring of progress toward elections; U.S. policy
toward a potential International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation of alleged CNDD human
rights abuses; and potential U.S. support for security sector reform in Guinea....
-
April 27, 2010
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
The International Criminal Court (ICC), established in 2002, has to-date initiated investigations
exclusively in Sub-Saharan Africa. The ICC Prosecutor has opened cases against 16 individuals
for alleged crimes in northern Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Central African
Republic, and the Darfur region of Sudan. In addition, the Prosecutor is investigating postelection
violence in Kenya and analyzing situations—a preliminary step toward initiating a full
investigation—in Guinea and several other African countries, as well as several countries outside
of Africa. Congressional interest in the work of the ICC in Africa has arisen from concern over
gross human rights violations on the African continent and beyond. On March 4, 2009, ICC judges issued an arrest warrant for Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-
Bashir for war crimes and crimes against humanity. The case against Bashir represents the first
attempt by the ICC to pursue a sitting head of state. The prosecution has drawn praise from
human rights advocates as a step toward ending impunity for serious human rights abuses in
Africa. However, it has also raised concerns that ICC actions could endanger peace processes in
Darfur and southern Sudan. Additional fears that the ICC could imperil international
humanitarian operations were heightened when the Sudanese government responded to the
warrant by expelling international relief agencies. This report provides background on ICC investigations in Africa and gives an overview of cases
currently before the Court. The report also examines issues raised in Africa by the ICC’s actions,
including the ICC’s possible role in deterring future abuses, and the potential impact of
international prosecutions on African peace processes....
-
February 24, 2010
Amnesty International
Abstract:
On Monday 28 September 2009, Guinean security forces inflicted acts of excessive force
and unlawful violence, including sexual violence, and other gross violations of human rights
against a group of unarmed civil society organisations and political parties peacefully
protesting at the Conakry Stadium. In the space of a few hours, more than 150 people were
killed by live ammunition or bladed weapons; over 40 women were raped in public or for
some of them in private houses after being drugged; more than 1500 people were wounded;
and many others went missing. Demonstrators were arrested and tortured while in detention
before being released on payment of a ransom, and the military surrounded hospitals and
mortuaries to prevent families from recovering the bodies of relatives....
-
February 4, 2010
United Nations Children's Fund
Abstract:
The Humanitarian Action Report is UNICEF's only publication dealing specifically with the needs of children and women in emergencies. It spotlights crises that require exceptional support, and additional funding, to save lives and protect children from harm in an increasingly challenging humanitarian environment.
This year's report – subtitled 'Partnering for children in emergencies' – says the world is seeing crises exacerbated by larger trends, such as climate change and the international financial downturn, that are beyond the capacity of any one agency to address.
The report appeals for nearly $1.2 billion in international donor funding for emergency-response efforts in 28 countries covering six regions – from Eastern Europe to Africa to Asia to Latin America. The funding will be used to support a greater emphasis on emergency preparedness, early warning, disaster risk reduction and rapid recovery....
-
January 27, 2010
West Africa Network for Peacebuilding
Abstract:
The September 28, 2009 massacres of
over 150 Guineans and maiming of others;
the brutal raping of women and reported
hiding of corpses of the victims, have
dashed all hopes of Guineans and pundits
who still afforded to give the military junta
a chance. Captain Dadis Camara has just
plummeted from a 'hero to a villain.' The
'wait and see' period that followed the
bloodless coup d'état after the death of
President Lansana Conté and the seizure
of power by Captain Dadis Camara has
flickered out. Our conclusion is that Guinea is at the
crossroads and what is needed now is to
prioritize the priorities in addressing the
present quagmire. A wrong approach, a
deviation from the main focus may hijack
the process and we may soon start
counting loses and missed opportunities....
-
Search for all records in "Guinea"
-
Guinea-Bissau
-
March 3, 2010
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The present report is submitted pursuant to paragraph 14 of Security Council
resolution 1876 (2009), by which the Council requested me to submit a written
report every four months on the progress made in establishing the United Nations
Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) and in
implementing the resolution. The report covers developments since my previous
report (S/2009/552), dated 22 October 2009 and covering the period until
15 February 2010, with a particular focus on efforts to normalize the functioning of
State institutions and on preparations for the national conference designed to
promote reconciliation in the country....
-
February 15, 2010
German Institute of Global and Area Studies // Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien
Abstract:
Recent development cooperation with Guinea‐Bissau, focusing on good governance, statebuilding
and conflict prevention, did not contribute to democratization nor to the stabilization
of volatile political, military and economic structures. The portrayal of Guinea‐
Bissau as failed a “narco‐state”, as well as Western aid meant to stabilize this state, are
both based on dubious concepts. Certainly, the impact of drug trafficking could endanger
democratization and state‐building if continued unchecked. However, the most pressing
need is not state‐building facilitated by external aid that is poorly rooted in the social and
political fabric of the country. Rather, it is grassroots nation‐building that is a pre‐condition
for the creation of viable state institutions....
-
November 3, 2009
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The present report is submitted pursuant to paragraph 14 of Security Council
resolution 1233 (1999), by which the Council requested me to keep it regularly
informed and to submit a report on developments in Guinea-Bissau and on the
activities of the United Nations Peacebuilding Support Office in Guinea-Bissau
(UNOGBIS). Subsequently, in paragraph 14 of its resolution 1876 (2009), the
Council requested me to submit a written report every four months on progress in
establishing the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau
(UNIOGBIS), with the first report due by 31 October 2009. The report covers
developments since my last report (S/2009/302), dated 10 June 2009, with particular
focus on the tension that followed the political assassinations of 5 June 2009, as
well as the presidential elections of 28 June 2009 and the run-off that was held on
26 July 2009....
-
October 22, 2009
Norwegian Peacebuilding Centre // Noref
Abstract:
The history of Guinea-Bissau is intertwined with the armed conflicts that took place in the country as well as the underdevelopment and progressive demise of Guinean state structures. The war was not followed by peace, but rather by a ten-year period of chronic instability (Annex 1). The events that took place in 20095 are yet another part of this evolution. This paper argues that unless strong political conditionality and intervention takes place, and unless there is a consistent change in local governance, sustainable peace and development will remain at the simulation level. Along with domestic changes, international initiatives towards peacebuilding could play a positive role in this scenario shift. However, the most probable scenario suggests that this will not occur, since the responses of international actors and real local dynamics are disconnected. This means that, by phasing its intervention and focusing on the security level, the international community is assuming ownership of policies such as Security Sector Reform and the Plan Against Drug Trafficking, which may be counter-productive. Meanwhile, the structural dimensions of the economic and social crisis have yet to be addressed....
-
September 3, 2009
United Nations General Assembly
Abstract:
The present report addresses the progress made in the implementation of the
recommendations contained in the Secretary-General’s report on the causes of
conflict and the promotion of durable peace and sustainable development in Africa
(A/52/871-S/1998/318). It is submitted in compliance with General Assembly
resolution 63/304, which was adopted following the Assembly’s consideration at its
sixty-third session of the Secretary-General’s progress report dated 4 August 2008
(A/63/212). The recommendations addressing economic and social factors
underlying the promotion of sustainable development are covered in the
Secretary-General’s companion report on the Implementation of the New Partnership
for Africa’s Development (A/64/204). Following introductory remarks, section II of the report provides an overview of major peace and security developments in Africa during the past year, including
the serious concerns being addressed by Africa and the international community in
order to restore, maintain and promote peace and rebuild post-conflict countries. In
section III, the report reviews progress in relation to the capacity-building needs and
increased cooperation with the African Union and subregional organizations and
provides an assessment of the United Nations support for the defence and promotion
of human rights in Africa. The report concludes that, pending the General Assemblymandated
comprehensive review of the recommendations contained in the 1998
report and of the new challenges to achieving long-term peace and sustainable
development, the international community must, more than ever, redouble its efforts
in Africa and ensure that the commitments made are effectively implemented....
-
Search for all records in "Guinea-Bissau"
-
Guyana
-
October 14, 2009
Partnership Africa Canada
Abstract:
By all indications, and from the evidence gathered
for this year’s Diamonds and Human
Security Annual Review, the Kimberley Process
(KP), designed to halt and prevent the return
of “conflict diamonds”, is failing. The cost of a
collapse would be disastrous for an industry
that benefits so many countries, and for the
millions of people in developing countries who
depend, directly and indirectly on it. A criminalized
diamond economy would re-emerge
and conflict diamonds could soon follow. The
problems can and must be fixed.
Accountability is the primary issue. There is no
KP central authority. The “chair” rotates annually
and has virtually no responsibility beyond a
convening function. Problems are shifted from
one “working group” to another; debates on
vital issues extend for years. “Consensus” in
the KP means that everyone must agree; a single
dissenter can block forward movement.
Nobody takes responsibility for action or inaction,
failure or success; the Kimberley Process
has no core body apart from its annual “plenary
meeting” and thus nobody is held responsible
for anything.
The Kimberley Process Certification Scheme
(KPCS) has a peer review mechanism which
reviews each member’s compliance roughly
once every three years. Some reviews are thorough
and recommendations are heeded. In
many cases, however, recommendations are
ignored, and there is little or no follow-up —
this has been the case in the past with DRC
and Angola. And, as this Annual Review notes,
some reviews are completely bogus. In 2008, a
bloated, nine-member team visited Guinea, a
country beset by corruption, weak diamond
controls, and almost certain smuggling. The
team spent less than two hours outside the
capital and its report remained unfinished for
almost 11 months. A team visited Venezuela in
2008 but its makeup, agenda and itinerary
were dictated entirely by the Venezuelan government.
NGOs were barred and there were no visits to mining areas or border towns.
Zimbabwe, rife with smuggling and gross diamond-
related human rights abuse, consumed
months of ineffectual internal KP debate. In the
end, the KP agreed on a review mission, but only
after being publicly shamed into action by NGO
and media reports. The result is a lowest-common-
denominator “consensus” and continuing
inaction....
-
October 7, 2009
Small Arms Survey // Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva // Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Abstract:
The data in this report is derived from country submissions when possible,
and estimates when necessary. Estimates are extrapolated from each country’s
identified procurement, highest modern personnel totals, and strategic doctrine.
Except where noted, the military small arms and light weapons data
presented here is not official, comprehensive, or conclusive; it is for general
evaluation and comparison only. The complete methodology used here is described
in Chapter 2 of the Small Arms Survey 2006.
Small arms are state-owned handguns, submachine guns, rifles, shotguns,
and light and medium machine guns. Firearms are civilian-owned handguns,
submachine guns, rifles, and shotguns. Long at the forefront of international small arms issues, public debate and
activism in South America have largely focused on matters surrounding civilian
firearms, estimated here to total between 21.7 and 26.8 million. The reasons
for this civilian preoccupation are principally linked to chronic gun violence.
South America has 14 per cent of the global population, and roughly 3.5 to 4 per
cent of the world’s civilian firearms, but it suffers from roughly 40 per cent of
all homicides committed with firearms.
Military small arms are rarely part of public debate, largely because of a
strong culture of national security secrecy in South America. But military
small arms policy has attracted much closer scrutiny in recent years, especially
as military small arms and light weapons are diverted to criminals and
guerrillas, fuelling insurgencies and civil violence. This report focuses primarily
on issues surrounding surplus military small arms and light weapons in
the region. Law enforcement and civilian firearms inventories and issues are
recognized here as well, to ensure a balanced overall perspective.
The region’s military establishments do not have a strong record of identifying
or eliminating their surplus small arms, light weapons, or ammunition.
South America holds some of the world’s largest military small arms and
light weapons surpluses. Military inventories are not exceptionally large in
absolute terms, but they are a major element in global surplus problems. Among
the 12 independent countries of South America, there are an estimated 3.6
million military small arms as of 2007, 1.5 per cent of the global total. Of these,
approximately 1.3 million, more than one-third, are surplus....
-
January 23, 2009
Global Witness
Abstract:
The illicit trade in rough diamonds is one of the greatest
threats facing the Kimberley Process (KP) certification
scheme. The KP was created to halt and prevent the
trade in conflict diamonds that cost so many lives
during the last two decades. At the end of the scheme’s
fifth year, the trafficking of conflict and illicit stones is
looking more like a dangerous rule than an exception.
Partnership Africa Canada and Global Witness have long
argued that the Kimberley Process should be more
proactive in monitoring infringements, and tougher in
curtailing this illicit trade. The situation today is getting
worse. In Venezuela, rampant diamond smuggling
continues while the government flouts the certification
scheme. Despite a UN embargo on Ivorian conflict
diamonds, stones are still mined in northern Côte
d’Ivoire, smuggled into international trading centres and
sold on to consumers. Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
governor Gideon Gono recently stated that over 10,000
people were visiting the border town of Mutare every
month for illegal activities involving diamonds. Gono
said that over 2,000 local syndicates were smuggling
diamonds out of the country.
This paper reviews the issues around illicit flows of
rough diamonds, particularly in countries facing serious
challenges in controlling the artisanal mining sector.
We present the results of a survey assessing how
participant countries are enforcing KP controls and
monitoring the diamond industry, and we put forward
specific recommendations for changing the way the KP
is managed and implemented. We hope that the
procrastination and denial that have gripped the
Kimberley Process on these issues in recent years can be
replaced at the forthcoming Plenary Meeting in New Delhi
with a proactive and dedicated response to the problems....
-
October 29, 2008
Partnership Africa Canada // Global Witness
Abstract:
The illicit trade in rough diamonds is one of the greatest
threats facing the Kimberley Process (KP) certification
scheme. The KP was created to halt and prevent the
trade in conflict diamonds that cost so many lives
during the last two decades. At the end of the scheme’s
fifth year, the trafficking of conflict and illicit stones is
looking more like a dangerous rule than an exception.
Partnership Africa Canada and Global Witness have long
argued that the Kimberley Process should be more
proactive in monitoring infringements, and tougher in
curtailing this illicit trade. The situation today is getting
worse. In Venezuela, rampant diamond smuggling
continues while the government flouts the certification
scheme. Despite a UN embargo on Ivorian conflict
diamonds, stones are still mined in northern Côte
d’Ivoire, smuggled into international trading centres and
sold on to consumers. Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
governor Gideon Gono recently stated that over 10,000
people were visiting the border town of Mutare every
month for illegal activities involving diamonds. Gono
said that over 2,000 local syndicates were smuggling
diamonds out of the country.
This paper reviews the issues around illicit flows of
rough diamonds, particularly in countries facing serious
challenges in controlling the artisanal mining sector.
We present the results of a survey assessing how
participant countries are enforcing KP controls and
monitoring the diamond industry, and we put forward
specific recommendations for changing the way the KP
is managed and implemented. We hope that the
procrastination and denial that have gripped the
Kimberley Process on these issues in recent years can be
replaced at the forthcoming Plenary Meeting in New Delhi
with a proactive and dedicated response to the problems....
-
October 29, 2008
Partnership Africa Canada
Abstract:
Just as peace is not simply the absence of war,
an end to conflict diamonds does not necessarily
mean that diamonds will create prosperity
or that human security will prevail in the
areas where they are mined. The campaign to
halt conflict diamonds has largely succeeded,
although the phenomenon continues in Côte
d’Ivoire, seemingly beyond the ingenuity and
the powers of the 75 governments represented
in the Kimberley Process (KP) and the
world’s entire diamond industry. But the KP
challenge today is not just Côte d’Ivoire; the
larger challenge is to ensure that diamonds are
controlled and tracked in ways that prevent a
return of the much more deadly diamondfuelled
wars of the past.
Diamonds are not just symbols of love, fidelity
and purity, they are the most concentrated
form of wealth on earth, and because of that,
they attract problems. A raid on a Damiani
showroom in Milan netted thieves as much as
$30 million in diamond jewellery in February.
That was just one of many diamond heists. If
you Google “diamond theft 2008” you will
find more than five million articles. It stands to
reason, therefore, that conflict diamonds could
return to countries where development is
stunted and governance weak. That is why
organizations like the Diamond Development
Initiative (DDI) are so important, and why
efforts to bring greater transparency to the
extractive sector need all the support they can
get. The intergovernmental Extractive
Industries Transparency Initiative and the NGOled
Publish What You Pay Campaign are key
elements in this.
Partnership Africa Canada (PAC) has been a
leader in the campaign against conflict diamonds
since 1999. It has been, and remains an
active member of all Kimberley Process meetings
and working groups. We have produced
several background studies on diamond-related
issues, 17 occasional papers and a quarterly newsletter, "Other Facets". All are available on
the PAC website (www.pacweb.org).
Starting in 2003, we began to publish standalone
Annual Reviews of the Diamond Industry
on Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of
the Congo and Angola. The Annual Reviews,
published in English (all), French (DRC) and
Portuguese (Angola) aimed to provide governments,
civil society and investors with information
that would be helpful in the promotion of
greater transparency and more positive developmental
outcomes. The Annual Reviews have
been widely quoted and have become documents
of record on the diamond industries in
those countries.
For 2008 we have taken a different approach,
expanding the project to cover more countries,
but producing one report rather than three.
This report — Diamonds and Human Security
Annual Review 2008 — concentrates on the
three countries most seriously affected by diamond-
fuelled conflict – Angola, DRC and
Sierra Leone – but we have also included articles
on countries touched by those conflicts, or
where internal controls over diamonds, and
where development considerations, remain
problematic....
-
Search for all records in "Guyana"
-
Haiti
-
June 9, 2010
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The Security Council today authorized the deployment of additional police officers to serve with the United Nations peacekeeping force in Haiti as part of efforts to help boost the capacity of the country’s national police to deal with the myriad challenges in the wake of January’s catastrophic earthquake.
The deployment of 680 further officers as a result of today’s Council resolution will bring the total number of UN Police (UNPOL) serving with the UN mission, which is known as MINUSTAH, to 4,391.
Just one week after the devastating quake struck Haiti on 12 January, the Council backed Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s call for additional troops, adding 2,000 military personnel and 15,000 UNPOL.
More than 200,000 people were killed in the magnitude-7.0 earthquake, which left 1.3 million more homeless and destroyed countless buildings, including Government facilities, hospitals and schools.
In today’s resolution, the Council said it recognized “the need for MINUSTAH to assist the Government of Haiti in providing adequate protection of the population, with particular attention to the needs of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and other vulnerable groups, especially women in children.”...
-
April 27, 2010
International Committee of the Red Cross // Ipsos-Reid
Abstract:
This research was undertaken in eight countries that were experiencing or had experienced armed conflict or other situations of armed violence. These were: Afghanistan; Colombia; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC); Georgia; Haiti; Lebanon; Liberia; and the Philippines. The aim was to develop a better understanding of people’s needs and expectations, to gather views and opinions, and to give a voice to those who had been adversely affected by armed conflict and other situations of armed violence. This research was commissioned by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) within the framework of the Our world. Your move. campaign. Launched in 2009, the campaign’s goal was to draw public attention to the vulnerability and ongoing suffering of people around the world. The intention was to emphasize the importance of humanitarian action and to convince individuals that they had the ability to make a difference and reduce suffering. This report encompasses two types of research: an opinion survey and in-depth research....
-
April 23, 2010
Security Sector Reform Monitor // Centre for International Governance Innovation
Abstract:
On January 12, 2010, Haiti experienced a magnitude-seven earthquake that leveled
much of the capital, Port-au-Prince, and left more than 200,000 people dead. The
natural disaster was a cruel and devastating blow not only because of the immediate
suffering that it caused, but because Haiti had seemed to turn a corner in political,
economic and security terms. Even the 2009 hurricane season did not have an overly
harsh impact on Haiti. The country did experience regular flooding in the peri-urban
zones of the capital and slums surrounding medium size cities, but not the large-scale
damage wrought by the 2008 hurricane season. The 2008 hurricane season coincided with a new prime minister taking office, who after one year had stabilized the office and facilitated renewed international interest and support (Staboek News, 2009). This boost in interest and investment can also be attributed to the appointment of former US president Bill Clinton as UN special envoy for Haiti. The efficiency of the process by which Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive was
selected, the coherence of the government’s political plan (Déclaration de Politique
Générale) and the endorsement of the ministerial cabinet demonstrates that the
President had anticipated and prepared for the political shift (Roc, 2009). The
high profile of President Préval’s prime ministerial choice, a man who piloted
the DSNCRP1 for several years and who has served all administrations over the past 15, made the acceptance of his nomination easy.
Tensions between former Prime Minister Pierre-Louis and
President Préval were well known and the subject of many
rumors. Nonetheless, the swift replacement of the Prime
Minister created political waves to which the international
community had to adapt quickly....
-
April 20, 2010
Center for a New American Security
Abstract:
As the Obama Administration continues its efforts to broker a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians, this report looks beyond the issues of the day and focuses on what an international peacekeeping force to defend a two-state solution might look like. Though no individual case study can replicate the challenges of the Middle East, the authors extract lessons learned from other peacekeeping operations - including military and political lessons -that could be applicable. Editor and contributing author Andrew Exum writes, “There should be no doubt that peacekeeping in a future Palestinian state would be fraught with difficulties, not simply because of the unique history and circumstances of the region but also because the international record of such operations is mixed. As this project makes clear, policymakers should tread cautiously when considering such an option. Any initiative to broker peace in the Middle East carries risk, but the more risks policymakers and leaders understand beforehand, the better prepared they will be to mitigate and manage them.” Security for Peace takes an “end-around” approach to the problems of the Levant, imagining the goal – the establishment of a future Palestinian state – and asking what kind of security arrangement would be necessary to serve as a facilitator for such a state....
-
February 4, 2010
United Nations Children's Fund
Abstract:
The Humanitarian Action Report is UNICEF's only publication dealing specifically with the needs of children and women in emergencies. It spotlights crises that require exceptional support, and additional funding, to save lives and protect children from harm in an increasingly challenging humanitarian environment.
This year's report – subtitled 'Partnering for children in emergencies' – says the world is seeing crises exacerbated by larger trends, such as climate change and the international financial downturn, that are beyond the capacity of any one agency to address.
The report appeals for nearly $1.2 billion in international donor funding for emergency-response efforts in 28 countries covering six regions – from Eastern Europe to Africa to Asia to Latin America. The funding will be used to support a greater emphasis on emergency preparedness, early warning, disaster risk reduction and rapid recovery....
-
Search for all records in "Haiti"
-
Holy See (Vatican City)
-
June 8, 2006
International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights
Abstract:
The human rights situation deteriorated in numerous former Soviet republics. Independent
human rights monitoring groups, including several affiliates of the IHF, came under
attack. The Russian Federation, Belarus, and the Central Asian regimes promulgated
new legislation or changed their practices to allow these states arbitrarily to restrict the activities
of nongovernmental organizations. The leaders of the Belarusian Helsinki Committee
faced fabricated criminal charges, and in January 2006, state-controlled Russian media
falsely implicated the Moscow Helsinki Group in espionage....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers - spun with the collaboration or tolerance of Council of Europe member states, the Legal Affairs Committee of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) said today. In a draft resolution adopted at a meeting in Paris, based on a report by Dick Marty (Switzerland, ALDE), the committee said hundreds of persons had become entrapped in this web - in some cases when they were merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation. The parliamentarians said this knowing collusion of member states took several different forms, including secretly detaining a person on European territory, capturing a person and handing them over to the US or permitting unlawful "renditions" through their airspace or across their territory. "It# has now been demonstrated incontestably, by numerous well-documented and convergent facts, that secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers involving European countries have taken place, such as to require in-depth inquiries and urgent responses by the executive and legislative branches of all the countries concerned," the committee said. The committee called on Council of Europe member states to review bilateral agreements signed with the United States, particularly those on the status of US forces stationed in Europe, to ensure they conformed fully to international human rights norms. The report is due for debate by the plenary Assembly - which brings together 630 parliamentarians from the 46 Council of Europe member states - in Strasbourg on 27 June 2006....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States of America finds that neither the classic instruments of criminal law and procedure, nor the framework of the laws of war (including respect for the Geneva Conventions) has been apt to address the terrorist threat. As a result it has introduced new legal concepts, such as "enemy combatant" and "rendition", which were previously unheard of in international law and stand contrary to the basic legal principles that prevail on our continent. Thus, across the world, the United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers, often encompassing countries notorious for their use of torture. Hundreds of persons have become entrapped in this web, in some cases merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation....
-
Search for all records in "Holy See (Vatican City)"
-
Honduras
-
August 26, 2010
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars // Mexico Institute // University of San Diego // Trans-border Institute
Abstract:
While Mexico is having some limited success dealing with its spiraling conflict, vulnerable
States in Central America are struggling to keep the organized criminal groups at bay, even while
they face other challenges such as widespread gang activity. Problems are particularly acute in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras, three States with vast
coastlines, large ungoverned spaces and the greatest proximity to Mexico. However, geography
is only part of the problem. Armed conflicts in Guatemala, El Salvador and parts of Honduras
between 1960 and the mid-1990s laid the foundations for the weapons trafficking, money
laundering and contraband traffic that we are witnessing today. This chapter is about drug trafficking organizations (DTO) operating in Central America. It is
broken down by theme rather than by country. It provides a brief history of DTO activity in the
region; descriptions of who operates the DTOs, both locally and internationally, and their modus
operandi; the use of street gangs in DTO activities; DTO penetration in government and security
forces; local, regional and international efforts and challenges as they try and combat DTOs. The
chapter is centered on the three countries where the problem of DTOs appears to be the most
acute: Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras....
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
October 22, 2009
Foreign Policy in Focus
Abstract:
Since the June 28, 2009 coup that ousted President Manuel Zelaya from office, the de facto regime has tried to stanch the flow of incriminating information coming from Honduras. But human rights organizations and grassroots delegations keep working to focus the Obama administration's gaze on the dire situation, particularly for Honduran women. The Committee of Relatives of the Detained and Disappeared of Honduras (COFADEH) began investigating abuses immediately after the coup, searching hospitals and jails. Their July 15 report documents 1155 human rights violations during the first two weeks of the coup. These include 1046 illegal detentions, 59 beatings, 27 assaults on reporters and the independent press, and four executions. Three of those killed are named: Isis Obed Murillo Mencías (19-years-old), Gabriel Fino Noriega (radio-journalist), and Caso Ramon Garcia.
The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) issued their first and most comprehensive report on the Honduran crisis on August 21. Consistent with COFADEH's findings, the IACHR charged the coup government with "disproportionate use of public force, arbitrary detentions, and the control of information aimed at limiting political participation by a sector of the citizenry."
A scant six weeks after that IACHR report, at the end of September, the National Front Against the Coup in Honduras (FNR) estimated more than 100 coup fatalities — an appalling escalation.
But if the violence appalls, it is not unprecedented. During the 1980s, the Battalion 3-16 death squad was responsible for forced disappearances, detentions, and torture in Honduras. COFADEH warns that members of the Battalion are returning to positions of power and influence. A particularly notorious Battalion leader, Captain Billy Joya Améndola, is now special security adviser to "Interim President" Roberto Micheletti....
-
August 19, 2009
Amnesty International
Abstract:
Amnesty International published a series of exclusive photos and testimonies on Wednesday revealing serious ill-treatment by police and military of peaceful protesters in the Honduran capital, Tegucigalpa. The organization warned that beatings and mass arrests are being used as a way of punishing people for voicing their opposition to the military-backed coup d’etat in June.
As human rights violations increase, the need for the international community to seek a solution to the political crisis becomes ever more urgent.
The photos and testimonies were gathered by an Amnesty International delegation who interviewed many of the 75 people who were detained at the Jefatura Metropolitana Nº3 police station in Tegucigalpa after the police, supported by the military, broke up a peaceful demonstration on 30 July.
Most detainees had injuries as a consequence of police beatings with batons and having stones and other objects thrown at them. When they were arrested, no one was told where they were being taken, the reasons for their detention or the charges against them. All detainees were released a few hours later.
“Mass arbitrary arrests and ill treatment of protesters are a serious and growing concern in Honduras today,” said Esther Major, Central America researcher at Amnesty International.
“Detention and ill treatment of protestors are being employed as forms of punishment for those openly opposing the de facto government, and also as a deterrent for those contemplating taking to the streets to peacefully show their discontent with the political turmoil the country is experiencing,” said Esther Major.
Amongst those held in detention on 30 July were 10 students. They had all been beaten with batons on the back, arms and backs of the legs by police. One of them said: “The police were throwing stones; they cornered us, threw us on the floor, on our stomachs and beat us. They took our cameras from us, beat us if we lifted our heads and even when we were getting into the police wagons.”
Several of those interviewed told Amnesty International that during the demonstration, police officers wore no visible identification. They said some police officers had told them, “do not look at us, sons of bitches,” and that others wore bandannas to hide their faces....
-
August 11, 2009
Foreign Policy in Focus
Abstract:
While the Obama administration was careful to distance itself from the recent coup in Honduras — condemning the expulsion of President Manuel Zelaya to Costa Rica, revoking Honduran officials' visas, and shutting off aid — that doesn't mean influential Americans aren't involved, and that both sides of the aisle don't have some explaining to do.
The story most U.S. readers are getting about the coup is that Zelaya — an ally of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez — was deposed because he tried to change the constitution to keep himself in power.
That story is a massive distortion of the facts. All Zelaya was trying to do is to put a non-binding referendum on the ballot calling for a constitutional convention, a move that trade unions, indigenous groups, and social activist organizations had long been lobbying for. The current constitution was written by the Honduran military in 1982, and the one-term limit allows the brass-hats to dominate the politics of the country. Since the convention would have been held in November, the same month as the upcoming presidential elections, there was no way Zelaya could have remained in office in any case. The most he could have done was to run four years from now.
And while Zelaya is indeed friendly with Chavez, he is at best a liberal reformer whose major accomplishment was raising the minimum wage. "What Zelaya has done has been little reforms," Rafael Alegria, a leader of Via Campesina, told the Mexican daily La Jornada. "He isn't a socialist or a revolutionary, but these reforms, which didn't harm the oligarchy at all, have been enough for them to attack him furiously."
One of those "little reforms" was aimed at ensuring public control of the Honduran telecommunications industry, which may well have been the trip-wire that triggered the coup....
-
Search for all records in "Honduras"
-
Hong Kong
-
August 26, 2008
Asian Development Bank Institute
Abstract:
This paper quantifies the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth in Asia for 1970–2004. Our panel estimations show that transnational terrorist attacks had a significant growth-limiting effect. Transnational terrorism reduces growth by crowding in government expenditures. An internal conflict has the greatest growth concern, about twice that of transnational terrorism. For developing Asian countries, intrastate and interstate wars have a much greater impact than terrorism does on the crowding-in of government spending.
Policy recommendations indicate the need for rich Asian countries to assist their poorer neighbors in coping with the negative growth consequences of political violence. Failure to assist may result in region-wide repercussions. Conflict and terrorism in one country can create production bottlenecks with region-wide economic consequences. International and nongovernmental organizations as well as developed Western countries and regions could assist at-risk Asian countries with attack prevention and post-attack recovery.
This study has six purposes. First, and foremost, we present panel estimates for a sample of 42 Asian countries to quantify the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth for 1970–2004. Panel estimation methods control for country-specific and timespecific unobserved heterogeneity. Second, we distinguish the influence of terrorism on economic growth from that of internal and external conflicts. Third, these influences are investigated for cohorts of developed and developing countries to ascertain whether development can better allow a country to absorb the impact of political violence. Fourth, econometric estimations relate violence-induced growth reductions to two pathways— reduced investment and increased government expenditures. Fifth, a host of diagnostic and sensitivity tests to support our empirical specifications. Last, we draw some policy conclusions....
-
January 15, 2008
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
The prospects for democratization in Hong Kong became clearer following a decision of the Standing Committee of China’s National People’s Congress (NPCSC) on December 29, 2007. The NPCSC’s decision effectively set the year 2017 as the earliest date for the direct election of Hong Kong’s Chief Executive and the year 2020 as the earliest date for the direct election of all members of Hong Kong’s Legislative
Council (Legco). However, ambiguities in the language used by the NPCSC have contributed to differences in interpretation of its decision. According to Hong Kong’s current Chief Executive, Donald Tsang Yam-kuen, the decision sets a clear timetable for democracy in Hong Kong. However, representatives of Hong Kong’s “prodemocracy†parties believe the decision includes no solid commitment to democratization in Hong Kong. The NPCSC’s decision also established some guidelines for the process of election reform in Hong Kong, including what can and cannot be altered in the 2012 elections....
-
August 28, 2006
Government of the United Kingdom // House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee
Abstract:
This British House of Commons paper reports on trade, security, politics and governance in East Asia with specific reference to the rise of China as the dominant regional power.
-
June 15, 2006
Humantrafficking.org
Abstract:
Hong Kong is a transit and destination territory for men and women trafficked for the purposes of sexual exploitation and forced labor from People's Republic of China and Southeast Asia. Traffickers have used forged or illegally obtained travel documents to attempt to smuggle persons through the Hong Kong airport. During the first half of 2004, authorities intercepted 1,288 forged travel documents and arrested 12 persons for related offenses. Hong Kong authorities have improved their ability to identify possible trafficking victims among the large numbers of illegal immigrants, although, it is difficult to do so....
-
April 11, 2005
Council on Foreign Relations
Abstract:
What's the source of current tensions between Beijing and democracy activists in Hong Kong? Hong Kong democracy advocates have been lobbying Beijing to allow greater political freedom, in line with promises China made when it took control of Hong Kong in 1997 after more than 150 years of British colonial rule. Chinese officials have resisted the appeals and instead have asserted even greater control over Hong Kong's political system. The activists hoped a rally marking the seventh anniversary of Hong Kong's handover on July 1 would pressure Beijing to yield more rights, but most experts say there is little chance of that happening....
-
Search for all records in "Hong Kong"
-
Horn of Africa
-
September 2, 2010
Institute for Security Studies // L'Institut d'Etudes de Sécurité
Abstract:
On 23 July 2010, the eve of the African Union’s Summit in
Kampala, AU Commission chairperson Jean Ping announced
that he had asked countries, including South Africa, Angola,
Nigeria, Ghana and Guinea, to send troops to Somalia to
boost the under-strength African Union Mission in Somalia
(AMISOM), currently comprising Ugandan and Burundian
forces. This move came against the background of suicide
bombing attacks on 11 July 2010 that had killed 79 people in
the Ugandan capital. Al-Shabaab, the militant Somali
organisation with undefined links to al-Qaeda, claimed
responsibility for the bombings, explaining that these were
retribution for Ugandan and Burundian violence against the
civilian population in Mogadishu. It would appear that the
bombings were also aimed at testing the endurance of Uganda
as a contributing country, as well as the resolve of other AU
member states that may be contemplating contributing
towards the required troop surge.
AMISOM was first deployed in 2007 to protect the
Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and strategic
infrastructures (the port and airport) in Mogadishu from the
insurgents who had strengthened their position as Ethiopian
forces withdrew, and to provide support for humanitarian
assistance for the Somali population. The proposed
additional deployment to Somalia must be viewed in the
context of the chronically unstable situation in Mogadishu
and in Somalia as a whole.
In a nutshell, the AU decision to reinforce AMISOM by
almost 2 000 troops would increase the size of the force from
its current level of around 6 300 (4 Ugandan and 3
Burundian battalions), to the 8 000 mandated in 2007. Some
AU member states had even called for the force to be augmented to between 14 000 and 20 000 troops. This Policy Brief examines the apparent urgency to increase
AMISOM force levels. It interrogates the AU’s
interventionist strategy in Somalia, including the planned
troop surge, analyses the terrorist dimension of the bombings,
drawing parallels with the Afghanistan case as a basis for
suggestions for a clear and holistic approach to the conflict
in Somalia....
-
September 1, 2010
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
Abstract:
This map represents estimations of the total number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) throughout Somalia as of July 2010.
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: The Mysterious Relationship Between
Al-Qa`ida and Iran, by Bruce Riedel; Al-Shabab’s Agenda in the Wake of the Kampala Suicide Attacks, by Tim Pippard; The Punjabi Taliban: Causes and Consequences of Turning Against the State, by Ben Brandt; The Ghazi Force: A Threat to Pakistan’s
Urban Centers, by Syed Manzar Abbas Zaidi; Pakistan’s Challenges in Orakzai
Agency, by Tayyab Ali Shah; The Growing Threat of Female Suicide
Attacks in Western Countries, by Houriya Ahmed; Countering Terrorist Financing:
Successes and Setbacks in the Years
Since 9/11, by Michael Jonsson....
-
August 24, 2010
United States Naval War College // Naval War College Review
Abstract:
Canada’s naval response to Somali piracy has been a mixed affair.On the positive
side, in recent years the CanadianNavy has successfully dedicated a significant
level of resources to countering Somali piracy: the destroyer HMCS
Iroquois, the frigatesHMCS Calgary, Ville de Québec,Winnipeg, and Fredericton,
and the oiler HMCS Protecteur. Collectively, these vessels operated effectively
alongside the ships of several other navies, especially those of the U.S.Navy, that
together form the various international flotillas confronting Somali pirates. The
Canadian Navy’s level of involvement has been no mean task, because of the
great distances involved, its limited number of surface combatants, and its other
responsibilities.
On the negative side, the effective handling of Somali pirates has been an
ephemeral and problematic task. Despite the international naval presence, the
incidence of Somali piracy has increased. In light of the counterpiracy mission’s prominence
for Canada and the limited effect navies have had so
far, a call by the United States for international commercial shippers to rely upon private security companies (PSCs) demands
attention. What, therefore, are the call’s implications in terms of future Canadian activism
and the overall effectiveness of countering Somali piracy?...
-
August 23, 2010
International Relations and Security Network
Abstract:
While Uganda has paid a bitter price at home for its military engagement in Somalia, al-Shabaab’s recent attacks will likely foster a more interventionist agenda in East Africa and play into the hands of insurgents, Georg-Sebastian Holzer writes for ISN Security Watch. It was the biggest militant attack in sub-Saharan Africa since the infamous 1998 al-Qaida bombings of the US embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam. The two coordinated bombings in Uganda’s capital Kampala killed 74 people and wounded dozens of others watching the World Cup final on 11 July.
For al-Shabaab it was a successful attack against the country that forms the backbone of the 6,000-strong African Union force in Mogadishu. The movement previously threatened both Uganda and Burundi, the second major troop-supplier to the AMISOM mission, which secures the survival of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) whose movement is virtually confined to a few blocks in the capital....
-
Search for all records in "Horn of Africa"
-
Hungary
-
May 8, 2009
Freedom House // United Nations Watch
Abstract:
On May 12, 2009, the UN General Assembly will elect 18 new Human Rights Council members. Twenty countries are candidates. However, each is not competing against all of the others, but rather only against the ones from the same UN regional group. In this year’s election, all but two regional groups have submitted the same amount of candidates as available seats. The Asian Group has 5 countries vying for 5 available seats, the Latin American and Caribbean Group (―GRULAC‖) has 3 countries vying for 3 available seats, and the Western European and Others Group (―WEOG‖) has 3 countries vying for 3 available seats. This does not mean that the candidate countries for these groups will automatically be elected; in order to become a Council member, a country must receive the votes of at least 97 of the 192 General Assembly member states (an absolute majority). Competition between the candidates exists only in the African Group, where 6 countries are vying for 5 available seats, and in the Eastern European Group, where 3 countries are vying for 2 available seats....
-
December 10, 2008
International Centre for Migration Policy Development
Abstract:
A Survey and Analysis of Border Management and Border Apprehension Data from 20 States.
With a Special Survey on the Use of Counterfeit Documents.
Based on the contributions of the border services of 20 Central and Eastern European states, the 2006 Yearbook again provides its valuable overview and analysis of irregular migration trends in the region. Over the past ten years the annual Yearbook on Illegal Migration, Human Smuggling and Trafficking in Central and Eastern Europe has come to be regarded as an authoritative source of information on recent border trends and in particular on the phenomena of illegal migration, human smuggling and trafficking. The annual Yearbook covers the most recent trends in illegal migration and human smuggling in the region, including long-term trends in border apprehensions, shifts in source, transit and destination countries, demographic characteristics of irregular migrants, the relationship between legal and illegal border crossings, new developments in the methods of border crossings and document abuse and on removals of irregular migrants. In addition, this year’s edition for the first time features a Special Survey on the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes. This Survey is based on the contributions received from document specialists or Special Units dealing with document security in the countries under review and provides the first comprehensive overview and analysis of patterns and trends in the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes in Central and Eastern Europe....
-
September 8, 2008
Amnesty International
Abstract:
This bulletin contains information about Amnesty International’s main concerns in Europe and
Central Asia between July and December 2007. Not every country in the region is reported on; only
those where there were significant developments in the period covered by the bulletin, or where
Amnesty International (AI) took specific action.
A number of individual country reports have been issued on the concerns featured in this bulletin.
References to these are made under the relevant country entry. In addition, more detailed
information about particular incidents or concerns may be found in Urgent Actions and News
Service Items issued by AI.
This bulletin is published by AI every six months....
-
September 5, 2008
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
U.S. policymakers have made securing and maintaining foreign contributions
to the stabilization and reconstruction of Iraq a major priority since the preparation
period for the launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. This report
highlights and discusses important changes in financial and personnel contributions
from foreign governments to Iraq since 2003.
To date, foreign donors have pledged an estimated $16.4 billion in grants and
loans for Iraq reconstruction, with most major pledges originating at a major donors'
conference in Madrid, Spain, in October 2003. However, only a small part of the
pledges have been committed or disbursed to the World Bank and United Nations
Development Group Trust Funds for Iraq. The largest non-U.S. pledges of grants
have come from Japan, the European Commission, the United Kingdom, Canada,
South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. The World Bank, the International
Monetary Fund, Japan, and Saudi Arabia have pledged the most loans and export
credits.
Currently, 33 countries including the United States have some level of troops
on the ground in Iraq or supporting Iraq operations from nearby locations. Those
forces are working under the rubric of one of several organizations — the
Multi-National Force-Iraq (MNF-I), the NATO Training Mission-Iraq (NTM-I); or
the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI). Currently, the largest
troop contributors, in addition to the United States, are the United Kingdom, Georgia,
Australia, South Korea, and Poland. Some of these key contributors have announced
their intention to reduce or withdraw their forces from Iraq during 2008. The total
number of non-U.S. coalition troop contributions has declined since the early
stabilization efforts, as other countries have withdrawn their contingents or
substantially reduced their size....
-
February 28, 2007
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
Abstract:
This book is a collection of essays, in English and Serbian, that were presented at the international conference "Women in the Army", organized in October 2006 in co-operation with the OSCE Mission to Serbia and the Serbian Ministry of Defence. The essays are dedicated to women in the Serbian Army and highlight experiences from Russia, Slovenia, Hungary, Romania, Great Britain and France.
-
Search for all records in "Hungary"
-
Iceland
-
March 17, 2009
Chr. Michelsen Institute // Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation
Abstract:
The meeting of the Nordic Foreign Ministers in Stockholm on 18 April 2008 adopted a Plan
of Action for Nordic Cooperation in Afghanistan to enable them to be a more concerned
partner for the Government of Afghanistan (GoA) and the international community. The
countries indicated that a joint study should be undertaken to identify differences and
similarities in development strategies for Afghanistan, and the possibilities to strengthen this
cooperation over time.
The overall aim of an increased cooperation in the development field is to achieve a stronger
impact in sectors of particular importance to the Nordic countries. A more efficient
organisation of development work should ease the workload for each country. Furthermore, a
strengthened Nordic cooperation would enhance cooperation among donors in general, and
strengthen the role of the Afghan government in taking overall responsibility for the
development of Afghanistan.
The Nordic countries identified the following sectors as possible fields of increased
cooperation: good governance; administrative reform; capacity building; education; respect for human rights, with a particular focus on women; justice sector; fight against drugs....
-
September 5, 2008
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
U.S. policymakers have made securing and maintaining foreign contributions
to the stabilization and reconstruction of Iraq a major priority since the preparation
period for the launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. This report
highlights and discusses important changes in financial and personnel contributions
from foreign governments to Iraq since 2003.
To date, foreign donors have pledged an estimated $16.4 billion in grants and
loans for Iraq reconstruction, with most major pledges originating at a major donors'
conference in Madrid, Spain, in October 2003. However, only a small part of the
pledges have been committed or disbursed to the World Bank and United Nations
Development Group Trust Funds for Iraq. The largest non-U.S. pledges of grants
have come from Japan, the European Commission, the United Kingdom, Canada,
South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. The World Bank, the International
Monetary Fund, Japan, and Saudi Arabia have pledged the most loans and export
credits.
Currently, 33 countries including the United States have some level of troops
on the ground in Iraq or supporting Iraq operations from nearby locations. Those
forces are working under the rubric of one of several organizations — the
Multi-National Force-Iraq (MNF-I), the NATO Training Mission-Iraq (NTM-I); or
the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI). Currently, the largest
troop contributors, in addition to the United States, are the United Kingdom, Georgia,
Australia, South Korea, and Poland. Some of these key contributors have announced
their intention to reduce or withdraw their forces from Iraq during 2008. The total
number of non-U.S. coalition troop contributions has declined since the early
stabilization efforts, as other countries have withdrawn their contingents or
substantially reduced their size....
-
March 31, 2008
Foreign Policy
Abstract:
Thousands of international troops remain in Afghanistan, but some members of this coalition are more willing than others. FP looks at whose militaries are pulling their weight—and who could do far more.
-
January 7, 2008
Centre for European Reform
Abstract:
President Sarkozy has recently said that France may re-integrate into NATO's military command. This abrupt change in French policy opens doors to a much-needed improvement in EU-NATO relations. The two institutions have been barely co-operating on important missions like Kosovo, which leaves Europe ill-prepared for security challenges on its borders. But for the EU and NATO to really turn a corner, the UK must first agree with France how independent from the US, Europe's defences should become. The US will need to give France command posts in NATO, and Turkey will have to drop its opposition to Cyprus' co-operation with the alliance....
-
May 14, 2007
Government Accountability Office
Abstract:
In March 2003, a U.S.-led multinational force began operations in Iraq. At that time, 48 nations, identified as a "coalition of the willing," offered political, military, and financial support for U.S. efforts in Iraq, with 38 nations other than the United States providing troops. In addition, international donors met in Madrid in October 2003 to pledge funding for the reconstru#ction of Iraq's infrastructure, which had deteriorated after multiple wars and decades of neglect under the previous regime.
This testimony discusses (1) the troop commitments other countries have made to operations in Iraq, (2) the funding the United States has provided to support other countries' participation in the multinational force, and (3) the financial support international donors have provided to Iraq reconstruction efforts....
-
Search for all records in "Iceland"
-
India
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Riyaz Bhatkal and the Origins of the
Indian Mujahidin, by Praveen Swami; Salafi-Jihadi Activism in Gaza: Mapping the Threat, by Benedetta Berti; The Virtual Jihad: An Increasingly Legitimate Form of Warfare, by Akil N. Awan; Internet Jihadists React to the Deaths of Al-Qa`ida’s Leaders in Iraq, by Abdul Hameed Bakier; The Kidnapping and Execution of
Khalid Khwaja in Pakistan, by Rahimullah Yusufzai; The Sources of the Abu Sayyaf’s Resilience in the Southern Philippines, by Rommel C. Banlaoi....
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Building a Strategic U.S.-Pakistan
Nuclear Relationship, by Rolf Mowatt-Larssen; Beyond the Moscow Bombings: Islamic
Militancy in the North Caucasus, by Christopher Swift; After Pune, Details Emerge on the
Karachi Project and its Threat to India ,by Animesh Roul; Assessing the Recent Terrorist Threat
to the Malacca Strait, by Peter Chalk; The Philippines Chips Away at the Abu
Sayyaf Group’s Strength, by Zachary Abuza; Al-Qa`ida in the Islamic Maghreb:
A Case Study in the Opportunism of Global Jihad, by Jean-Pierre Filiu; No Silver Bullets: Explaining Research
on How Terrorism Ends, by Audrey Kurth Cronin;...
-
August 24, 2010
Swiss Peace Foundation
Abstract:
Power-sharing mechanisms play an increasingly important role in peace agreements. However, there is profound divergence over the positive effects of the inclusion of political power-sharing provisions in peace accords. Proposing power-sharing solutions may be useful for mediators to get conflict parties to the negotiating table. At the same time those mechanisms imply a number of challenges for academics and practitioners. Many critics argue that power-sharing as specific political model has only worked in particular circumstances, such as in Switzerland. Before formulating general guidelines and recommendations on powersharing in peace agreements, one has to address this critique. To this end the working paper analyses four contested favourable conditions in the power-sharing model: a small population size, a balance of population size between divided groups, territorial isolation of population groups and a common perceived security threat. Eight case studies are carried out in order to test these four favourable conditions that might influence the durability of power-sharing peace agreements. As a result, this working paper provides evidence that the durability of power-sharing peace agreements does probably not depend on these favourable conditions. It is therefore argued that power-sharing solutions in peace agreements do not seem to require particular favourable conditions to be successful and are not doomed to fail from the outset in a range of different contexts....
-
August 19, 2010
Center for Strategic and International Studies // South Asia Program
Abstract:
Common wisdom in Afghanistan says, “The West has all the watches but the Taliban has all the time.” Following the decision by U.S. president Barack Obama in December 2009 to announce that the United States will begin to reduce its presence in Afghanistan by July 2011, the region has taken this as a signal of U.S. disengagement. India’s goals are a dismantled Afghan Taliban; an inclusive, democratic state with normal relations with India; and better transport and economic ties through Afghanistan into Central Asia. India has been a major contributor of economic aid, but has been kept at arm’s length on security issues. As Afghan president Hamid Karzai pursues reconciliation efforts with militants and Pakistan attempts to tilt this process in its favor, New Delhi must recalibrate its strategic calculus in Afghanistan....
-
August 16, 2010
Stimson Center
Abstract:
Since December 2007, the Henry L. Stimson Center in Washington, DC, and the Institute
for Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution in Mumbai have conducted a thorough
inquiry throughout India to better understand and describe the priorities, thinking, and
concerns of Muslim Indians. What lends added interest for those concerned with security policy is the potential appeal
of anti-state ideologies and violent pan-Islamist networks feeding on the alienation and
despair of Muslim Indians. There is no evidence that violent and extremist pan-Islamist
ideologies have yet spread widely or taken deep hold in any Muslim Indian community.
Nonetheless, many Indians, Muslim and non-Muslim, of all ideologies and from a variety
of occupational perspectives, express alarm at the prospect that they might do so. The
widening of the gulf between Muslims and Hindus would certainly add fuel to any such
development.
Moreover, in the absence of a dispassionate mapping of the actual state of Muslim opinion,
the topic can and has become the subject of speculation that can be dangerous in its political
implications. Surmises about the growth of radicalism in Muslim communities can
become the pretext for more suspicion or harder line security policies and police practices....
-
Search for all records in "India"
-
Indonesia
-
August 6, 2010
S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies // Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies
Abstract:
Recent events surrounding the Special Autonomy status of Papua in Indonesia have caught the eye of the international media and engaged public opinion. In particular, the protests in Jayapura in early July 2010 illustrated community tensions in Papua. This paper attempts to carve through the economic and political issues surrounding these events to analyse and evaluate the economic and political challenges in Papua, and thus provide an assessment on the prospects for conflict resolution. The proliferation of government bureaucracy without a corresponding increase in transparency and accountability is the greatest challenge faced by stakeholders (local and migrant communities, central government, local and regional governments, non-state actors) in Papua. This paper highlights areas which policymakers need to address to reduce social conflict and promote both political and economic development...
-
August 3, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
The two sentiments that define the political impasse in
Papua are frustration on the part of many Papuans that
“special autonomy” has meant so little, and exasperation
on the part of many Indonesian government officials that
Papuans are not satisfied with what they have been given.
The gulf between the two might be reduced by dialogue,
but any prospect of serious talks is hampered by an unwillingness
of Jakarta to treat the problem as essentially a
political, rather than an economic one. To move forward,
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono needs personally
to take the lead in recognising that autonomy means more
than increased budgetary allocations or accelerated economic
development. He needs to explore directly with
credible Papuan leaders how political autonomy can be
expanded; affirmative action policies strengthened in all
sectors; and Papuan fears about in-migration addressed.
Unless these three issues are tackled head on in face-toface
meetings, the impasse is unlikely to be broken and
increased radicalisation is likely....
-
July 19, 2010
Escola de Cultura de Pau // School for a Culture of Peace
Abstract:
A survey of the models of peace processes existing today
and in the immediate past will show how they are very
closely bound to the kinds of demands underlying each of
the conflicts. In other words, the underlying issue being
disputed is what determines the model of peace process. Following
this line of thought, we can distinguish between five
main models, namely reinsertion, power-sharing, exchange,
trust-building measures and self-governance. The first model, reinsertion, is the simplest, although
it is also not very frequent. It refers to cases in which the
armed group agrees to lay down its weapons in exchange
for facilities to help them reintegrate into society. The second model, one of the most frequent, which
involves political, economic and military power-sharing,
takes place when the armed groups seek to attain the power
to take over the political steering of a country and from
there run all the economic and military affairs. The third model is what we call exchange, in which
peace is achieved in exchange for something else. A fourth model of peace process, though not a common
one, is based on creating confidence-building measures. Finally, the fifth model involves achieving some kind
of self-governance in regions with demands for autonomy
or independence; this is called “intermediate political
architectures”....
-
July 7, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Jama’ah Ansharut Tauhid (JAT), led by Indonesia’s best-known radical cleric Abu Bakar Ba’asyir, has been an enigma since its founding in 2008. An ostensibly above-ground organisation, it has embraced individuals with known ties to fugitive extremists. It has welcomed many members of the militant Jema’ah Islamiyah (JI) but clashed with the JI leadership over strategy and tactics. It preaches jihad against Islam’s enemies but insists it stays within the law – though it rejects man-made laws as illegitimate. It is a mass membership organisation but wholly dependent on Ba’asyir, without whom it would quickly disintegrate. It has become an important element in the network of Indonesian jihadi groups but has been the target of harsh criticism from some erstwhile allies. Understanding JAT’s nature, its many faces and the ideological rifts it has generated helps illuminate the weakness and divisions within the Indonesian jihadi movement today. It also highlights the ongoing but probably diminishing influence of Ba’asyir.
The dark side of JAT’s activities came into the spotlight on 6 May 2010, when Indonesian police raided its Jakarta headquarters and charged three officials with raising funds for a militant training camp uncovered in Aceh in late February. On 12 May, police carried out a reconstruction of a meeting in South Jakarta involving two men now in custody known to have served as camp instructors and another, who wore a large name tag reading “Abu Bakar Ba’asyir”. JAT’s alleged involvement in fundraising and combat training immediately led to speculation that another arrest of 72-year-old Ba’asyir was imminent....
-
June 24, 2010
Human Rights Watch
Abstract:
This 43-page report is based on more than 50 jailhouse interviews with political prisoners conducted between December 2008 and May 2010. It describes the arrest and prosecution of activists for peacefully raising banned symbols, such as the Papuan Morning Star and the South Moluccan RMS flags. The report also details torture that many say they have suffered in detention, especially by members of the Detachment 88/Anti-Terror Squad in Ambon, as well as police and prison guards in Papua, and the failure of the government to hold those responsible to account....
-
Search for all records in "Indonesia"
-
Iran
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: The Mysterious Relationship Between
Al-Qa`ida and Iran, by Bruce Riedel; Al-Shabab’s Agenda in the Wake of the Kampala Suicide Attacks, by Tim Pippard; The Punjabi Taliban: Causes and Consequences of Turning Against the State, by Ben Brandt; The Ghazi Force: A Threat to Pakistan’s
Urban Centers, by Syed Manzar Abbas Zaidi; Pakistan’s Challenges in Orakzai
Agency, by Tayyab Ali Shah; The Growing Threat of Female Suicide
Attacks in Western Countries, by Houriya Ahmed; Countering Terrorist Financing:
Successes and Setbacks in the Years
Since 9/11, by Michael Jonsson....
-
August 3, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Of all the explanations why calm has prevailed in the Israeli-
Lebanese arena since the end of the 2006 war, the principal
one also should be cause for greatest concern: fear
among the parties that the next confrontation would be far
more devastating and broader in scope. None of the most
directly relevant actors – Israel, Hizbollah, Syria and Iran
– relishes this prospect, so all, for now, are intent on
keeping their powder dry. But the political roots of the
crisis remain unaddressed, the underlying dynamics are
still explosive, and miscalculations cannot be ruled out.
The only truly effective approach is one that would seek
to resume – and conclude – meaningful Israeli-Syrian and
Israeli-Lebanese peace talks. There is no other answer to
the Hizbollah dilemma and, for now, few better ways to
affect Tehran’s calculations. Short of such an initiative,
deeper political involvement by the international community
is needed to enhance communications between the
parties, defuse tensions and avoid costly missteps....
-
July 8, 2010
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
The Arab-Israeli military balance has steadily evolved in recent years to put more and
more emphasis on irregular or asymmetric warfare, and the use of military force for
political and ideological leverage – both inside the countries involved and in dealing with
their neighbors. Most of this focus is driven by the steady strengthening of Hezbollah,
and Hamas in Gaza, but it also includes a nascent nuclear arms race between Israel and
Iran in which Israel seems to be strengthening both its long-range nuclear and
conventional attack capabilities and is clearly strengthening its missile defense
capabilities.
At the same time, the conventional arms race has continued to narrow down to two
countries. While Egyptian, Jordanian and Lebanese military development should not be
ignored, the overall balance continues to center on evolving Israeli-Syrian confrontation
and brinksmanship in the region.
These shifts do not mean the conventional balance has lost its importance. The fact that
Israel is at peace with Egypt and Jordan, and has a significant conventional superiority
over Syria, has both been a major factor in stabilizing the peace process and deterring
conventional clashes and wars. Yet, it also means that the regional military balance must
increasingly be assessed in new ways, and kept in careful perspective....
-
June 9, 2010
Amnesty International
Abstract:
One year on from the disputed presidential election of June 2009, Iranians who want to
criticize the Government or protest against mounting human rights violations face an evertightening
gag as the authorities and the shadowy intelligence services – shaken to the core by
the events which followed – consolidate their grip on the country and intensify the repression
already in place for years. Iranians have moved from protest to prison, as the authorities resort
to locking up hundreds of people in a vain attempt to silence voices peacefully expressing a
dissenting view to the narrative which the authorities wish to provide of the election and its
aftermath.[...] This report is an attempt to address that fact and to ensure that the worst nightmare of
released detainee Maziar Bahari does not become a reality for those still held. It focuses on the
situation of detainees and prisoners in Iran – most of whom are prisoners of conscience6 who
should be released forthwith – while recognizing that many other egregious human rights
violations in Iran deserve attention in their own right. It looks at the people targeted for arrest,
who are drawn from a widening circle of the population, how arrests are made, where detainees
are held, the conditions of detention, and the pressures placed on detainees to make
“confessions” that are then used as the main evidence against them in trials which are
fundamentally flawed and are often summary, particularly in the provinces away from the glare
of publicity in Tehran.
The report analyses the vaguely worded legislation used to charge those arrested with
“offences” that do not meet the requirements for clarity and precision in criminal law outlined
in international law. It looks at the political pressures exerted on judges to convict people, and
the politically motivated use of the death penalty to send a warning to anyone considering open
defiance of the authorities. The report ends with two essential calls on the Iranian authorities to immediately and
unconditionally release all prisoners of conscience and to ensure that all other political
prisoners are tried promptly and fairly, without recourse to the death penalty, in proceedings
which fully meet international fair trial standards....
-
June 4, 2010
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
The Obama Administration has not changed the Bush Administration’s characterization of Iran as
a “profound threat to U.S. national security interests,” a perception generated not only by Iran’s
nuclear program but also by its military assistance to armed groups in Iraq and Afghanistan, to the
Palestinian group Hamas, and to Lebanese Hezbollah. In its first year, the Obama Administration
altered the U.S. approach for reducing the Iranian threat by expanding direct diplomatic
engagement with Iran’s government and by offering Iran’s leaders an alternative vision of closer
integration with and acceptance by the West. To try to convince Iranian leaders of peaceful U.S.
intent, the Obama Administration downplayed discussion of potential U.S. military action against
Iranian nuclear facilities and has repeatedly insisted that the United States did not directly or
materially support the domestic opposition movement that emerged following Iran’s June 12,
2009, presidential election.
Even at the height of the Green movement protests in late 2009, the Obama Administration did
not forego diplomatic options to blunt Iran’s nuclear progress and says it remains open to a
nuclear deal if Iran fully accepts a framework Iran tentatively agreed to in multilateral talks on
October 1, 2009. However, Iran did not accept the technical details of this by the notional
deadline of the end of 2009, nor did it adequately respond to international concerns about possible
work on a nuclear weapons program. These concerns led to an Administration shift toward
building a multilateral coalition for additional U.N. sanctions, and apparently prompted the
Defense Department to try to develop additional options for preventing or containing a nuclear
Iran. The Administration efforts bore fruit on May 18, 2010, when it announced an agreement
among permanent members of the U.N. Security Council that would authorize, but not require,
countries to take a number of significant steps against Iran, including inspect ships suspected of
carrying equipment for Iran’s nuclear program. The announcement represented a U.S. rejection of
a May 16, 2010, tentative agreement brokered by Brazil and Turkey to implement most features
of the October 1, 2009, agreement....
-
Search for all records in "Iran"
-
Iraq
-
September 2, 2010
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
The US may be announcing the “withdrawal” of its combat forces – although six Advisory and Assistance brigade and ~ 50,000 men may remain up to the end of 2011. The fact is, however, that the US withdrawal is far from over, the Iraq War is not over, it is not “won,” and any form of stable end state in Iraq is probably impossible before 2020.
In fact, Iraq is at as critical a stage as at any time since 2003. Regardless of the reasons for going to war, everything now depends on a successful transition to an effective and unified Iraqi government, and Iraqi security forces that can bring both security and stability to the average Iraqi. The creation of such an “end state” will take a minimum of another five years, and probably ten....
-
September 2, 2010
Council on Foreign Relations
Abstract:
With the pullout of U.S. combat units completed, many Iraqis, even those who deplored the presence of foreign troops, are "fearful about what happens" if the U.S. withdraws completely next year as planned, says Jane Arraf, a long-time Baghdad correspondent who served as an Edward R. Murrow Press Fellow at CFR. Beyond concerns about whether Iraq will be able to defend itself when all U.S. troops have gone, there's also anxiety about the unsettled political situation. Arraf says Iraqis seem to be unable to forge a compromise between Ayad Allawi, the former prime minister, whose bloc had the most seats in last March's elections, and the current Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. "We keep thinking that perhaps there's a lot going on beneath the surface, but apparently there isn't. It is what it is. It's stalled. There's talk about what to do, but nothing's been established yet."...
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: AQAP’s Growing Security Threat to
Saudi Arabia, by Caryle Murphy; Assessing AQI’s Resilience After April’s Leadership Decapitations, by Myriam Benraad; The Return of Moqtada al-Sadr and the Revival of the Mahdi Army, by Babak Rahimi; Indoctrinating Children: The Making of Pakistan’s Suicide Bombers, by Kalsoom Lakhani; The Third Way: A Paradigm for
Influence in the Marketplace of Ideas, by Scott Helfstein; Still Fighting for Revolution:
Greece’s New Generation of Terrorists, by George Kassimeris;...
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Riyaz Bhatkal and the Origins of the
Indian Mujahidin, by Praveen Swami; Salafi-Jihadi Activism in Gaza: Mapping the Threat, by Benedetta Berti; The Virtual Jihad: An Increasingly Legitimate Form of Warfare, by Akil N. Awan; Internet Jihadists React to the Deaths of Al-Qa`ida’s Leaders in Iraq, by Abdul Hameed Bakier; The Kidnapping and Execution of
Khalid Khwaja in Pakistan, by Rahimullah Yusufzai; The Sources of the Abu Sayyaf’s Resilience in the Southern Philippines, by Rommel C. Banlaoi....
-
August 19, 2010
Center for Strategic and International Studies // Burke Chair in Strategy
Abstract:
This presentation includes the following sections: Key Challenges: Democracy and
Governance Overtake Insurgency; Iraq: Underlying Challenges to
Security and Stability; Sectarian Violence and the Insurgency:
Casualties and Emigration; Ethnic Divisions and the Kurdish Issue.
-
Search for all records in "Iraq"
-
Ireland
-
March 23, 2010
Accord International Review of Peace Processes // Conciliation Resources
Abstract:
Do sanctions, incentives and conditionality support or undermine the peace process?
This edition of Accord assesses whether these instruments can persuade conflict
parties to engage in peacemaking. Used effectively, these tools can tip the balance
towards a settlement by increasing the costs of fighting and rewarding peace. But
unless developed as part of a coherent and strategic approach to peacemaking they
can be ineffective and have sometimes exacerbated tensions and fuelled conflict.
Sanctions, incentives and conditionality must be responsive to parties’ own
motivations and support pre-existing conditions for conflict resolution. Four overriding conclusions can be drawn from this
study for how to enhance the effectiveness of external
influence in support of peacemaking. (1) External actors
need to prioritize support for sustainable peace as their
primary goal in a conflict situation and craft their
strategy to help achieve it – recognizing that this may, in
turn, create the enabling conditions for achieving other
foreign policy goals. (2) Sanctions, incentives and
conditionality are most likely to be effective when they
are responsive to the parties’ own motivational
structures and support a pre-existing societal dynamic
for conflict resolution. (3) They need to be designed and
implemented in ways that help to create momentum in
the resolution process, which (4) typically requires a degree of strategic coherence amongst external actors,
necessitating mechanisms for coordination....
-
March 17, 2010
Collaborative for Development Action // Reflecting on Peace Practice Project
Abstract:
Northern Ireland has in recent years become less violent and contested, more peaceful and stable, though by no means perfectly peaceful and just. How did this happen, and what can be learned from it? Based on interviews with a wide range of actors in Northern Ireland --- political, paramilitary, civil society, and government figures --- this study summarises what people on the spot think brought about change. This study focuses particularly on the four initiatives which were cited twice as often as any other by the interviewees: The Hume-Adams talks; work with prisoners; the Anglo-Irish Agreement; and Fair Employment legislation. These four were initiated respectively by a NI politician, by civil society, by the two governments together, and by the British government. They led to structural and systemic change, as well as changes in attitudes, perceptions, and behaviours....
-
February 16, 2010
Insight on Conflict
Abstract:
Insight on Conflict provides information on local peacebuilding organisations in areas of conflict. Local peacebuilders already make a real impact in conflict areas. They work to prevent violent conflicts before they start, to reduce the impact of violence, and to bring divided communities together in the aftermath of violence. However, their work is often ignored – either because people aren’t aware of the existence and importance of local peacebuilders in general, or because they simply haven’t had access to information and contacts for local peacebuilders. We hope that Insight on Conflict can help redress the balance by drawing attention to important work of local peacebuilders. On this site, you’ll be able to find out who the local peacebuilders are, what they do, and how you might get in touch with them. Over half the organisations featured on Insight on Conflict do not have their own website. Insight on Conflict is a project launched by Peace Direct, the UK-based charity that finds, funds and promotes local peacebuilders in conflict areas around the world. Peace Direct wants to change the balance of power and resources between local people and outsiders so that local peacebuilding is central to all strategies for managing conflict....
-
October 20, 2009
The Institute for Inclusive Security // Hunt Alternatives Fund
Abstract:
As leaders in civil society, particularly during and following violent conflict, women are critical players in peace negotiations. In formal negotiations, they raise often-ignored political and social issues, ensure that the voices of victims and civilians are consistently heard, and build bridges among negotiating parties. They also have a solid record of successfully bringing together representatives of opposing factions in unofficial talks. Yet women remain the largest group of stakeholders regularly excluded from official negotiation processes.
In October 2000, the UN Security Council acknowledged in Resolution 1325 the importance of inclusion, mandating women’s full participation in peace building; few policymakers, however, know how to fulfill this obligation. This guide provides the international community with concrete strategies to successfully bring women into peace negotiations....
-
August 11, 2009
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Abstract:
Terrorism is not a new phenomenon, nor is it likely to disappear anytime soon. It is not the exclusive domain of any single religion or ideology, nor do all terrorists come from the same socioeconomic class or share the same mental pathologies.1 In part, the diversity within contemporary terrorism is what makes it so great a challenge. This report describes, in great detail, the state of terrorism in Western countries over the course of 2008.
Before turning to terrorism events in the West during 2008 and key developments within Western countries’ legal systems, we are going to pinpoint a few broad trends—a few currents that run through the various incidents and cases that follow. As this report will show, concerns about the contemporary connection between criminal activities and terrorism are clear in Bulgaria, a country rife with organized crime. An April 2008 parliamentary report charged that profits from the country’s drug trade were channeled to Middle Eastern terrorist groups....
-
Search for all records in "Ireland"
-
Israel
-
September 1, 2010
Norwegian Peacebuilding Centre
Abstract:
Failed bilateral talks over these past 16 years have shown that a Middle East peace accord can never be reached by the parties themselves. Israeli governments believe they can defy international condemnation of their illegal colonial project in the West Bank because they can count on the US to oppose international sanctions.
Bilateral talks that are not framed by US-formulated parameters (based on Security Council resolutions, the Oslo accords, the Arab Peace Initiative, the “road map” and other previous Israeli-Palestinian agreements) cannot succeed.
This paper focuses on the other major obstacle to a permanent status agreement: the absence of an effective Palestinian interlocutor. Addressing Hamas’ legitimate grievances – and as noted in a recent CENTCOM report, Hamas has legitimate grievances – could lead to its return to a Palestinian coalition government that would provide Israel with a credible peace partner. If that outreach fails because of Hamas’ rejectionism, the organization’s ability to prevent a reasonable accord negotiated by other Palestinian political parties will have been significantly impeded.
If the Obama administration will not lead an international initiative to define the parameters of an Israeli-Palestinian agreement and actively promote Palestinian political reconciliation, Europe must do so, and hope America will follow. Unfortunately, there is no silver bullet that can guarantee the goal of “two states living side by side in peace and security.” But President Obama’s present course absolutely precludes it....
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Riyaz Bhatkal and the Origins of the
Indian Mujahidin, by Praveen Swami; Salafi-Jihadi Activism in Gaza: Mapping the Threat, by Benedetta Berti; The Virtual Jihad: An Increasingly Legitimate Form of Warfare, by Akil N. Awan; Internet Jihadists React to the Deaths of Al-Qa`ida’s Leaders in Iraq, by Abdul Hameed Bakier; The Kidnapping and Execution of
Khalid Khwaja in Pakistan, by Rahimullah Yusufzai; The Sources of the Abu Sayyaf’s Resilience in the Southern Philippines, by Rommel C. Banlaoi....
-
August 19, 2010
United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in the Occupied Palestinian Territory // World Food Programme
Abstract:
Over the past ten years, the Israeli military has
gradually expanded restrictions on access to
farmland on the Gaza side of the 1949 ‘Green Line’,
and to fishing areas along the Gaza Strip coast, with
the stated intention of preventing attacks on Israel
by Palestinian armed factions, including firing
projectiles.
This study aims at assessing the scope of these
restrictions, as well as their impact on physical
security, livelihood and access to services. The
information and analysis presented is based on over
100 interviews and focus group discussions carried
out during March-April 2010, and complemented
with analysis of quantitative data available from
other sources....
-
August 19, 2010
United Nations General Assembly // United Nations Human Rights Council
Abstract:
The present report is submitted pursuant to General Assembly resolution
64/254. On 27 May 2010, the Secretary-General sent notes verbales to the
Permanent Mission of Israel to the United Nations, the Permanent Observer
Mission of Palestine to the United Nations and the Permanent Mission of
Switzerland to the United Nations, drawing their attention to the relevant
provisions of resolution 64/254 and requesting written information by 12 July
2010 concerning any steps taken or in the process of being taken in relation to
their implementation. The full text of the materials received by the Secretariat
in reply to those requests is attached as annexes. The report also contains the
observations of the Secretary-General....
-
August 3, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Of all the explanations why calm has prevailed in the Israeli-
Lebanese arena since the end of the 2006 war, the principal
one also should be cause for greatest concern: fear
among the parties that the next confrontation would be far
more devastating and broader in scope. None of the most
directly relevant actors – Israel, Hizbollah, Syria and Iran
– relishes this prospect, so all, for now, are intent on
keeping their powder dry. But the political roots of the
crisis remain unaddressed, the underlying dynamics are
still explosive, and miscalculations cannot be ruled out.
The only truly effective approach is one that would seek
to resume – and conclude – meaningful Israeli-Syrian and
Israeli-Lebanese peace talks. There is no other answer to
the Hizbollah dilemma and, for now, few better ways to
affect Tehran’s calculations. Short of such an initiative,
deeper political involvement by the international community
is needed to enhance communications between the
parties, defuse tensions and avoid costly missteps....
-
Search for all records in "Israel"
-
Italy
-
April 13, 2010
Campaign for Innocent Victims in Conflict
Abstract:
Afghan civilians deserve amends from warring parties for deaths, injuries, and property
losses—that is, some form of recognition and monetary compensation. Under international
law and agreements signed with the Afghan government, the troop contributing nations
(TCNs) of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) are not liable for damage to
civilian property or civilian injury or death as a result of lawful operations. However, most
ISAF members now offer payments when such losses occur. This is a marked improvement
from the early days of the conflict when the US and its NATO allies declined to address civilian
harm. CIVIC’s research into the experiences of ISAF troops and Afghan civilians demonstrates that
when international military forces provide payment (henceforth called “compensation” to
indicate both monetary and in-kind help), especially combined with an apology for harm,
civilian hostility toward international forces decreases. However, the effectiveness of these
payments has been limited by the lack of uniform policies across ISAF nations, limited information
gathering about civilian harm generally and, in many cases, insensitive requirements
that civilians suffering losses take the initiative to file claims.
This report describes the policies and practices of major ISAF TCNs. It finds that soldiers as
well as civilians view amends for harm favorably. The process of investigation, negotiation
of payment, and offers of formal compensation are opportunities to strengthen relationships
with local leaders and communities, to explain what happened, and acknowledge loss....
-
October 7, 2009
Henry L. Stimson Center
Abstract:
In 2001, when foreign militaries – including the American, Belgian, British, Canadian, Danish, German, Italian, and Turkish – entered the country, Afghans welcomed them warmly, strewing flowers as they passed through towns and villages. There was widespread hope that the country would finally see peace and stability after decades of war.
Eight years later, however, there is still a consistent failure to establish the appropriate mechanisms for security and development in Afghanistan. Since the Bonn Agreement, both security assistance and development assistance have taken a short term view – primarily addressing immediate and acute problems rather than identifying and responding to underlying weaknesses. Such a “quick fix” approach has cost time and popular support from those eager for change, and has wasted resources and opportunities. Significant amounts of aid are re-routed back to the donors’ home countries through contractors and consultants. The creation of parallel structures of governance such as command and control centers and prisons has undermined national authority, inhibited national initiative, weakened security, and slowed development. Prospects for sustainable development are slim, and the initially close relationship between the Afghan public and international forces has deteriorated.
Underlying the current approach is the assumption that Afghanistan could only be rescued by an enormous international intervention. However the presence of the international community, even if extensive and well-directed, will not be useful if Afghans are not in charge of their own recovery and development. Although the international community and the Afghan government have rhetorically committed themselves to inclusive nation-building, significant progress has yet to be made in including a wide cross-section of Afghan society....
-
September 29, 2009
The Finnish Institute of International Affairs // Ulkopoliittinen Instituutti
Abstract:
The summer of 2009 has been without a doubt a bad one for ISAF, the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan. The increase in fighting this summer has led to debates in most of the troop contributing nations as to how they perceive Afghanistan’s future and their role in it. A complex insurgency has spread across the country as different groups have come together under the banner of the Taliban fighting both the international troops and the Afghan government. In the south and the east of Afghanistan, where guerilla warfare has been ongoing for at least three years, the fighting has intensified and an increase in the technical abilities and tactical skill of the Taliban insurgents has taken a heavy toll on coalition soldiers. In the north and west of Afghanistan—previously considered safer areas—the security situation has worsened considerably and troops who had been able to focus predominantly on reconstruction work are increasingly finding themselves soldiering in far more traditional ways. The Afghanistan general elections of 20 August can be considered a very limited success at best, not only because of the extensive and seemingly well based accusations of vote rigging, but also because in many parts of the country although the ISAF forces could secure the voting sites themselves, they could not provide sufficient security to stop Taliban intimidation from dissuading many Afghans from going to the polls in the first place. As the fighting has increased across the country, it is the Afghan civilians who are paying highest price....
-
August 11, 2009
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Abstract:
Terrorism is not a new phenomenon, nor is it likely to disappear anytime soon. It is not the exclusive domain of any single religion or ideology, nor do all terrorists come from the same socioeconomic class or share the same mental pathologies.1 In part, the diversity within contemporary terrorism is what makes it so great a challenge. This report describes, in great detail, the state of terrorism in Western countries over the course of 2008.
Before turning to terrorism events in the West during 2008 and key developments within Western countries’ legal systems, we are going to pinpoint a few broad trends—a few currents that run through the various incidents and cases that follow. As this report will show, concerns about the contemporary connection between criminal activities and terrorism are clear in Bulgaria, a country rife with organized crime. An April 2008 parliamentary report charged that profits from the country’s drug trade were channeled to Middle Eastern terrorist groups....
-
July 2, 2009
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace // IPALMO // ARGO
Abstract:
The success of international efforts to foster security and economic growth in Afghanistan is increasingly linked to wider stabilization and development in the states in its proximity. In order to elucidate the challenges in the region and draw recommendations for the Italian G8 Presidency, an Experts Meeting on Afghanistan and Regional Stabilization was organized by Ipalmo, ARGO and Carnegie Europe on May 28-29th 2009 in Rome. Participants noted five areas of interest that could be taken into consideration at the June 2008 meeting of G8 Foreign Ministers in Trieste: 1) The countries of the region are interlinked in a regional security complex which requires a regional approach in response; 2) Constructive action by the states of the region and existing regional institutions need to be reinforced; 3) Border management is necessary to curb illicit trafficking while encouraging a better flow of resources across the region; 4) Security remains a major priority in the region; and 5) Greater economic cooperation would increase welfare for populations while encouraging cooperation and trust in the region....
-
Search for all records in "Italy"
-
Jamaica
-
July 21, 2009
Amnesty International
Abstract:
The organization's assessment is part of its 32-page report, Public security reforms and human rights in Jamaica. Published on Tuesday, the report evaluates the Jamaican Government's plans to tackle deep rooted violence, serious human rights violations and impunity.
Jamaica has extremely high rates of violent crime. According to police statistics, in 2008 alone there were 1,611 murders in Jamaica – in a population of only 2.7 million. Most of the victims live in socially-excluded inner-city areas. In 2008 the proportion of child victims grew significantly.
During 2008, an additional 224 people were fatally shot by police officers. It is estimated that in the first five months of 2009 alone, police killings increased by 58 per cent, however, police officers are rarely punished for these crimes. There have been no convictions against a police officer since 2006 and only 4 convictions between 1999 and 2009 out of a total of more than 1,700 reports of fatal shootings.
"The outlook for Jamaica is still grim with alarming rates of killings and almost no convictions of state agents accused of serious human rights violations," said Kerrie Howard, Americas Deputy Director at Amnesty International. "What is different now is that we finally see initiatives that might lead to real change."
"Jamaicans cannot afford to wait any longer," said Kerrie Howard. "Initiatives have to be implemented and produce concrete results soon. The lives of thousands depend on that."
Amongst the government's proposals are projects to reform the Jamaican Constabulary Force, the modernization of the justice system and the elaboration of a community safety and security policy to tackle some of the issues behind the high levels of violence in the country. Bilateral and multilateral donors have committed to supporting many of the recommendations included in these plans.
Amnesty International's report reviews the proposal to reform the Jamaican Constabulary Force. In 2008 a strategic review of the force resulted in 124 recommendations that were accepted by the government. Some of the key objectives include the improvement of the forces' professionalism, responsiveness and accountability....
-
January 16, 2009
Asylum Aid // United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
Abstract:
Women's Asylum News contains news and information on issues affecting women asylum-seekers and refugees.
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
August 19, 2008
Brooks World Poverty Institute // The University of Manchester
Abstract:
Terrorism on the African continent is a complex and emotional topic. One of
the primary reasons for this is that a historical introspection for any country,
or its people, that has been confronted with a conflicting past can only
be described as ‘sensitive’. In addition to international developments and
challenges, domestic circumstances predominately fuel domestic terrorism.
It will therefore be a mistake to assess the threat of terrorism in any country
in historic isolation. This is particularly true when one tries to assess and
understand the ‘renewed’ threat of terrorism in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia.
This monograph will attempt to place the threat and implication of the name
change announcement of the Salafist Group for Combat and Preaching
(GSPC) to al-Qa’eda in the Land of the Islamic Maghreb (AQLIM) in
context, with the primary focus on events in 2007. The name change in
itself implied that the original domestic group had transnational ambitions,
but what influenced this development and what would the consequences
be? Although this development led to immediate and extensive international
interest in the Maghreb, it became clear that most assessments focused on
the now, without appreciating the historical complexities that ultimately led
to this development.
In conducting a historical assessment, one can appreciate that while all
three countries under review were confronted with similar challenges
after independence, each country reacted in a different manner, which
impacted on the manifestation and magnitude of the threat of terrorism and
the eventual impact of the transnationalisation of domestic terrorism on
transnational terrorism. Even the way independence was gained impacted on
the psychological acceptance of violence as an acceptable strategy....
-
April 1, 2008
Amnesty International
Abstract:
This report by Amnesty International on the public security crisis in Jamaica forms part of a body of work by national and international organizations working on the crisis and its human rights implications. The research for this report was conducted by visiting Jamaica and its inner-city communities of Kingston, St Andrew and St Catherine during 2007 and speaking to a wide range of people from civil society and people holding positions of public office. During that research Amnesty International found: There is a public security crisis in Jamaica and the state is failing to effectively provide human security to its population, especially to those most vulnerable to crime and violence, namely people living in poverty in inner-city communities; An unspoken tolerance of policing based on strong prejudice and stigmatization,
excessive use of force, extrajudicial executions and corruption among certain members of the police force that reinforces a circle of violence for people living in poverty in socially excluded communities; A lack of scrutiny and accountability of the Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF) against allegations of corruption and human rights violations. This report also identifies the stigmatization and excessive use of force by, and corruption within, the police forces, which effectively exacerbate the violence these communities
suffer and constitute a violation of the obligation to respect human rights....
-
Search for all records in "Jamaica"
-
Japan
-
April 20, 2010
Security Council Report
Abstract:
On 16 April the Council will hold an open debate on Post Conflict Peace Building: Comprehensive Peacebuilding Strategy to Prevent the Recurrence of Conflict under the presidency of the Council for April, Japan. Japan circulated a concept paper for the debate on 1 April suggesting that such a debate would provide a forum to “consider a comprehensive peacebuilding strategy to prevent the recurrence of conflict” (S/2010167). The paper argues that peacebuilding constitutes one of the major remedies for contemporary threats to international peace and security. It notes that there are far more demands for effective peacebuilding in the world than are being addressed by the UN Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) which only has on its agenda four countries: Burundi, Central African Republic, Guinea-Bissau and Sierra Leone.
The paper identifies critical gaps in three areas of peacebuilding which Japan believes are currently hampering international efforts to help countries emerging from conflict to stabilise and build sustainable peace: political stability and security; promotion of social stability; and strengthening of international cooperation. Two key questions will be discussed during the debate: 1)how to improve coherence and linkage among individual policy areas such as peace, security, human rights and the rule of law; and
2)how to better coordinate activities at the international, regional, national and local levels....
-
November 26, 2009
Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
As the Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect noted in its October 2008 on Japan and Korea on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), Japan is a supporter of the R2P principle which it sees as part of the broader human security agenda, a key pillar of Japanese foreign policy.
However, Japan has recently been criticised for ‘most surprisingly and disappointingly’ opposing UN Security Council engagement in the humanitarian crisis that has been unfolding in Sri Lanka. Japan’s position appears to run counter to its support for human security and commitment to civilian protection, which has resulted in pressure for Tokyo to take a more robust stance by supporting efforts to introduce the situation in Sri Lanka onto the official agenda of the UN Security Council. The following Update Report offers an overview of Japan’s engagement in the crisis and seeks to contextualize the concern that Japan is falling short of following through on its responsibility to assist in protecting civilians at risk in Sri Lanka. It demonstrates that Japan’s position must be understood in relation to its commitment to the Sri Lankan peace process and broader Council dynamics....
-
November 26, 2009
Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
In July 2009, the UN General Assembly held an Interactive Informal Dialogue and plenary session on the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP). The dialogue provided the first opportunity for the UN membership as a whole to discuss implementation of the 2005 World Summit’s commitment to the RtoP and the UN Secretary-General’s report on the matter. Fifteen governments from the Asia-Pacific region, namely Indonesia, the Philippines, Korea, New Zealand, Australia, Singapore, Japan, China, Vietnam, Solomon Islands, Myanmar, Timor-Leste, DPRK, PNG and Malaysia, participated in the dialogue. This culminated in a resolution co-sponsored by, inter alia, Australia, Fiji, Singapore, Papua New Guinea, Republic of Korea, Timor-Leste and New Zealand that noted the Secretary-General’s report, observed the fruitfulness of the interactive dialogue, and committed the Assembly to further consideration of the RtoP.
According to the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, one of the most significant aspects of the dialogue was the positive transformation of attitudes towards the RtoP within the Asia-Pacific region. Having previously been considered the region most opposed to the RtoP, the region now boasts near unanimity in its endorsement of the principle and the Secretary-General’s efforts towards its implementation (with the exception of North Korea)....
-
November 26, 2009
Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
Governments in the Asia-Pacific are often referred to as skeptics or spoilers in conversations about deepening and harnessing global consensus on the „Responsibility to Protect‟ (R2P). This working paper argues that, on the contrary, there exists a broad constituency within the region for moving the principle from rhetoric to reality at the United Nations (UN). Based on contributions to Security Council debates on the protection of civilians in armed conflict (POC), regional states have been both receptive to and promoters of tangible measures to operationalise institutional mechanisms to prevent and halt mass atrocity crimes. Statements in the two most recent meetings are of particular significance given that they represent one of the last opportunities to gauge regional positions ahead of the forthcoming General Assembly debate on the R2P. In conclusion, I suggest that the Asia-Pacific region is much more receptive to the R2P principle than has hitherto been acknowledged. The first section of the working paper walks through the development of the R2P principle and the history of the UN Security Council's thematic interest in POC. The subsequent section unpacks and clarifies the relationship between the R2P and POC. The paper then proceeds to analyse the contributions of Asia-Pacific states to the two lattermost Council debates on POC, emphasising the significance of these statements for the institutional future of the R2P at the UN, as well as normative traction and increased ownership of the R2P in and by the region. Finally, the paper concludes by recommending the way ahead if Asia-Pacific states are to remain constructive partners in moving the principle towards praxis....
-
July 2, 2009
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace // IPALMO // ARGO
Abstract:
The success of international efforts to foster security and economic growth in Afghanistan is increasingly linked to wider stabilization and development in the states in its proximity. In order to elucidate the challenges in the region and draw recommendations for the Italian G8 Presidency, an Experts Meeting on Afghanistan and Regional Stabilization was organized by Ipalmo, ARGO and Carnegie Europe on May 28-29th 2009 in Rome. Participants noted five areas of interest that could be taken into consideration at the June 2008 meeting of G8 Foreign Ministers in Trieste: 1) The countries of the region are interlinked in a regional security complex which requires a regional approach in response; 2) Constructive action by the states of the region and existing regional institutions need to be reinforced; 3) Border management is necessary to curb illicit trafficking while encouraging a better flow of resources across the region; 4) Security remains a major priority in the region; and 5) Greater economic cooperation would increase welfare for populations while encouraging cooperation and trust in the region....
-
Search for all records in "Japan"
-
Jordan
-
September 2, 2010
Migration Information Source
Abstract:
Migration to, from, and across Jordan since the Palestinian exodus of 1948 has played a key role in the country's politics, economy, and society. These movements have several underlying, interacting patterns. The main ones are connected to regional geopolitics, the fluctuations of the oil economy in the Persian Gulf, and efforts by the kingdom's Hashemite monarchy to ensure its own stability.
Jordan is a case in point for how various forms of mobility can have strong political and economic implications, both domestically and regionally.
Like most other Middle Eastern states, Jordan is a recent creation, having been established in 1921 within borders drawn by European colonial powers. It soon became the first host of Palestinian refugees. These people have arrived in several waves since the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, forming a very large and integral part of the kingdom's population.
Because of the unresolved issue of Palestinian statehood, this migration has constantly posed a challenge to the Jordanian regime. At the same time, it has been an asset to the country's economic development....
-
April 28, 2010
Transnational Law & Contemporary Problems
Abstract:
“Operation Iraqi Freedom” has led to massive humanitarian devastation in the Middle East region. It is estimated that the conflict has led to the internal and external displacement of at least 4 million Iraqis. Ultimately, this Note finds that current international law is inadequate to meet the humanitarian crises that stem from military conflicts entered into in violation of international law, as the Iraqi refugee crisis demonstrates. Accordingly, this Note recommends an additional Protocol to the 1967 Refugee Convention and Protocol. Finally, this Note makes specific recommendations to the current U.S. Presidential Administration as it develops the U.S. response to the disaster. Part II outlines the respective responses to the ongoing Iraqi refugee crisis from the international community, host countries, and the U.S. government during both the Bush and Obama Administrations. Part III takes up the question of what legal obligations host countries, the United States, and the international community possess in regard to the Iraqi refugee crisis under current international law, and proposes a new Protocol to the 1967 Refugee Convention and Protocol. The proposed Protocol would require states that create massive humanitarian disasters through their unlawful entry into war to provide for the financial costs of addressing the toll. Part IV concludes the Note with legal and policy recommendations to the international community and the Obama Administration....
-
April 23, 2010
The Finnish Institute of International Affairs // Ulkopoliittinen Instituutti
Abstract:
This paper discusses the diverging perceptions
and responses of Middle Eastern Arab states to the
issue of climate change. It shows how these states’
policies at the regional and international level have
been shaped, even conditioned, by motivations of
economic security of the oil revenue-dependent
states in the region. It also points out the problems
of this kind of an approach and gives suggestions and
justifications for a more balanced policy approach to
climate change. It is argued that the Gulf oil exporting
monarchies need to take a more constructive and
balanced approach to international climate change
mitigation, as this is the precondition for achieving
functional regional cooperation in this area. In the
future, failing to cooperate regionally will exacerbate
climate change-induced problems and instability in
the entire region. Climate change is by its nature a transboundary
problem. The Middle East is considered to be one
of the most vulnerable regions in the world to its
negative impacts. This is even more significant given
that the Middle East is also one of the most volatile
regions in the world in terms of inter- and intrastate
conflict and instability....
-
March 3, 2010
Freedom House
Abstract:
As the governments of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) undertake the difficult process of enacting social and political change, the unequal status of women presents a particularly formidable challenge. In Iraq, deliberations over women's legal status have been as contentious as negotiations over how to structure the government. In Jordan, measures to increase penalties for so-called honor crimes faced strong resistance by ultraconservative parliamentarians and ordinary citizens who believe that tradition and religion afford them the right to severely punish and even murder female relatives for behavior they deem immoral. These debates are not just legal and philosophical struggles among elites. They are emotionally charged political battles that touch upon fundamental notions of morality and social order.
In order to provide a detailed look at the conditions faced by women in the Middle East and understand the complex environment surrounding efforts to improve their status, Freedom House conducted a comprehensive study of women's rights in the region. The first edition of this project was published in 2005. The present edition offers an updated examination of the issue, with a special focus on changes that have occurred over the last five years. Although the study indicates that a substantial deficit in women's rights persists in every country in the MENA region, the findings also include notable progress, particularly in terms of economic opportunities, educational attainment, and political participation....
-
February 24, 2010
International Rescue Committee
Abstract:
The IRC Commission on Iraqi Refugees was established in January 2008 by the International Rescue
Committee to investigate and call attention to the plight of Iraq’s displaced. This is the Commission’s
third report.
Over a weeklong visit in late October 2009, with follow-up consultations in November, IRC Commissioners
and staff members returned to Syria and Jordan to evaluate the conditions facing resident Iraqi refugees
and traveled inside Iraq to the Kurdish region and Baghdad to assess the condition of internally displaced
people and their prospects for returning home. During the trip, Commissioners met with the incoming Prime
Minister of the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG), other KRG and Iraqi officials, representatives from
the United Nations and senior officials of the governments of Syria, Jordan and the United States. Most
importantly, Commissioners and staff heard firsthand about the ongoing crisis from scores of Iraqis living
as internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Baghdad and northern Iraq or as refugees in Syria. Their accounts
were harrowing. Since the IRC Commission last visited the region in February 2008,
the needs of displaced Iraqis have become more acute, while
international concern and assistance have diminished. In particular,
assistance from European countries has begun to fall off.
Refugees and IDPs are still clearly afraid to return to their homes. They cite insecurity, lack of access to
housing and services, scarce job opportunities, ongoing criminality and persecution and mistrust of
local government....
-
Search for all records in "Jordan"
-
Kazakhstan
-
June 29, 2010
Institut für Strategie- Politik- Sicherheits- und Wirtschaftsberatung
Abstract:
With the US-led West getting about to withdraw from Afghanistan - the real upsurge for the crucial region historically known as the Between and Betwixt of Empires is about to begin in earnest. This will be a confluence - a perfect storm - of the revival and resurrection of historic mega-trends under contemporary conditions. Most important are the revival of the original Russian-Chinese “Great Game”. For almost three centuries, Central Asia was the preeminent zone of confrontation between China’s Manchu Dynasty (1644-1912) and Russia’s Romanov Dynasty (1613-1917). Now, the Heart of Asia has once again become the zone Between and Betwixt Empires in more than mere geopolitical terms. However, what makes the current situation uniquely explosive and dangerous is the surge of the Jihadist movement - emboldened by its enduring of the US/ISAF war in Afghanistan and Pakistan - as a most vibrant and violent force that is setting the Heart of Asia aflame. The Jihadist movement is facilitating the Chinese ascent as a global hegemon in return for a Chinese umbrella against US and Western retaliation. This confluence of historic and grand strategic mega-trends constitutes not only a threat to the quintessential vital interests of Russia - but to the well-being of the entire industrialized North....
-
April 23, 2010
openDemocracy
Abstract:
Kyrgyzstan’s violence underscores the instability of those former Soviet governments which are burdened by authoritarian and corrupt rule. To varying degrees, every Central Asian country faces serious threats at home and from the war in neighboring Afghanistan. They need help. The West and Russia should act, including by engaging the underutilized Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Central Asia -- Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan -- is insecure. Uzbekistan and Tajikistan have ethnic kin fighting in Afghanistan who might target repressive rulers at home. The extremist Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan is becoming more threatening. The recent cessation of U.S. support for eradicating poppy fields in Afghanistan will spur narcotics trafficking via Central Asia. Economic challenges and rampant corruption undermine security. The area is rich in oil and gas mainly in the Caspian region and America and its companies have an important stake in the development of its huge oil reserves and diversification of world oil supplies. That said, high unemployment and dashed expectations in impoverished Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan could provoke social explosions. Most people in Turkmenistan remain poor despite its huge natural gas reserves. In Kazakhstan oil development raises many but not all living standards. A major Central Asia security initiative – made more urgent by developments in Kyrgyzstan – could offer content worthy of a summit....
-
March 29, 2010
Amnesty International
Abstract:
In December 2008, after examining Kazakhstan’s implementation of the State’s obligations
under the Convention against Torture, the Committee against Torture called on the authorities
“to apply a zero-tolerance approach to the persistent problem of torture” and to “publicly and
unambiguously condemn practices of torture in all its forms, directing this especially to
police and prison staff, accompanied by a clear warning that any person committing such
acts or otherwise complicit or participating in torture or other ill-treatment be held
responsible before the law for such acts”. The government said they were addressing these issues and other recommendations by the
Committee against Torture, including through further proposals for legislative amendments to
the criminal and criminal procedural codes and by clamping down on abusive practices. Some actions have been taken by the government. In May 2009 the UN Special Rapporteur
on torture visited Kazakhstan at the invitation of the government. In line with its obligations
under the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture (OPCAT), and in cooperation
with civil society, the authorities have also been developing a National Preventive Mechanism
which would allow unannounced and independent monitoring of all detention facilities. Nevertheless, despite the good intentions shown by the measures noted above and the
extensive education, reform and training programmes for law enforcement forces and the
judiciary often run in conjunction and in cooperation with non-governmental organizations
(NGOs) and international governmental organizations (IGOs), it has become evident that
torture or other ill-treatment of individuals deprived of their liberty, whether formally detained
or in de facto unacknowledged detention, continue to be routinely used....
-
March 25, 2010
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan are active fronts in the wider conflict against violent extremism centered on Afghanistan and Pakistan. Although these states are less prominent in discussions about U.S. security interests in the region than nuclear-armed Pakistan, their stability is an important and unacknowledged component of the AfPak equation. And, as conditions in Afghanistan continue to deteriorate, the menace of jihadism could eventually worsen into a strategic threat for Central Asian states, particularly when paired with a succession crisis, natural disaster, or other sudden shock. Beyond threatening indigenous regimes, some Central Asia militants have also demonstrated a clear intent to mount operations against foreign targets, both within the broader region and, in the case of the Sauerland Plot, in the European Union.
Alarmist predictions have dogged Central Asia since the breakup of the Soviet Union, yet the region has proved remarkably resilient. Despite Tajikistan’s civil war and episodic outbreaks of violence in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan, stability has been the rule and disorder the exception. Amid much ambiguity, the region has “muddled through.” It may continue to do so, but declining labor remittances, looming succession struggles, latent ethnic tensions, counterproductive government policies, and returning militants are conspiring against the forces of stasis....
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
Search for all records in "Kazakhstan"
-
Kenya
-
August 25, 2010
Government of Kenya // Ministry of State for Special Programmes
Abstract:
The Post 2007 Election Violence (PEV) led to destruction of property, loss of lives, 663,921 people displaced and about 78,254 houses destroyed country wide. An additional 640 households fled into Uganda.
A total of 350,000 IDPs sought refuge in 118 camps whereas about 313,921 IDPs were integrated within communities across the country. This factsheet provides details on: the number of IDPs from each province; the return rates of IDPs; the number of households in each transitional camp remaining for IDPs; disbursement of humanitarian funds; number of IDP households resettled; peace and reconciliation initiatives; psycho-social counseling services; a summary of achievements and of requirements for continuing progress....
-
August 23, 2010
The Centre on Human Rights in Conflict // University of East London
Abstract:
Following contested elections in Kenya in December
2007, unrest and violence shook the country in January
and February 2008, prompting diplomatic intervention
by the international community, most notably by the
former United Nations Secretary-General, Kofi Annan.
A negotiated solution put in place a power-sharing deal
between the two main parties contesting the presidential
election: the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) and
the Party of National Unity (PNU). As part of the National Dialogue and Reconciliation
process, the government appointed a Commission of
Inquiry into Post-Election Violence, known as the Waki
Commission (after its chair, Justice Philip Waki). A key
recommendation of the commission’s report was the
establishment of a Special Tribunal to try those responsible
for the worst abuses. The Kenyan parliament failed to approve a bill creating a
Special Tribunal, and despite the government’s suggestion
that a reformed local judiciary could hear cases, it took no
serious steps towards legal reform either—though the new
constitution contains provisions that should strengthen
the judiciary’s independence. Following the passage of
several deadlines set by the ICC prosecutor for Kenya to
establish such a body, the OTP sought the opening of
an investigation, which the judges of Pre-Trial Chamber II
approved on 31 March 2010.
While the engagement of the ICC with Kenya is in its
early stages, the time is ripe for an initial assessment
of its efficacy in promoting accountability in Kenya,
and implications for future engagements....
-
July 27, 2010
Refugees International
Abstract:
Tens of thousands of Somali refugees have sought asylum in cities in neighboring countries but have long been overlooked by humanitarian actors. Many of these refugees have found ways to survive in Nairobi, Djibouti, Aden, and Sana’a and have become self-reliant, but others suffer from police harassment, arbitrary arrest and detention, and forced return. Registration and documentation should be the foundation of refugee protection in cities. Partnerships with community-based organizations and ongoing refugee profiling is essential to identify and serve the most vulnerable. Promoting the protection of refugees in cities helps them live with greater independence and dignity. Due to ongoing violence, human rights violations, and conflict in Somalia, today there are some 580,000 Somali refugees in four main asylum countries—Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya and Yemen....
-
July 27, 2010
Ryerson University // Social Science Research Network
Abstract:
Since 2005 when a Comprehensive Peace Agreement was signed between opposing parties in Sudan, over 100,000 Sudanese refugees have returned from Kakuma Refugee Camp in Kenya after having been living in exile for decades. At Kakuma Camp there are close to 40,000 Sudanese refugees who remain living in exile even though international observers have determined that political and social conditions have improved in Sudan. This study seeks to determine what role these refugees see themselves as having in the post-war reconstruction and development of Sudan; the possible secession of South Sudan; as well as how they believe civil society and Good Governance can be strengthened in Sudan. A particular focus will be made in targeting both educated refugee men and refugee women....
-
July 7, 2010
Amnesty International
Abstract:
The majority of Nairobi’s residents live in informal settlements and slums, in inadequate
housing with little access to clean water, sanitation, health care, schools and other essential
public services.
Women and girls living in these informal settlements are particularly affected by lack of
adequate access to sanitation facilities for toilets and bathing. Not only do women have
different physical needs from men, (for example, related to menstruation) but they also have
greater need of privacy when using toilets and when bathing. Inadequate and inaccessible
toilets and bathrooms, as well as the general lack of effective policing and insecurity, make
women even more vulnerable to rape and other forms of gender-based violence. Violence
against women is endemic in Nairobi’s slums and settlements, goes widely unpunished and
significantly contributes to making and keeping women poor.
Recent positive attempts by the government to improve access to essential services in
informal settlements do not address the immediate needs for access to essential public
services, including sanitation. Nor do the proposed solutions fully take into account the
specific needs of women and girls in these settlements.
This report shows that for many women living in informal settlements, poverty is both a
consequence and a cause of violence. Many women who suffer physical, sexual or
psychological violence lose income as a result and their productive capacity is impaired.
Violence against women also impoverishes their families, communities and societies. For
women in abusive relationships, poverty makes it harder to find avenues for an escape. While
economic independence does not shield women from violence, access to economic resources
can enhance women’s capacity to make meaningful choices. The violence women face helps
keep them poor in part because their poverty inhibits their ability to find solutions....
-
Search for all records in "Kenya"
-
Kosovo
-
July 29, 2010
International Review of the Red Cross
Abstract:
Adopting a feminist perspective, this paper analyses the doctrine of humanitarian
intervention and its impact on women in recipient states, particularly with regard
to sexual violence. By analysing the phenomenon of post-conflict trafficking in
Kosovo following the NATO intervention, the author presents a challenge to the
‘feminist hawks’ who have called for military intervention in situations of systematic
sexual violence. It is the author’s contention that such intervention would be
counterproductive for women’s rights and thus constitute a disproportionate response
to sexual violence in terms of the international law governing the use of force....
-
June 15, 2010
Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe // Mission in Kosovo // Department of Human Rights and Communities
Abstract:
The purpose of this report is to review and assess how war crimes matters have been addressed in the criminal justice system in Kosovo during the past ten years, following the conflict of May 1998 - June 1999. Furthermore, it assesses the needs that still exist and recommends ways the system can more effectively adjudicate war crimes cases. This report covers the period from June 1999 to December 2009 in Kosovo. To date, several individuals have been tried, or are still on trial, in the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), for acts which arose, at least partially, from the armed conflict in Kosovo. There were approximately 1,187 acts of suspected war crimes arising from the conflict which UNMIK identified and handed over to EULEX, and an additional 50 cases which were handed over having been referred for indictment. The findings and concerns of this report can be summarized as follows: there has been a systemic failure to adjudicate war crimes cases. From the beginning, prioritizing war crimes cases has been frequently the focus of public discourse, but it has been a priority in name only. Sufficient resources have never been allocated to this goal. Nor were the decisions made to place war crimes above other priorities. While it is true that there have been many pressing needs in Kosovo from 1999 until now, the facts tell that addressing war crimes has never been chief among them....
-
May 31, 2010
Conflict and Health
Abstract:
The aim of this population-based study was to assess the long-lasting effects of ethnic conflict on
health and well-being (with a focus on injury and persistent pain) at family and community level.
We have also investigated possible risk factors for victimisation during the conflict and factors
contributing to healing. We conducted a district-level cross-sectional cluster survey of 1,115 households with a population of 6,845. Interviews were carried out in Mitrovice district in Northern Kosovo from September to October 2008, using standardised questionnaire to collect lifetime violence exposure, lifestyle factors and health information on individual and household. Ethnic Albanians made up 95% of the sample population. Crude mortality and under-five mortality rate was not high in 2008. Over 90% of families had been exposed to at least two categories of violence and human rights violations, and 493 individuals from 341 families reported torture experiences. During the two weeks before the survey, 20% of individuals had suffered physical or mental pain. There were differences in pain complaints according to gender and age, and whether people had been injured within 12 months, had lifetime exposure to violence-related injury, or had been tortured. Patterns of social and political participation in a family could affect the proportion of family members complaining of pain. The proportion of family members with pain complaints was related to a decline in the household income (coef=9.31, 95% CI=6.16-12.46, P<0.001) and the fact of borrowing money (coef=6.11, 95% CI=2.91-9.30, P<0.001) because of an injured person in the household. Families that were affiliated with the Kosovo Liberation Army, or had participated in a protest before or during the war, were likely to be targeted by Serbian paramilitary and law enforcement agencies. Mitrovice district is currently characterised by a low level of violence, but the effects of ethnic conflict on health and well-being have not gone. The level of lifetime exposure to violence, the proportion of family members reporting pain and lifetime violence-related injury, and family's financial burden were found to be inter-correlated. The sample confined to one ethnic group in one district limits the generalizability of the findings....
-
May 20, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
More than two years after declaring independence, Kosovo struggles with uneven rule of law and a weak justice system that is failing its citizens. The police, public prosecutors and courts are erratic performers, prone to political interference and abuse of office. Organised crime and corruption are widespread and growing. Realising that prosperity, relations with the European Union (EU) and affirmation as an independent state depend on the rule of law, the government has taken important steps, replacing key officials and passing long-delayed reforms. But critical weaknesses remain, notably in the courts, and the government, supported by the international community, must act swiftly to curtail them.
Kosovo suffers from the widespread impression that it is run by a lawless political elite in control of every aspect of society. The EU rule of law mission, EULEX, is investigating widespread corruption at the highest levels, and its efforts to date have shown gaping holes in regulation and enforcement. This reputation keeps investment out and the country mired in poverty. A two-pronged approach is needed, tightening institutions and regulation to close off opportunities for corruption while investigating the worst of past abuses....
-
May 19, 2010
United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:
In June 1999 Kosovo came under the interim administration of the United Nations Mission
in Kosovo (UNMIK), which embarked on a program to link disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) of ex-combatants with security sector reform (SSR). Many ex-combatants
processed in DDR were successfully reintegrated into the Kosovo Police Service (KPS).
From the onset, UNMIK mandated that the KPS would consist of at least 50 percent former
Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) members, and ex-KLA members viewed the KPS as a source of
well-paying jobs and a path to a meaningful career. This strategy of moving ex-combatants
into the new security sector proved effective, with few instances of confrontations between
ex-KLA members and other recruits. It also helped eliminate partisan loyalties to individual
politicians and political factions by creating a police force with a strong national and professional
identity.
Similarly, in Liberia, after fourteen years of brutal civil war, the question of what to do
with the many combatants who still wandered the countryside with weapons was significant
and specifically addressed in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), signed in 2003 by
all warring parties. The DDR program there, conducted by the United Nations Mission in
Liberia (UNMIL), disarmed and demobilized over 100,000 ex-combatants, including some
11,000 child soldiers. UNMIL was also responsible for the SSR of all civilian security organizations,
such as the Liberian National Police. Simultaneously, the United States was in
charge of demobilizing and reintegrating Liberia’s armed forces after the reconstitution of
the military and ministry of defense....
-
Search for all records in "Kosovo"
-
Kuwait
-
April 23, 2010
The Finnish Institute of International Affairs // Ulkopoliittinen Instituutti
Abstract:
This paper discusses the diverging perceptions
and responses of Middle Eastern Arab states to the
issue of climate change. It shows how these states’
policies at the regional and international level have
been shaped, even conditioned, by motivations of
economic security of the oil revenue-dependent
states in the region. It also points out the problems
of this kind of an approach and gives suggestions and
justifications for a more balanced policy approach to
climate change. It is argued that the Gulf oil exporting
monarchies need to take a more constructive and
balanced approach to international climate change
mitigation, as this is the precondition for achieving
functional regional cooperation in this area. In the
future, failing to cooperate regionally will exacerbate
climate change-induced problems and instability in
the entire region. Climate change is by its nature a transboundary
problem. The Middle East is considered to be one
of the most vulnerable regions in the world to its
negative impacts. This is even more significant given
that the Middle East is also one of the most volatile
regions in the world in terms of inter- and intrastate
conflict and instability....
-
March 3, 2010
Freedom House
Abstract:
As the governments of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) undertake the difficult process of enacting social and political change, the unequal status of women presents a particularly formidable challenge. In Iraq, deliberations over women's legal status have been as contentious as negotiations over how to structure the government. In Jordan, measures to increase penalties for so-called honor crimes faced strong resistance by ultraconservative parliamentarians and ordinary citizens who believe that tradition and religion afford them the right to severely punish and even murder female relatives for behavior they deem immoral. These debates are not just legal and philosophical struggles among elites. They are emotionally charged political battles that touch upon fundamental notions of morality and social order.
In order to provide a detailed look at the conditions faced by women in the Middle East and understand the complex environment surrounding efforts to improve their status, Freedom House conducted a comprehensive study of women's rights in the region. The first edition of this project was published in 2005. The present edition offers an updated examination of the issue, with a special focus on changes that have occurred over the last five years. Although the study indicates that a substantial deficit in women's rights persists in every country in the MENA region, the findings also include notable progress, particularly in terms of economic opportunities, educational attainment, and political participation....
-
January 11, 2010
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
Kuwait, which has been pivotal to nearly two decades of U.S. involvement in Iraq, has been
mired for the past three years in internal wrangling between the elected National Assembly and
the ruling Al Sabah family primarily over the political dominance of the Al Sabah. In March
2009, this infighting led to the second constitutional dissolution of the National Assembly in the
past year, setting up new parliamentary elections on May 16, 2009. Among other effects, the
political stalemate has delayed or caused cancellation of key energy projects, including some
projects involving major foreign energy firms, as well as of measures to help Kuwait deal with
the effects of the global financial and economic crisis.
The elections produced many new deputies in the 50-seat Assembly, including four women, the
first to be elected to the Assembly in Kuwait since women were given the vote in 2005. However,
the elections did not resolve the government-Assembly political disputes or produce meaningful
progress on major issues, and there is the potential for yet another dissolution of the Assembly
and new elections....
-
November 10, 2009
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
In this talk, Richard Barrett opens with remarks about al-Qaida's current status (in particular the slackening pace of attacks), and moves into a survey of al-Qaida's affiliates in the various regions of the world, then covers al-Qaida and the Taliban in the Afghanistan-Pakistan region in considerable depth. He says, "I think the capabilities that al-Qaida and its affiliates have have also reduced. I think there are fewer really
competent people engaged in terrorism, and I want to talk a little later about some of the people
who have been killed recently, but also the nature of the new recruits to some of these groups.
And I think also, the whole presentation of al-Qaida as an international movement with groups
acting in concert all over the world – that, too, has deteriorated. They’ve not been able to sustain
that image in the short term. And most of the targets for terrorist groups are now essentially
local, and they are no longer so obviously linked to some sort of global agenda."...
-
August 27, 2009
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
While much of the world has focused on Iran’s missile developments, and possible nuclear capabilities, this is only one of the risks that threaten the flow of petroleum products from the Gulf – a region with some 60% of the world’s proven conventional oil reserves and 40% of its natural gas. Far more immediate threats have emerged in terms of asymmetric warfare, terrorism, piracy, non-state actors, and other threats.
The Burke Chair at CSIS has developed a new briefing that provides an overview of these threats, showing current trends and highlighting the strategic geography involved. This brief looks beyond Gulf waters and examines the problems created by Iran’s ties to other states and non-state actors throughout the region. It highlights Iran’s capabilities for asymmetric warfare, but it also examines the threat from terrorism and the role it can play in nations like Yemen. It looks at the trends in piracy and in the threat in the Gulf of Aden, Red Sea, and Indian Ocean.
The key issues addressed are: Terrorism, asymmetric Warfare, maritime and Border Security, combating piracy, critical facilities and infrastructure, role of chokepoints, and role of State and non-state actors....
-
Search for all records in "Kuwait"
-
Kyrgyzstan
-
August 23, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
The Pogroms in Kyrgyzstan, the latest report from the International Crisis Group, highlights the risk of spiralling violence in the south of Kyrgyzstan and the central government’s loss of control over the region. It calls for the Kyrgyz government to support an internationally backed enquiry into the pogroms which took place in May and June 2010 in Jalalabad and in Osh. It also urges the international community to form a united front in calling on the Kyrgyz government to address the root causes of the violence, and in warning the country’s leadership of the dangers of inaction and denial. [...] Successive governments have failed to address ethnic tensions in the south or even to admit their existence. Many features of the 2010 violence strongly resemble the last round of bloody ethnic clashes, in 1990. One of the most striking differences, however, is that twenty years ago, a large number of elite Soviet troops were deployed in the region for six months to normalise the situation. This time, a weaker government facing a greater challenge has refused any external help, unrealistically arguing that it can handle the situation itself. In fact, the government has now lost control of a significant part of southern Kyrgyzstan, where the mayor of Osh, Melis Myrzakmatov, publicly rejects the president’s authority. The Kyrgyz government should take a strong public stand against positions of extreme nationalism by prominent national and regional politicians. The government of Kyrgyzstan, as well as donors and supporters, should support a full, open and internationally backed enquiry into the recent pogroms. Given the weakness of the Kyrgyz government, responsibility rests upon the shoulders of the international community. It should play a more forthright role than usual in raising the long-term dangers to Kyrgyzstan of extremism, the need to restore the central government’s political control over the city of Osh, and the urgent necessity of reconciliation between ethnic communities....
-
August 19, 2010
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:
Weeks after the June outbreak of violence in the South, Kyrgyzstan remains gripped by instability and uncertainty regarding issues ranging from rebuilding in the South, to the upcoming October 10th parliamentary election. There is a strong potential for continued conflict in the country if these issues are not addressed. This factsheet provides a summary of a presentation made by Dr. Eric M. McGlinchey of George Mason University, recently returned from Osh, Jalalabad, and Bazar-Korgon. He discusses common explanations within southern Kyrgyzstan for the origins of the conflict, as well as their policy implications, both for the international community and for Kyrgyzstan....
-
August 16, 2010
Human Rights Watch
Abstract:
From June 10 to 14, 2010, ethnic violence engulfed southern Kyrgyzstan, claiming hundreds
of lives and resulting in massive destruction of property. Human Rights Watch has conducted an extensive, on-the-ground investigation into the
violence and its aftermath, from June 10 to July 25, 2010. This report is based on over 200
interviews with Kyrgyz and Uzbek victims and witnesses, lawyers, human rights defenders,
and community activists, as well as local government officials, law enforcement and military
personnel, and military and civilian prosecutors.
The report recreates the chronology of the June violence, and analyzes the role of the Kyrgyz
security forces in the events, including the enormous challenges they faced coping with the
violence, allegations of their failure to prevent and stop the bloodshed and allegations of
their direct involvement in it. It further examines patterns of arbitrary arrests, ill-treatment,
torture in custody, and other violations of due process rights during the government’s
investigation into the June events, and documents continued interethnic violence and the
authorities’ failure to respond adequately to it....
-
August 16, 2010
Refugees International
Abstract:
By opening its borders to some 100,000 vulnerable ethnic Uzbek refugees fleeing deadly violence in southern Kyrgyzstan, the Uzbekistan government demonstrated rare humanitarianism and respect for international law. After the clashes subsided, Uzbekistan arranged with Kyrgyzstan to encourage the refugees to voluntarily return for Kyrgyzstan’s June 27 constitutional referendum. While Uzbekistan and its citizens should be commended for their humane actions they should be encouraged, along with their neighbors, to provide temporary asylum to any refugee at risk and cease any deportation of those still fearing persecution if returned to Kyrgyzstan....
-
August 5, 2010
United States Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe // Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:
In recent months, Kyrgyzstan has experienced violent ethnic clashes as its leaders lay the groundwork for Central Asia’s first genuine parliamentary democracy. In testimony before the Helsinki Commission, Martha Olcott explains what the United States can do in the months ahead to help bring much-needed stability to Kyrgyzstan. "Have the developments in Kyrgyzstan been the product of a pent-up thirst for democracy
on the part of the country’s population and political opposition, or are they a sign of state
failure? As my remarks will suggest, the reality is somewhere between the two. The challenge
for U.S. policy makers, therefore, is to find ways to encourage democratic development
while simultaneously trying to rectify the situations which are leading to state failure and
which could further stimulate ethnic unrest."...
-
Search for all records in "Kyrgyzstan"
-
Laos
-
December 14, 2009
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime // Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control // Lao National Commission for Drug Control and Supervision
Abstract:
Opium cultivation in South East-Asia remains relatively limited. Just under 34,000 hectares of
opium was grown in the region in 2009, a quarter of the amount grown in Afghanistan.
Worrisome is the situation in Myanmar where cultivation is up for the third year in a row – an
11% increase from 28,500 ha in 2008 to 31,700 ha in 2009. Most of this increase came in the Shan
State where 95% of Myanmar’s poppy is grown. More than a million people (most of them in the
Shan state) are now involved in opium cultivation in Myanmar, an increase of more than a quarter
over 2008.
However, the overall value of the crop is falling since yields were down 28% to 10.4 kg per
hectare, production fell 20% (to 330 metric tons), and prices are more or less stable (at just over
US$ 300/kg). In total, the potential value of opium production in Myanmar fell by 15% from US$
123 million in 2008 to US$ 104 million in 2009.
Increased instability in north-eastern Myanmar (where most of the opium is grown) seems to be
affecting the opium market. There are indications that ceasefire groups – autonomous ethnic
militias like the Wa and Kachin – are selling drugs to buy weapons, and moving stocks to avoid
detection.
While South-East Asia’s once notorious opium problem has been contained, there are worrying
signs that the situation in Myanmar is starting to unravel. Governments and donors need to stay
the course and ensure sufficient duration of commitment and funding for all aspects of the drug
issue: security, development, and health.
In Lao PDR, cultivation was up 19%, although the overall total is low at 1,900 ha, as is the yield at
6 kg/ha. Nevertheless, with a kilo of opium fetching US$ 1,327 per kilogram (due to stable
demand and scarce supply), this illicit crop remains attractive to farmers, especially as the prices
of other locally produced commodities are falling....
-
November 26, 2009
Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
The 63rd United Nations (UN) General Assembly is poised to debate Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon’s report on the operationalisation of the Responsibility to Protect (referred to as ‘R2P’
for the remainder of this report). It is expected that his report will be released and debated in
early 2009. Therefore, this is a good time to examine the position that Member States have
adopted on the R2P since its endorsement at the 2005 World Summit and policy issues
relating to its implementation through the UN. This report will focus on the Member States of
the Association for South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) with the exception of Myanmar, which
is currently on the UN Security Council’s agenda. It concentrates on their position on the
R2P and their policy priorities in areas related to implementing the principle through the UN.
The report identifies steps that might encourage the region’s governments to become more
positively engaged with the R2P principle....
-
February 10, 2009
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
Abstract:
-
October 23, 2008
Norwegian People's Aid
Abstract:
Humanitarian mine action refers to activities undertaken to reduce the effect caused by land-mines and other explosive remnants of war in terms of social, economic and environmental impact of mines. The objective is the reduction of risk to a level where people can live safely and where economic, social, and health development can occur without hindrance from land-mines. This report documents how Norwegian People's Aid (NPA) are working in humanitarian mine action. Case studies are presented include Bosnia Herzegovina, Cambodia and Croatia, Ethiopia and Iraq and Malawi.
The document recommends that the mine action community needs to develop, implement and standardise new globally accepted methods and approaches to de-mining. Full mine and battle area clearance is costly and time consuming; hence such activities should be a last option, only to be used when the presence of land-mines and/or explosive remnants of war has been confirmed by technical survey. The immediate objective of mine action programmes should be to release land suspected to be hazardous as cost efficiently as possible and with a quality that meets the requirements of international and national mine action standards. NPA believes that land can be released through three different actions:
* cancellation: the process in which an area is released based on information gathered and analysis only
* reduction: the process in which one or more mine clear- ance tools have been used to gather information about the presence/absence of mines
* clearance: "full clearance" according to International and National Standards for Mine Action....
-
August 26, 2008
Asian Development Bank Institute
Abstract:
This paper quantifies the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth in Asia for 1970–2004. Our panel estimations show that transnational terrorist attacks had a significant growth-limiting effect. Transnational terrorism reduces growth by crowding in government expenditures. An internal conflict has the greatest growth concern, about twice that of transnational terrorism. For developing Asian countries, intrastate and interstate wars have a much greater impact than terrorism does on the crowding-in of government spending.
Policy recommendations indicate the need for rich Asian countries to assist their poorer neighbors in coping with the negative growth consequences of political violence. Failure to assist may result in region-wide repercussions. Conflict and terrorism in one country can create production bottlenecks with region-wide economic consequences. International and nongovernmental organizations as well as developed Western countries and regions could assist at-risk Asian countries with attack prevention and post-attack recovery.
This study has six purposes. First, and foremost, we present panel estimates for a sample of 42 Asian countries to quantify the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth for 1970–2004. Panel estimation methods control for country-specific and timespecific unobserved heterogeneity. Second, we distinguish the influence of terrorism on economic growth from that of internal and external conflicts. Third, these influences are investigated for cohorts of developed and developing countries to ascertain whether development can better allow a country to absorb the impact of political violence. Fourth, econometric estimations relate violence-induced growth reductions to two pathways— reduced investment and increased government expenditures. Fifth, a host of diagnostic and sensitivity tests to support our empirical specifications. Last, we draw some policy conclusions....
-
Search for all records in "Laos"
-
Latvia
-
December 10, 2008
International Centre for Migration Policy Development
Abstract:
A Survey and Analysis of Border Management and Border Apprehension Data from 20 States.
With a Special Survey on the Use of Counterfeit Documents.
Based on the contributions of the border services of 20 Central and Eastern European states, the 2006 Yearbook again provides its valuable overview and analysis of irregular migration trends in the region. Over the past ten years the annual Yearbook on Illegal Migration, Human Smuggling and Trafficking in Central and Eastern Europe has come to be regarded as an authoritative source of information on recent border trends and in particular on the phenomena of illegal migration, human smuggling and trafficking. The annual Yearbook covers the most recent trends in illegal migration and human smuggling in the region, including long-term trends in border apprehensions, shifts in source, transit and destination countries, demographic characteristics of irregular migrants, the relationship between legal and illegal border crossings, new developments in the methods of border crossings and document abuse and on removals of irregular migrants. In addition, this year’s edition for the first time features a Special Survey on the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes. This Survey is based on the contributions received from document specialists or Special Units dealing with document security in the countries under review and provides the first comprehensive overview and analysis of patterns and trends in the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes in Central and Eastern Europe....
-
September 5, 2008
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
U.S. policymakers have made securing and maintaining foreign contributions
to the stabilization and reconstruction of Iraq a major priority since the preparation
period for the launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. This report
highlights and discusses important changes in financial and personnel contributions
from foreign governments to Iraq since 2003.
To date, foreign donors have pledged an estimated $16.4 billion in grants and
loans for Iraq reconstruction, with most major pledges originating at a major donors'
conference in Madrid, Spain, in October 2003. However, only a small part of the
pledges have been committed or disbursed to the World Bank and United Nations
Development Group Trust Funds for Iraq. The largest non-U.S. pledges of grants
have come from Japan, the European Commission, the United Kingdom, Canada,
South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. The World Bank, the International
Monetary Fund, Japan, and Saudi Arabia have pledged the most loans and export
credits.
Currently, 33 countries including the United States have some level of troops
on the ground in Iraq or supporting Iraq operations from nearby locations. Those
forces are working under the rubric of one of several organizations — the
Multi-National Force-Iraq (MNF-I), the NATO Training Mission-Iraq (NTM-I); or
the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI). Currently, the largest
troop contributors, in addition to the United States, are the United Kingdom, Georgia,
Australia, South Korea, and Poland. Some of these key contributors have announced
their intention to reduce or withdraw their forces from Iraq during 2008. The total
number of non-U.S. coalition troop contributions has declined since the early
stabilization efforts, as other countries have withdrawn their contingents or
substantially reduced their size....
-
October 15, 2007
Central Asia Caucasus Institute
Abstract:
The workshop from which this report originates dealt with organized crime,
corruption and investment of criminal proceeds in the Baltic Sea region. This
workshop report, compiled by Klas Kxc3xa4rrstrand, summarizes the presentations
made during the workshop and the discussions stimulated by the each of the
presentations.
The main purpose is to identify recent trends
and developments in order to point out potential consequences for the social,
economic, legal and political development, in especially Estonia, Latvia and
Lithuania, but also for the region as a whole....
-
October 11, 2007
Track Impunity Always
Abstract:
Mikhail Farbtukh was born around 1919. In 1940, as Latvia was being occupied by the USSR, he became head of the NKVD (former KGB) for the city of Daugavpils. As such, he took part in the deportation by the USSR of thousands of Latvians.
-
October 4, 2007
Track Impunity Always
Abstract:
Alfons Noviks was born in 1908. In 1940, as the USSR had just annexed Latvia, he became People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of Soviet Latvia. As such he was the head of the State Security and of the NKVD (former KGB). Between 1940 and 1953, he is believed to have been actively involved in numerous deportations carried out on behalf of the USSR. Over 100'000 Latvians are believed to have been deported to Siberia, and around 150'000 Lithuanians and Estonians have been forced to exile by this policy....
-
Search for all records in "Latvia"
-
Lebanon
-
August 12, 2010
STRATFOR
Abstract:
We frequently hear concerns from U.S. and Mexican government sources about the Iranian and Hezbollah network in Latin America. They fear that Iran would use Hezbollah to strike targets in the Western Hemisphere and even inside the United States if the United States or Israel were to conduct a military strike against Tehran’s nuclear program. Such concerns are expressed not only by our sources and are relayed not only to us. Nearly every time tensions increase between the United States and Iran, the media report that the Hezbollah threat to the United States is growing. Iran also has a vested interest in playing up the danger posed by Hezbollah and its other militant proxies as it tries to dissuade the United States and Israel from attacking its nuclear facilities.
A close look at Hezbollah reveals a potent capacity to conduct terrorist attacks. The group is certainly more capable and could be far more dangerous than al Qaeda. An examination also reveals that Hezbollah has a robust presence in Latin America and that it uses its network there to smuggle people into the United States, where it has long maintained a presence. A balanced look at Hezbollah, however, shows that, while the threat it poses is real — and serious — that threat is not new and it is not likely to be exercised. There are a number of factors that have limited Hezbollah’s use of its international network for terrorist purposes in recent years. A decision to return to such activity would not be made lightly, or without carefully calculating the cost....
-
August 10, 2010
Council on Foreign Relations
Abstract:
Hezbollah is a Shiite Muslim political group with a militant wing the United States defines as a terrorist organization. The group, which is active in Lebanon, is a major provider of social services, operating schools, hospitals, and agricultural services for thousands of Lebanese Shiites. Hezbollah's political standing was bolstered after a wave of violence in May 2008 prompted Lebanon's lawmakers to compromise with the group. In August 2008, the country's parliament approved a national unity cabinet, giving Hezbollah and its allies veto power with eleven of thirty cabinet seats. In the June 2009 parliamentary elections, Hezbollah lost to Lebanon's ruling, pro-Western "March 14" coalition, reflected in the reduction of its cabinet seats; it retained only two. Hezbollah also operates the al-Manar satellite television channel and broadcast station, which the United States regards as a terrorist entity. Iran-funded Hezbollah backs al-Manar politically and financially so it can continue to broadcast Hezbollah's anti-Western agendas....
-
August 3, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Of all the explanations why calm has prevailed in the Israeli-
Lebanese arena since the end of the 2006 war, the principal
one also should be cause for greatest concern: fear
among the parties that the next confrontation would be far
more devastating and broader in scope. None of the most
directly relevant actors – Israel, Hizbollah, Syria and Iran
– relishes this prospect, so all, for now, are intent on
keeping their powder dry. But the political roots of the
crisis remain unaddressed, the underlying dynamics are
still explosive, and miscalculations cannot be ruled out.
The only truly effective approach is one that would seek
to resume – and conclude – meaningful Israeli-Syrian and
Israeli-Lebanese peace talks. There is no other answer to
the Hizbollah dilemma and, for now, few better ways to
affect Tehran’s calculations. Short of such an initiative,
deeper political involvement by the international community
is needed to enhance communications between the
parties, defuse tensions and avoid costly missteps....
-
May 28, 2010
United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:
In May 2010, Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri undertook his second visit to Damascus in less
than six months, underscoring Beirut’s determination to pursue a rapprochement with Syria.
While last month’s Scud missile crisis catapulted Syria and Lebanon into international headlines
amidst fears of a new war, the quietly evolving ties between Lebanon and Syria could mark a shift
in longstanding regional dynamics.1 These emerging ties reflect the challenges for Lebanon of
resurgent Syrian influence—most dramatically illustrated by the Scud crisis—but also contain
inherent opportunities to turn the page and establish normal state-to-state relations. Several important developments over the past 18 months have defined Lebanon’s changing
relationship with Syria. In particular, three key events help sketch the contours of these evolving ties. First, the establishment of diplomatic ties between Lebanon and Syria in late 2008 was a
historically significant event. It reflected an important, if symbolic, Syrian recognition of Lebanese
sovereignty following Syria’s longstanding refusal to do so.2 Formal diplomatic ties have led to the
exchange of ambassadors and opening of embassies and provided an important opportunity to
establish normal state-to-state relations....
-
May 26, 2010
Al Nakhlah // Tufts University // The Fletcher School Online Journal for Southwest Asia and Islamic Civilization
Abstract:
In the last few years, particularly after the
May 2007 fighting in the Palestinian refugee camp
of Nahr al‐Barid, the threat of al‐Qaeda
establishing a base in Lebanon from which to
wage its global jihad has become a cause for
concern for most of the international community.
This paper will examine to what extent this
concern is justified by tracing the history of Salafi
jihadism in Lebanon and analyzing its future
prospects with an emphasis on the likelihood al‐
Qaeda will choose to open a new front in
Lebanon. The paper concludes with a range of
policy prescriptions intended to help Lebanon
and the international community counter the
growth of al‐Qaeda and Salafi jihadism in general....
-
Search for all records in "Lebanon"
-
Lesotho
-
August 19, 2010
Centre for Conflict Resolution
Abstract:
The Centre for Conflict Resolution (CCR) in Cape Town, South Africa, held a two-day policy seminar
on 19 and 20 May 2008 at Kopanong Hotel and Conference Centre in Johannesburg, South Africa. The experiences and lessons at the local level in South Africa became a vital building block to expand
interventions to the rest of southern Africa, beginning in Lesotho, Swaziland and Zimbabwe. CCR selected the
three countries to inform interventions at the regional level on the basis of a shared common history and similar
governance challenges following transitions to democracy. The Centre’s work aims to bring together key actors
to resolve conflict utilising constructive approaches. To this end, CCR has sought to engage key actors in
government and civil society in long-term capacity and skills-building exercises in order to enhance their
knowledge and practice of constructive conflict management approaches while simultaneously building trust
and confidence between polarised groups. Ultimately, this approach seeks to create opportunities for political
and social dialogue between diverse groups....
-
June 17, 2010
Institute for Security Studies // L'Institut d'Etudes de Sécurité
Abstract:
This monograph contains papers that were presented at the International Conference on Climate Change and Natural Resources Conflicts in Africa, 14–15 May 2009, Entebbe, Uganda, organised by the Environment Security Programme (ESP) of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), Nairobi Office.
The climate change phenomenon is a global concern, which typically threatens the sustainability of the livelihoods of the majority of the population living in the developing countries. Africa, particularly the sub-Saharan region, is likely to be negatively impacted by climate variability and change. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Africa’s vulnerability arises from a combination of many factors, including extreme poverty, a high rate of population increase, frequent natural disasters such as droughts and floods, and agricultural systems (both crop and livestock production) that depend heavily on rainfall. Extreme natural occurrences such as floods and droughts are becoming increasingly frequent and severe. Africa’s high vulnerability to the negative impacts of climate variability and change is also attributed to its low adaptive capacity.
Climate variability and change have further exacerbated the scarcity of natural resources on the African continent, leading to conflicts with regard to access to, and ownership and use of these resources. The scarcity of natural resources is known to trigger competition for the meagre resources available among both individuals and communities, and even institutions, thus affecting human security on the continent....
-
March 12, 2010
International Development Research Centre // Wits University Press
Abstract:
Southern Africa has embarked on one of the world’s most ambitious security co-operation initiatives, seeking to roll out the principles of the United Nations at regional levels. This book examines the triangular relationship between democratisation, the character of democracy and its deficits, and national security practices and perceptions of eleven southern African states. It explores what impact these processes and practices have had on the collaborative security project in the region. Based on national studies conducted by African academics and security practitioners over three years, it includes an examination of the way security is conceived and managed, as well as a comparative analysis of regional security co-operation in the developing world. This book includes: Chapter 1: Democratic Governance and Security: A Conceptual Exploration, by Andre du Pisani; Chapter 2: Comparative Perspectives on Regional Security Co-operation among Developing Countries, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 3: Southern African Security in Historical Perspective, by Abillah H. Omari and Paulino Macaringue; Chapter 4: Botswana, by Mpho G. Molomo, Zibani Maundeni, Bertha Osei-Hwedie, Ian Taylor, and Shelly Whitman; Chapter 5: Lesotho, by Khabele Matlosa; Chapter 6: Mauritius, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 7: Mozambique, by Anicia Lalá; Chapter 8: Namibia, by Bill Lindeke, Phanuel Kaapama, and Leslie Blaauw; Chapter 9: Seychelles, by Anthoni van Nieuwkerk and William M. Bell; Chapter 10: South Africa, by Maxi Schoeman; Chapter 11: Swaziland, by Joseph Bheki Mzizi; Chapter 12: Tanzania Mohammed, by Omar Maundi; Chapter 13: Zambia, by Bizeck Jube Phiri; Chapter 14: Zimbabwe, by Ken D. Manungo; and Chapter 15: Conclusions, by Gavin Cawthra, Khabele Matlosa, and Anthoni van Nieuwkerk....
-
March 4, 2010
MICROCON
Abstract:
Under pressure from the European Union and other donors, many efforts are
undertaken by the Dam Authorities in Lesotho (Lesotho Highlands Development Authority) and
the Lesotho government to put increasing responsibility on the dam-affected communities in
regards to water management and maintenance of water systems as well as to create better
channels of communication for conflict resolution. Although these efforts seem to be well
intended, they often fail in their actual implementation. Therefore, there are several discontents
on the side of the resettlees and the relocatees, which are the subject of (so far) non-violent
conflicts on a local level. The changed situation where resettlees suddenly have to pay for water
and other basic needs is a second area of non-violent conflict. According to the people
interviewed, the conflicts are basically between the authorities and the displacees, in rare cases
between host communities and the displaced people. The third potential area of conflict is the
fragmentation of the water sector within the government, which is tried to be overcome by the
creation of the Water Commission to coordinate all efforts in the water sector. This fragmentation
has of course implications for the communities on the local level. The report strongly argues for
an implementation of an approach to increasingly involve the local communities not only in the
implementation phase but also in the decision-making process in order to achieve greater
effectiveness and sustainability of the water management in Lesotho. It finally suggests the
introduction of a so called “Dam Council for Basotho Participation” (DCBP)....
-
January 7, 2009
Journal of Military and Strategic Studies // Centre for Military and Strategic Studies // University of Calgary
Abstract:
The problem of civilians becoming unintentional victims of landmine detonation in the world today is one that cannot be underestimated in terms of its importance to global and local humanitarian efforts. The human-life and financial costs associated with landmine detonation are paramount, and are being addressed by the Global community via the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping and its associated agency UNMAS (The United Nations Mine Action Service). In terms of human-life cost, the current statistic is that every 28 seconds a person steps on a landmine, resulting in 6500 – 20,000 new casualties per year. These tragic events are happening in at least 84 states, and every world region is affected. It is the intent of this literature review to enlighten the reader in two main topic areas. The first is that of mine action and our understanding of it, with specific regard to what is generally understood to be the most affected continent: Africa. A comprehensive description and discussion of the geo-political status of mine action in Southern Africa and its relation to development will be set out.
The second topic area that will be reviewed is that of predictive GIS modeling, as it applies to mine action. The intent is to put forth the scientific (i.e.: based on peer-reviewed publications) background information that justifies and supports an experiment that will be conducted. The goal, in general lay terms, will be to see whether it is possible to predict with a reasonable, usable, and repeatable amount of accuracy the delineating outlines of where minefields are located in a specific geographical study area. It is hoped that the effort with predictive GIS modeling will yield a technique that is valid for use across a variety of study areas. Having said this, the study area that is the concentration of this review is the region of Southern Africa and it must be acknowledged that the results, if positive, may not be transferrable to different Geo-political regions....
-
Search for all records in "Lesotho"
-
Liberia
-
September 1, 2010
Norwegian Institute of International Affairs // Norsk Utenrikspolitisk Institutt
Abstract:
Rule of law reforms in Liberia over the past five years serve as a clear example of how the international community has failed on this point, as the country’s own practices have been generally neglected in the process. Characteristically, there is little updated information on the customary law and traditional practices of Liberia. In investigating how the international community addresses SGBV in Liberia, we found within the liberal peacekeeping/building paradigm few analytical tools that could be used to gain a solid understanding of the host country ‘from below’. This area of society remains a professional blind-spot and represents a gap in the efforts of the international peacekeeping/-building community to build a sustainable peace in the country....
-
August 23, 2010
The Stanley Foundation
Abstract:
In 2003, more than a decade of civil war had cost more than 250,000 lives, earning Liberia The Economist’s dubious distinction as “the world’s worst place to live.” Seven years later, increasing stability in the country reflects the substantial progress that can be achieved by determined national leadership, active international community engagement, and realistic approaches to post-conflict peacebuilding efforts. Central actors in the immediate post-conflict period reflect on lessons learned from the implementation of Liberian disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration and security sector reform programs. Rooted in the concepts of human security and building basic state institutions, their approaches reveal telling insights with potential resonance across the diverse spectrum of post-conflict experience....
-
July 26, 2010
African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // Conflict Trends Issue #1 2010
Abstract:
The end of the civil war in Liberia in 2003, and the
subsequent free and fair democratic elections of 2005,
signalled the emergence of peace, stability and sustainable
development to the country. reaping benefits from
the cessation of hostilities and the ensuing democratic
environment, Liberians needed to make necessary
adjustments to accommodate decisions stemming the challenges faced by the stakeholders in ensuring
that Liberia gets trained security institutions that are
responsive to the people and are not agents of abuse and
blind state loyalists, as was seen in the past. ssr is a concept that was introduced in international
development discourses in 1998, in a speech delivered
by the ministerial head of the British Department for
International Development (DfID), Clare short. Issues
concerning the building of democratic security institutions
and the need for a viable and comprehensive security
sector had featured earlier in development discourses,
but it was short’s speech and the policies promulgated by
the DfID that made the concept of ssr a relevant concept
in international peace, security and development. since
then, it has been applied to countries emerging from
wars, and nations that are either failing or weak and
fragile. specifically, development donors have argued
that assistance must flow into secured environments and,
as such, the necessary security architecture must be in
place to ensure successful and peaceful implementation
of such development aid. security reform has mainly been
applied to help countries that are transitioning to peace
and rebuilding state institutions....
-
May 19, 2010
United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:
In June 1999 Kosovo came under the interim administration of the United Nations Mission
in Kosovo (UNMIK), which embarked on a program to link disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) of ex-combatants with security sector reform (SSR). Many ex-combatants
processed in DDR were successfully reintegrated into the Kosovo Police Service (KPS).
From the onset, UNMIK mandated that the KPS would consist of at least 50 percent former
Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) members, and ex-KLA members viewed the KPS as a source of
well-paying jobs and a path to a meaningful career. This strategy of moving ex-combatants
into the new security sector proved effective, with few instances of confrontations between
ex-KLA members and other recruits. It also helped eliminate partisan loyalties to individual
politicians and political factions by creating a police force with a strong national and professional
identity.
Similarly, in Liberia, after fourteen years of brutal civil war, the question of what to do
with the many combatants who still wandered the countryside with weapons was significant
and specifically addressed in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), signed in 2003 by
all warring parties. The DDR program there, conducted by the United Nations Mission in
Liberia (UNMIL), disarmed and demobilized over 100,000 ex-combatants, including some
11,000 child soldiers. UNMIL was also responsible for the SSR of all civilian security organizations,
such as the Liberian National Police. Simultaneously, the United States was in
charge of demobilizing and reintegrating Liberia’s armed forces after the reconstitution of
the military and ministry of defense....
-
May 12, 2010
International Center for Transitional Justice
Abstract:
The Liberia Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) released its final report in December 2009 after
more than three years of operations. The TRC process has proved controversial from the start. It was born out of a compromise at the peace
negotiation table: Liberia’s warring factions favored it as a way of avoiding prosecutions; criminal accountability
was preferred by some in Liberia’s civil society. The final report is innovative in several areas,
especially in its attempts to detail violations against women and children, as well as in its documentation
of economic crimes. But, while the TRC reached a broad swathe of the Liberian population, including
diaspora communities mainly in the United States (U.S.), the report itself is fraught with weaknesses.
Many of the challenges the TRC faced in its operation, namely limited technical capacity, poorly coordinated
programming, and disharmony among its commissioners, are reflected in the commission’s final
report, which lacks evidentiary data, coherence between and within sections, specificity, and the unanimous
support of all commissioners, two of whom refused to endorse it. Because of a lack of transparency and respect for due process in the TRC’s procedures, the International
Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) has serious reservations about how the recommendations on prosecutions
and lustration were arrived at and thus questions their validity going forward. Despite the TRC’s report’s deficiencies, it remains essential that Liberia’s government and its people—including
Liberia’s vibrant human rights community, as well as its key international partners—take steps to
overcome its limitations. The report does deal with important questions around justice, accountability,
and reconciliation that are critical to the country’s future. It is against this background that this ICTJ report reviews the TRC process, examines its final report, and
suggests a number of steps to be taken by the government, Liberia’s civil society, and external partners.
These suggestions are designed to respond to the opportunities presented by the TRC report and to
address the shortcomings of its transitional justice recommendations. ICTJ offers these proposals as a
general roadmap on what actors can do in the short-term to begin the process of moving forward with
further transitional justice efforts....
-
Search for all records in "Liberia"
-
Libya
-
June 24, 2010
Amnesty International
Abstract:
'Libya of Tomorrow': What Hope for Human Rights? documents floggings used as punishment for adultery, indefinite detentions and abuses of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers as well as the legacy of unresolved cases of enforced disappearances of dissidents. Meanwhile, the security forces remain immune from the consequences of their actions. On the other hand, thousands of
individuals are completely outside the protection of the law and continue to suffer in silence
and isolation, seeing little hope in the “Libya of tomorrow”, a slogan frequently repeated by
Saif al-Islam al-Gaddafi. Human rights violations continue to be widespread in Libya, particularly targeted at certain
groups. These include individuals seen as critical of the authorities or the principles of the al-Fateh Revolution which brought Colonel Mu’ammar al-Gaddafi to power over 40 years ago;
individuals deemed to be a security threat; and individuals believed to be irregular migrants
and other foreign nationals, particularly from Sub-Saharan Africa. Such individuals frequently
find themselves outside the protection of the law and have little opportunity to seek justice or
redress. This report provides Amnesty International’s assessment of the
human rights situation in Libya....
-
April 8, 2010
Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung // Heinrich Böll Foundation
Abstract:
[...] The implementation of the CPA has often been delayed and was marred by a lack
of trust between its signatories: the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s
Liberation Movement (SPLM). As a consequence, the agreement has largely failed
to realize democratic transformation and to make the unity of the country attractive.
Instead, political tensions in the run-up to the elections indicate that older
conflicts still persist, and that the referendum will only reconfigure challenges.
The already fragile situation could easily trigger a new outbreak of violence.
It is therefore of the utmost urgency to prepare for the post-CPA period in
Sudan. In discussions about the future of the country, and in the day-to-day
business of diplomats and international observers, the perspective beyond 2011
has only recently started to receive attention. Not all events of the coming years
are fully predictable, of course. Yet it is possible to delineate potential scenarios,
and to identify the political options they open up for different actors.
The Heinrich Böll Foundation, which has been working both with civil
society partners in Sudan and on Sudan-related issues in the German context,
has put together this publication in order to reflect on such scenarios. [...]...
-
March 3, 2010
Freedom House
Abstract:
As the governments of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) undertake the difficult process of enacting social and political change, the unequal status of women presents a particularly formidable challenge. In Iraq, deliberations over women's legal status have been as contentious as negotiations over how to structure the government. In Jordan, measures to increase penalties for so-called honor crimes faced strong resistance by ultraconservative parliamentarians and ordinary citizens who believe that tradition and religion afford them the right to severely punish and even murder female relatives for behavior they deem immoral. These debates are not just legal and philosophical struggles among elites. They are emotionally charged political battles that touch upon fundamental notions of morality and social order.
In order to provide a detailed look at the conditions faced by women in the Middle East and understand the complex environment surrounding efforts to improve their status, Freedom House conducted a comprehensive study of women's rights in the region. The first edition of this project was published in 2005. The present edition offers an updated examination of the issue, with a special focus on changes that have occurred over the last five years. Although the study indicates that a substantial deficit in women's rights persists in every country in the MENA region, the findings also include notable progress, particularly in terms of economic opportunities, educational attainment, and political participation....
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
November 30, 2009
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:
Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, established in January 2007, is the latest
in a long line of Algerian jihadi groups. Like many terrorist organizations,
AQIM enjoys global media exposure on activist Internet sites, but unlike other
al-Qaeda franchises, it has managed to maintain its indigenous leadership. The
group has become known for fearsome suicide attacks, which were previously
unheard of in Algeria, but has failed to incorporate the jihadi outfi ts from
neighboring Morocco and Tunisia. AQIM has therefore focused on the northern
Sahara, carving out safe havens and threatening weak government forces,
fi rst in Mauritania, and now increasingly in Mali.
At the outset, AQIM’s global strategy was based on the triangular dynamic
of the Middle East (where Iraq serves as a magnet for potential recruits),
North Africa (where the group functions as a regional jihadi recruiting hub),
and Europe (where it pursues aggressive propaganda against the French and
Spanish “Crusaders”). The demise of al-Qaeda in Iraq jeopardized this grand
design, undermining AQIM’s capabilities on both sides of the Mediterranean,
but although it primarily targets Western “Crusaders” in its own Algerian and
Saharan environment, AQIM remains wedded to a global agenda.
The threat of AQIM must be contained, and hopefully, ultimately eradicated.
Algeria and the other targeted states have a long record of fi ghting similar
jihadi networks, but they cannot confront transnational movements without
international cooperation. To address this threat, regional security organizations
can enhance much-needed bilateral exchanges among law enforcement
and intelligence agencies. Additionally, the countries implementing the UN
global strategy against terrorism should focus considerable attention on North
Africa and the Sahel, where the threat is on the rise, but not yet out of control....
-
Search for all records in "Libya"
-
Liechtenstein
-
June 8, 2006
International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights
Abstract:
The human rights situation deteriorated in numerous former Soviet republics. Independent
human rights monitoring groups, including several affiliates of the IHF, came under
attack. The Russian Federation, Belarus, and the Central Asian regimes promulgated
new legislation or changed their practices to allow these states arbitrarily to restrict the activities
of nongovernmental organizations. The leaders of the Belarusian Helsinki Committee
faced fabricated criminal charges, and in January 2006, state-controlled Russian media
falsely implicated the Moscow Helsinki Group in espionage....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers - spun with the collaboration or tolerance of Council of Europe member states, the Legal Affairs Committee of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) said today. In a draft resolution adopted at a meeting in Paris, based on a report by Dick Marty (Switzerland, ALDE), the committee said hundreds of persons had become entrapped in this web - in some cases when they were merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation. The parliamentarians said this knowing collusion of member states took several different forms, including secretly detaining a person on European territory, capturing a person and handing them over to the US or permitting unlawful "renditions" through their airspace or across their territory. "It# has now been demonstrated incontestably, by numerous well-documented and convergent facts, that secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers involving European countries have taken place, such as to require in-depth inquiries and urgent responses by the executive and legislative branches of all the countries concerned," the committee said. The committee called on Council of Europe member states to review bilateral agreements signed with the United States, particularly those on the status of US forces stationed in Europe, to ensure they conformed fully to international human rights norms. The report is due for debate by the plenary Assembly - which brings together 630 parliamentarians from the 46 Council of Europe member states - in Strasbourg on 27 June 2006....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States of America finds that neither the classic instruments of criminal law and procedure, nor the framework of the laws of war (including respect for the Geneva Conventions) has been apt to address the terrorist threat. As a result it has introduced new legal concepts, such as "enemy combatant" and "rendition", which were previously unheard of in international law and stand contrary to the basic legal principles that prevail on our continent. Thus, across the world, the United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers, often encompassing countries notorious for their use of torture. Hundreds of persons have become entrapped in this web, in some cases merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation....
-
October 21, 2004
HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco
Abstract:
-
September 20, 2004
Protection Project // School of Advanced International Studies // Johns Hopkins University
Abstract:
-
Search for all records in "Liechtenstein"
-
Lithuania
-
December 10, 2008
International Centre for Migration Policy Development
Abstract:
A Survey and Analysis of Border Management and Border Apprehension Data from 20 States.
With a Special Survey on the Use of Counterfeit Documents.
Based on the contributions of the border services of 20 Central and Eastern European states, the 2006 Yearbook again provides its valuable overview and analysis of irregular migration trends in the region. Over the past ten years the annual Yearbook on Illegal Migration, Human Smuggling and Trafficking in Central and Eastern Europe has come to be regarded as an authoritative source of information on recent border trends and in particular on the phenomena of illegal migration, human smuggling and trafficking. The annual Yearbook covers the most recent trends in illegal migration and human smuggling in the region, including long-term trends in border apprehensions, shifts in source, transit and destination countries, demographic characteristics of irregular migrants, the relationship between legal and illegal border crossings, new developments in the methods of border crossings and document abuse and on removals of irregular migrants. In addition, this year’s edition for the first time features a Special Survey on the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes. This Survey is based on the contributions received from document specialists or Special Units dealing with document security in the countries under review and provides the first comprehensive overview and analysis of patterns and trends in the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes in Central and Eastern Europe....
-
September 8, 2008
Amnesty International
Abstract:
This bulletin contains information about Amnesty International’s main concerns in Europe and
Central Asia between July and December 2007. Not every country in the region is reported on; only
those where there were significant developments in the period covered by the bulletin, or where
Amnesty International (AI) took specific action.
A number of individual country reports have been issued on the concerns featured in this bulletin.
References to these are made under the relevant country entry. In addition, more detailed
information about particular incidents or concerns may be found in Urgent Actions and News
Service Items issued by AI.
This bulletin is published by AI every six months....
-
October 4, 2007
Track Impunity Always
Abstract:
Kirilas Kurakinas was born around 1922. A former official of the Soviet Lithuania's People's Commissariat of internal affairs (NKVD, a predecessor of the KGB), he and two other persons of the People's protection brigade (cf. "ramifications"), have allegedly participated in the murder of a Lithuanian family in hiding from the Soviet Army in 1945. It is alleged that the three of them burned Leopoldas Gaidys's house, killing four people including his pregnant wife and six-month-old child.
-
October 4, 2007
Track Impunity Always
Abstract:
Petras Bartasevicius was born around 1923. A former member of the Soviet Lithuania's People's Commissariat of internal affairs (NKVD, a predecessor of the KGB), he and two other persons of the People's protection brigade (cf. "ramifications"), have allegedly participated in the murder of a Lithuanian family in hiding from the Soviet Army in 1945. It is alleged that the three of them burned Leopoldas Gaidys's house, killing four people including his pregnant wife and six-month-old child.
-
October 4, 2007
Track Impunity Always
Abstract:
Jouzas Sakalys was born around 1923. A former member of the Soviet Lithuania's People's Commissariat of internal affairs (NKVD, a predecessor of the KGB), he and two other persons of the People's protection brigade (cf. "ramifications"), have allegedly participated in the murder of a Lithuanian family in hiding from the Soviet Army in 1945. It is alleged that the three of them burned Leopoldas Gaidys's house, killing four people including his pregnant wife and six-month-old child.
-
Search for all records in "Lithuania"
-
Luxembourg
-
March 31, 2008
Foreign Policy
Abstract:
Thousands of international troops remain in Afghanistan, but some members of this coalition are more willing than others. FP looks at whose militaries are pulling their weight—and who could do far more.
-
January 7, 2008
Centre for European Reform
Abstract:
President Sarkozy has recently said that France may re-integrate into NATO's military command. This abrupt change in French policy opens doors to a much-needed improvement in EU-NATO relations. The two institutions have been barely co-operating on important missions like Kosovo, which leaves Europe ill-prepared for security challenges on its borders. But for the EU and NATO to really turn a corner, the UK must first agree with France how independent from the US, Europe's defences should become. The US will need to give France command posts in NATO, and Turkey will have to drop its opposition to Cyprus' co-operation with the alliance....
-
June 8, 2006
International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights
Abstract:
The human rights situation deteriorated in numerous former Soviet republics. Independent
human rights monitoring groups, including several affiliates of the IHF, came under
attack. The Russian Federation, Belarus, and the Central Asian regimes promulgated
new legislation or changed their practices to allow these states arbitrarily to restrict the activities
of nongovernmental organizations. The leaders of the Belarusian Helsinki Committee
faced fabricated criminal charges, and in January 2006, state-controlled Russian media
falsely implicated the Moscow Helsinki Group in espionage....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers - spun with the collaboration or tolerance of Council of Europe member states, the Legal Affairs Committee of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) said today. In a draft resolution adopted at a meeting in Paris, based on a report by Dick Marty (Switzerland, ALDE), the committee said hundreds of persons had become entrapped in this web - in some cases when they were merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation. The parliamentarians said this knowing collusion of member states took several different forms, including secretly detaining a person on European territory, capturing a person and handing them over to the US or permitting unlawful "renditions" through their airspace or across their territory. "It# has now been demonstrated incontestably, by numerous well-documented and convergent facts, that secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers involving European countries have taken place, such as to require in-depth inquiries and urgent responses by the executive and legislative branches of all the countries concerned," the committee said. The committee called on Council of Europe member states to review bilateral agreements signed with the United States, particularly those on the status of US forces stationed in Europe, to ensure they conformed fully to international human rights norms. The report is due for debate by the plenary Assembly - which brings together 630 parliamentarians from the 46 Council of Europe member states - in Strasbourg on 27 June 2006....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States of America finds that neither the classic instruments of criminal law and procedure, nor the framework of the laws of war (including respect for the Geneva Conventions) has been apt to address the terrorist threat. As a result it has introduced new legal concepts, such as "enemy combatant" and "rendition", which were previously unheard of in international law and stand contrary to the basic legal principles that prevail on our continent. Thus, across the world, the United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers, often encompassing countries notorious for their use of torture. Hundreds of persons have become entrapped in this web, in some cases merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation....
-
Search for all records in "Luxembourg"
-
Macedonia
-
February 16, 2010
Institute for Public Policy Research
Abstract:
The break-up of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) was followed by a series of bloody and protracted conflicts. Throughout the 1990s the Balkans were engulfed by inter-ethnic violence of such a magnitude as to prompt unprecedented international intervention in the region. In contrast to its neighbours, however, and despite the hostility of its surroundings, Macedonia escaped the conflict of the post-Cold War decade. Moreover, although the country suffered a violent inter-ethnic crisis in 2001, it has made substantial progress over the past eight years to the extent that Macedonia now stands at the gateway to both the European Union and NATO.
That Macedonia has made the transition from Yugoslav republic to independent state relatively smoothly is due in no small part to the sustained preventive engagement of international actors in the country. Of course, some substantial challenges still remain and the country has not, as yet, emerged from the shadow of the 2001 conflict. Nonetheless, the range of activities undertaken by the international community in Macedonia since its independence has no doubt helped to prevent protracted violent conflict from taking hold.
This report presents a rundown and analysis of conflict prevention in Macedonia. First, however, it presents a brief overview of background material on the country for the reader not familiar with Macedonia and its circumstances....
-
July 8, 2009
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The Security Council today extended the terms of the judges serving on the United Nations war crimes tribunals set up to deal with the 1994 Rwandan genocide and the Balkan conflicts of the 1990s, so they can complete remaining cases by the deadline set for the courts’ work.
The Council, in two separate resolutions that were adopted unanimously, urged both tribunals “to take all possible measures to complete their work expeditiously,” and expressed its determination to support their efforts in this regard.
The so-called “completion strategy” of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), which is based in The Hague, requires it to finish trials of first instance by 2009, and then start downsizing in 2010.
Among the decisions taken today, the Council extended the term of office of eight permanent judges at the ICTY and 10 ad litem, or temporary, judges until 31 December 2010, or until the completion of the cases to which they are assigned.
In addition, the Council decided, on the request of the President of the ICTY, that the Secretary-General may appoint additional temporary judges to complete existing trials or conduct additional trials....
-
April 7, 2009
Foreign Policy in Focus
Abstract:
It has been 10 years since the U.S.-led war on Yugoslavia. For many leading Democrats, including some in top positions in the Obama administration, it was a "good" war, in contrast to the Bush administration's "bad" war on Iraq. And though the suffering and instability unleashed by the 1999 NATO military campaign wasn't as horrific as the U.S. invasion of Iraq four years later, the war was nevertheless unnecessary and illegal, and its political consequences are far from settled.
Unless there's a willingness to critically re-examine the war, the threat of another war in the name of liberal internationalism looms large....
-
April 6, 2009
Forced Migration Review // University of Oxford // Refugee Studies Centre
Abstract:
Forced Migration Review (FMR) provides a
forum for the regular exchange of practical
experience, information and ideas between
researchers, refugees and internally
displaced people, and those who work with
them. It is published in English, Arabic,
Spanish and French by the Refugee Studies
Centre of the Oxford Department of
International Development, University
of Oxford. This issue focuses on 'Statelessness'. A ‘stateless person’ is someone who is not recognised as a national by any state.
They therefore have no nationality or citizenship (terms used interchangeably in
this issue) and are unprotected by national legislation, leaving them vulnerable
in ways that most of us never have to consider. The possible consequences of
statelessness are profound and touch on all aspects of life. It may not be possible
to work legally, own property or open a bank account. Stateless people may be
easy prey for exploitation as cheap labour. They are often not permitted to attend
school or university, may be prohibited from getting married and may not be able to
register births and deaths. Stateless people can neither vote nor access the national
justice system....
-
January 6, 2009
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The Security Council today called on the United Nations war crimes tribunals dealing with the 1994 Rwanda genocide and the Balkans conflicts of the 1990s to conduct their trials as quickly and efficiently as possible, and pledged to support their efforts to complete their work.
The 15-member body noted with concern “that the deadline for completion of trial activities at first instance has not been met and that the Tribunals have indicated that their work is not likely to end in 2010,” in a statement read out by Ambassador Neven Juric of Croatia, which holds the Council Presidency for the month of December....
-
Search for all records in "Macedonia"
-
Madagascar
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
February 4, 2010
United Nations Children's Fund
Abstract:
The Humanitarian Action Report is UNICEF's only publication dealing specifically with the needs of children and women in emergencies. It spotlights crises that require exceptional support, and additional funding, to save lives and protect children from harm in an increasingly challenging humanitarian environment.
This year's report – subtitled 'Partnering for children in emergencies' – says the world is seeing crises exacerbated by larger trends, such as climate change and the international financial downturn, that are beyond the capacity of any one agency to address.
The report appeals for nearly $1.2 billion in international donor funding for emergency-response efforts in 28 countries covering six regions – from Eastern Europe to Africa to Asia to Latin America. The funding will be used to support a greater emphasis on emergency preparedness, early warning, disaster risk reduction and rapid recovery....
-
May 11, 2009
United Nations Office of the Resident Coordinator Madagascar
Abstract:
Since January 2009, Madagascar has been experiencing serious political unrest, characterized by sporadic demonstrations and violence in the capital city of Antananarivo and other main urban centres. As of 5 May, some 1,332 casualties, including 191 fatalities, have been recorded in hospitals by WHO. The situation has provoked a climate of fear and uncertainty, leading to a rise in unemployment in key sectors, as well as disruptions in social services. In addition, a number of aid projects throughout the country have been experiencing delays due to difficulties of access and implementation. Certain development projects have had to be put on hold as funding is no longer guaranteed. Aid flows to the public sector have been severely cut by the decision of almost all donors to suspend their disbursements following the change in government on 17 March 2009.
Political uncertainties are compounding the effects of the already difficult global financial situation in Madagascar. According to a World Bank report, preliminary estimates indicate that GDP growth rate is likely to be negative in 2009 – down from a pre-crisis projection of 7.5%. This negative impact is expected to emerge through a combination of two forces: (i) the slow-down of private activities in the industrial and service sectors, and (ii) fiscal adjustment of public spending.
Following a period of fluctuation, the prices of basic commodities have stabilized, although at a higher level for staples such as oil and sugar. Availability does not appear to be problematic at present. At the time of writing – at beginning of the harvest season - the price of rice has decreased from earlier peaks. Nevertheless, overall inflation increased by 1.9% in February 2009, and by 10.3% year-onyear. The most significant increases were observed in housing, water and electricity....
-
March 2, 2009
United Nations Human Rights Council
Abstract:
This report is submitted in accordance with Human Rights Council resolution 6/32 and covers the period May to December 2008. It first addresses three thematic issues: the status of the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement (Guiding Principles) 10 years after their submission to the Commission on Human Rights; the protection of persons displaced by natural disaster; and the inclusion of the issue of internal displacement and the people it affects in peace processes. The second part of this report addresses the country mission to Georgia of the Representative of the Secretary-General on the human rights of internally displaced persons, his working visits to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia, Honduras, Kenya, Madagascar, Mozambique, Sri Lanka and Timor-Leste, and other activities supporting constructive dialogue with Governments and intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations involved in the response to internal displacement....
-
November 14, 2008
International Peace Institute
Abstract:
IPI is pleased to introduce a new series of working papers on regional capacities to respond to security
challenges in Africa. The broad range of United Nations, African Union, and subregional peacekeeping,
peacemaking, and peacebuilding initiatives in Africa underscore a new sense of multilayered partnership in the
search for the peaceful resolution of conflicts in Africa. As the total number of conflicts on the continent has
been significantly reduced in the past decade, there is widespread recognition of the opportunities for a more
stable and peaceful future for Africa. But there is also a profound awareness of the fragility of recent peace
agreements, whether in Kenya, Liberia, or Côte d’Ivoire. Furthermore, continued violence in the Sudan, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Zimbabwe; the long absence of a viable central government in Somalia;
and continued tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea—to name only a few cases—reflect the legacy of
unresolved historic disputes and ongoing power struggles...The southern African region is now
generally defined in political terms as
those countries that are members of the
Southern African Development
Community (SADC) (the geographic
definition is usually somewhat more
limited). Currently there are fifteen
member states of the SADC: Angola,
Botswana, the Democratic Republic of the
Congo (DRC), Lesotho, Madagascar,
Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique,
Namibia, the Seychelles, South Africa,
Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and
Zimbabwe.
These countries are disparate in many
ways: they vary greatly in size, population,
and levels of economic growth, and
include some of the poorest countries in
the world, but also some of the richest in
Africa. Six of them are landlocked; two of
them are Indian Ocean islands. They
share a common history of colonization—variously
involving French, British, Belgian, and German
imperial powers—and this continues to impact
significantly on the nature of governance and
politics in the region. Many, but not all, of the
countries of the region experienced periods of
European settler colonialism, resulting in armed
liberation struggles for independence. Several of
them also endured apartheid or various forms of
racial segregation and oppression as a result of that
history of settler colonialism.
Conflict and war has marked the region considerably,
particularly conflicts over apartheid and
colonialism, which engulfed most of southern
Africa and led to millions of deaths. Angola and
Mozambique suffered further from post-independence
civil wars, fueled in part by South Africa and
Rhodesia. After a bloody civil war following the
collapse of Mobutu Sese-Seko’s authoritarian
regime in the DRC in the second half of the 1990s,
however, the region is, for the first time in forty
years, almost completely at peace, except for
residual conflicts in the east of the DRC.
Nevertheless, there remain profound threats to
human and state security, many of them fueled by
poverty, marginalization, and the weakness of
states....
-
Search for all records in "Madagascar"
-
Malawi
-
August 18, 2010
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees // Policy Development and Evaluation Service
Abstract:
This review examines the response of UNHCR and other stakeholders to three distinct
but interrelated mixed migratory movements that are currently taking place to and
within southern Africa. First, a movement of people from the Horn of Africa to South
Africa, generally transiting through Kenya, Tanzania, Malawi, Mozambique and, to
some extent, Zimbabwe; second, a movement of people from the Great Lakes region
of Africa (Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda) to South Africa, a
proportion of whom are also taking up residence in Malawi and Mozambique; and
third, the large-scale departure of Zimbabwean citizens from their country of origin,
the majority of them also moving to South Africa. The
second chapter of the report focuses on the irregular movement of people to and
through Malawi and Mozambique. The chapter examines the way in which the
journey is organized, the protection risks encountered by those engaged in this
movement, as well as the challenges that it has posed for UNHCR and the two states
concerned.
The report draws attention to the fact many of the refugees involved in this
movement, especially those from the Horn of Africa, have their own notion of
protection - one that does not correspond to UNHCR’s traditional approach to the
issue of asylum. Chapter 3 of the report analyzes the much larger movement of people from
Zimbabwe to South Africa, an influx that continues at a rapid rate, despite the recent
political and economic changes that have taken place in their country of origin and
despite the xenophobic violence that continues to threaten foreign nationals living in
South Africa. The fourth chapter of the report provides a more detailed account of the way that
UNHCR, the authorities, regional organizations, civil society and other actors have
responded to the large-scale mixed migration that South Africa has experienced in
recent years....
-
June 18, 2009
Small Arms Survey // Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva // Institute for Security Studies
Abstract:
In a region apparently awash with weapons and plagued with rising levels of
armed crime, Malawi is a welcome exception to these characteristics. In early
2007 there were only 9,320 legally registered firearms in Malawi excluding
those used by the security forces, compared to just under 87,000 in Zambia and nearly 4 million in South Africa. Though a country of an estimated 13 million people,
in the 5 years between 1996 and 2000 Malawi suffered just 2,161 reported
cases of armed robbery. For 2005
the figure was 316 and for 2004 it was 263, according to figures provided by the
Malawi Police Service (MPS). Even leaving aside South Africa, where there were
119,726 recorded cases of aggravated robbery in 2006, Malawi’s
armed crime statistics still compare favourably with the rest of the region. In
neighbouring Zambia, for example, where there is a population of only 10
million people, there were 3,168 reported cases of armed robbery in the 5 years
between 1998 and 2002....
-
January 7, 2009
Journal of Military and Strategic Studies // Centre for Military and Strategic Studies // University of Calgary
Abstract:
The problem of civilians becoming unintentional victims of landmine detonation in the world today is one that cannot be underestimated in terms of its importance to global and local humanitarian efforts. The human-life and financial costs associated with landmine detonation are paramount, and are being addressed by the Global community via the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping and its associated agency UNMAS (The United Nations Mine Action Service). In terms of human-life cost, the current statistic is that every 28 seconds a person steps on a landmine, resulting in 6500 – 20,000 new casualties per year. These tragic events are happening in at least 84 states, and every world region is affected. It is the intent of this literature review to enlighten the reader in two main topic areas. The first is that of mine action and our understanding of it, with specific regard to what is generally understood to be the most affected continent: Africa. A comprehensive description and discussion of the geo-political status of mine action in Southern Africa and its relation to development will be set out.
The second topic area that will be reviewed is that of predictive GIS modeling, as it applies to mine action. The intent is to put forth the scientific (i.e.: based on peer-reviewed publications) background information that justifies and supports an experiment that will be conducted. The goal, in general lay terms, will be to see whether it is possible to predict with a reasonable, usable, and repeatable amount of accuracy the delineating outlines of where minefields are located in a specific geographical study area. It is hoped that the effort with predictive GIS modeling will yield a technique that is valid for use across a variety of study areas. Having said this, the study area that is the concentration of this review is the region of Southern Africa and it must be acknowledged that the results, if positive, may not be transferrable to different Geo-political regions....
-
November 14, 2008
International Peace Institute
Abstract:
IPI is pleased to introduce a new series of working papers on regional capacities to respond to security
challenges in Africa. The broad range of United Nations, African Union, and subregional peacekeeping,
peacemaking, and peacebuilding initiatives in Africa underscore a new sense of multilayered partnership in the
search for the peaceful resolution of conflicts in Africa. As the total number of conflicts on the continent has
been significantly reduced in the past decade, there is widespread recognition of the opportunities for a more
stable and peaceful future for Africa. But there is also a profound awareness of the fragility of recent peace
agreements, whether in Kenya, Liberia, or Côte d’Ivoire. Furthermore, continued violence in the Sudan, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Zimbabwe; the long absence of a viable central government in Somalia;
and continued tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea—to name only a few cases—reflect the legacy of
unresolved historic disputes and ongoing power struggles...The southern African region is now
generally defined in political terms as
those countries that are members of the
Southern African Development
Community (SADC) (the geographic
definition is usually somewhat more
limited). Currently there are fifteen
member states of the SADC: Angola,
Botswana, the Democratic Republic of the
Congo (DRC), Lesotho, Madagascar,
Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique,
Namibia, the Seychelles, South Africa,
Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and
Zimbabwe.
These countries are disparate in many
ways: they vary greatly in size, population,
and levels of economic growth, and
include some of the poorest countries in
the world, but also some of the richest in
Africa. Six of them are landlocked; two of
them are Indian Ocean islands. They
share a common history of colonization—variously
involving French, British, Belgian, and German
imperial powers—and this continues to impact
significantly on the nature of governance and
politics in the region. Many, but not all, of the
countries of the region experienced periods of
European settler colonialism, resulting in armed
liberation struggles for independence. Several of
them also endured apartheid or various forms of
racial segregation and oppression as a result of that
history of settler colonialism.
Conflict and war has marked the region considerably,
particularly conflicts over apartheid and
colonialism, which engulfed most of southern
Africa and led to millions of deaths. Angola and
Mozambique suffered further from post-independence
civil wars, fueled in part by South Africa and
Rhodesia. After a bloody civil war following the
collapse of Mobutu Sese-Seko’s authoritarian
regime in the DRC in the second half of the 1990s,
however, the region is, for the first time in forty
years, almost completely at peace, except for
residual conflicts in the east of the DRC.
Nevertheless, there remain profound threats to
human and state security, many of them fueled by
poverty, marginalization, and the weakness of
states....
-
October 23, 2008
Norwegian People's Aid
Abstract:
Humanitarian mine action refers to activities undertaken to reduce the effect caused by land-mines and other explosive remnants of war in terms of social, economic and environmental impact of mines. The objective is the reduction of risk to a level where people can live safely and where economic, social, and health development can occur without hindrance from land-mines. This report documents how Norwegian People's Aid (NPA) are working in humanitarian mine action. Case studies are presented include Bosnia Herzegovina, Cambodia and Croatia, Ethiopia and Iraq and Malawi.
The document recommends that the mine action community needs to develop, implement and standardise new globally accepted methods and approaches to de-mining. Full mine and battle area clearance is costly and time consuming; hence such activities should be a last option, only to be used when the presence of land-mines and/or explosive remnants of war has been confirmed by technical survey. The immediate objective of mine action programmes should be to release land suspected to be hazardous as cost efficiently as possible and with a quality that meets the requirements of international and national mine action standards. NPA believes that land can be released through three different actions:
* cancellation: the process in which an area is released based on information gathered and analysis only
* reduction: the process in which one or more mine clear- ance tools have been used to gather information about the presence/absence of mines
* clearance: "full clearance" according to International and National Standards for Mine Action....
-
Search for all records in "Malawi"
-
Malaysia
-
June 15, 2010
National War College Review // United States Naval War College
Abstract:
TheMalacca Strait is a narrow waterway that extends nearly six hundred nauticalmiles
fromthe Andaman Sea to the South China Sea, betweenMalaysia
and Indonesia. The strait provides a vital shipping lane for vessels sailing from
Europe and the Middle East to East Asia, as well as smaller vessels on local voyages.
Unfortunately, when we think of the Malacca Strait, images of a waterway
infested with pirates often spring to mind.
While this image could arguably have been justified in the past, it is now rather
outdated. According to the International Maritime Bureau (IMB), which produces
quarterly and annual reports on piracy and
armed robbery against ships, there were only three successful
and four attempted attacks by pirates on shipping
in the Malacca Strait in 2007. While piracy has certainly been a concern in the waterway
in the past,with reported attacks reaching seventy-five in 2000, the number
of cases has been falling since 2005, largely as a result of a number of countermeasures
introduced by the three littoral states of Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia.
This decrease in attacks was achieved despite a 10 percent increase in
cases worldwide.
This article will discuss the reduction in pirate attacks in the Malacca Strait
and how the attacks themselves have changed over the last decade. Themeasures
attributed to the reduction will then be discussed, as well as the underlying principles
and attitudes that have shaped these initiatives. Particular attention will
be given as to how the issue of sovereignty, a principle of utmost importance in
Southeast Asia, has impactedmultilateral and bilateral cooperative efforts to address
the transnational problem of piracy, including a series of International
Maritime Organization (IMO) meetings convened to tackle pressing issues affecting
the safety and security of shipping in theMalacca Strait. The conclusions
will make recommendations regarding issues that require further action....
-
June 15, 2010
United States Naval War College // Newport Papers
Abstract:
Beginning in the early 1980s,
commercial shipping became a prime target of pirates, first off West Africa and then
slowly spreading into Southeast Asia. Throughout the 1990s, and especially after the
Soviet Union’s collapse, piracy increased dramatically. Reports of piracy tripled during
1991–2001: of 335 reported cases in 2001, ninety-one were in waters claimed by Indonesia,
twenty-seven by India, twenty-five by Bangladesh, nineteen by Malaysia, eight by
Vietnam, and eight by the Philippines; another seventeen reported attacks occurred in
the Malacca Strait, bordering on Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. This monograph is intended as a contribution to both scholarship and professional
naval thinking; it is an academic and comparative examination of twelve selected case
studies from maritime history used to illuminate a range of concepts and uses of piracy
suppression. The twelve case studies provide the basis for the conclusions, an approach
that provides a more thorough understanding of the uses and limitations of naval
antipiracy operations in the context of new maritime technologies and within a wider
range of modern national policy goals than might otherwise be achievable. Above all,
this collection provides a sound basis for comparative analysis of varying historical
experiences that can stimulate new and original thinking about a basic but often
overlooked naval duty....
-
June 8, 2010
European Coalition of Oil in Sudan // Fatal Transactions
Abstract:
From 1983 to 2005, Sudan was torn apart by a civil war
between the Government and Southern armed groups.
Oil was a factor in the outbreak and exacerbated war
from the mid-1990s. This report is concerned with the
injustice perpetrated on victims and the role of oil companies
and their home governments during the oil wars. Between 1997 and 2003, international crimes
were committed on a large scale in what was essentially
a military campaign by the Government of Sudan to
secure and take control of the oil fields in Block 5A. As
documented in this report, they included indiscriminate
attacks and intentional targeting of civilians, burning
of shelters, pillage, destruction of objects necessary
for survival, unlawful killing of civilians, rape of women,
abduction of children, torture, and forced displacement.
Thousands of people died and almost two hundred
thousand were violently displaced. Satellite pictures
taken between 1994 and 2003 show that the Lundin
Consortium’s activities in Block 5A coincided with a
spectacular drop in agricultural land use.
The actual perpetrators of the reported crimes were the
armed forces of the Government of Sudan and a variety
of local armed groups that were either allied to the
Government or its main opponent, the Sudan People’s
Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). Nonetheless, the
evidence presented in this report calls into question the
role played by the oil industry in these events. ECOS believes that Lundin, Petronas and OMV, as a
matter of international law, may have been complicit in
the commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity....
-
March 25, 2010
The NEFA Foundation
Abstract:
This is the third in a series of backgrounders the NEFA Foundation has published on extremist ideologues that take a close look at the personalities, doctrine, scope of influence, and methods of communication of some of the most influential purveyors of radical Islamist ideology to English-speaking audiences. As U.S. law enforcement and intelligence agencies become increasingly concerned about homegrown terrorism at a time when Al-Qaida is actively encouraging American Muslims to commit terrorist acts, understanding the sources of radicalization becomes an essential component of combating the threat. Here, we profile Feiz Muhammad (a.k.a. Feiz Mohammad, Sheik Feiz), an Australian citizen now residing in Malaysia, who has been labeled Australia’s “most dangerous sheikh” due to the number of connections he has to known and suspected terrorists.
Muhammad’s target audience is young Muslims worldwide who feel disaffected and disassociated from local Muslim communities, where mosque clerics show “a lack of interest toward the youth.” His lectures frame the United States as the enemy of all Muslims, including those living in the United States and in other Western countries. Al Qaida’s message is reinforced by radical Islamist figures like Feiz Muhammad, who continually frames the U.S. as the enemy of Muslims, including those who live in the United States. In addition, he calls on Muslims to participate in armed jihad. Muhammad is already perceived as credible by his audience. His credibility will likely rise as he continues to pursue an education in Islam in Malaysia, where he resides currently, and his following will also likely continue to grow as increasing numbers of English-speaking Muslims are exposed to his lectures via the internet....
-
February 16, 2010
Forced Migration Review // University of Oxford // Refugee Studies Centre
Abstract:
The striking fact that for the first time in human history there are now more people living in towns and cities than outside them is not in itself a reason for FMR to be covering urban displacement. Behind that fact, however, lies the multiplicity of reasons why people have been moving into urban environments and the reality that for many of them it is not a matter of choice.
In their introductory articles in this issue of FMR, UN High Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres and UN-HABITAT Executive Director Anna Tibaijuka emphasise the complexity of the challenges faced by those displaced into urban areas and by those seeking to protect and assist them, and argue for the need for a radical rethinking of approaches. The articles that follow address some of the practical and policy issues that urban displaced people face and that affect providers too. They also reflect the diversity of analysis and geography that is to be expected given the global nature of urbanisation....
-
Search for all records in "Malaysia"
-
Maldives
-
June 9, 2009
Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
Abstract:
India's neighbourhood is in considerable turmoil at the
present moment. The instability is likely to continue for the
foreseeable future. India has sought to improve its relations
with neighbouring countries. Regional cooperation is an
important instrument of India's policy towards its
neighbours. The neighbouring countries have also derived
considerable mileage from economic cooperation with India.
This is particularly true of countries like Nepal, Bhutan and
Sri Lanka. Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Maldives and
Bangladesh have held peaceful elections in the recent past.
The upsurge of democracy in South Asia should normally
provide a sound foundation for better relationship between
India and these countries.
However, several challenges remain. There are powerful anti-
India forces in many of our neighbouring countries. Regional
cooperation, particularly in the context of SAARC, has not
made visible difference to the life of the common person in
South Asia. The democratic institutions in India's
neighbourhood are fragile. China is making inroads into
South Asia. India's borders are porous and ill-regulated.
Terrorism, human and arms trafficking, smuggling and
organized crime are rampant. Pakistan uses Nepal and
Bangladesh to launch terrorists into India. Groups like LeT
have presence in even Sri Lanka and Maldives. Maritime
security is a matter of concern for India. It is in this
background that India needs to devise its South Asia policies....
-
May 23, 2009
South Asia Analysis Group
Abstract:
The Election Commission of Maldives has finally announced the provisional but official list of candidates who have won the Parliamentary Elections held on 9th May 2009. The DRP combined with the PA will form a very strong opposition with just 4 seats short for a simple majority. It is expected that it will make it to a majority with some independents who had links with the party earlier.
While I had indicated in my earlier paper that is it is not a major setback to President Nasheed or his party, the very active Maldivian Press thinks that it is otherwise. The Press has not spared the President for going it alone and not with the coalition partners as in the Presidential elections, being arrogant, over confident, threatening to be ruthless etc. These barbs are unjustified.
True, if the MDP had taken along with other alliance partners as in the run off to the Presidential elections, the alliance as such would have got ten more members, thus giving the President and his allies a clear majority.
One welcome development has been the open admission of the deputy leader of the DRP, Thasmeen Ali that the election was free and fair despite some minor issues in some constituencies....
-
February 10, 2009
The Jamestown Foundation
Abstract:
Terrorism Monitor is a publication
of The Jamestown Foundation.
The Terrorism Monitor is
designed to be read by policymakers
and other specialists
yet be accessible to the general
public. The opinions expressed
within are solely those of the
authors and do not necessarily
reflect those of The Jamestown
Foundation.
-
September 4, 2008
German Development Institute
Abstract:
This brief analyzes the condition of statehood in South Asia. The author argues that apart from India, political instability and violent conflicts are frequent and that achieving monopoly of power poses problems for almost every country in South Asia.
In contrast to some other regions, the long-term trend
in South Asia – comprising Afghanistan, Bangladesh,
Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri
Lanka – since 1991 has not been towards more democracy.
The significant exception is India, where democratic
structures are holding their ground. Political instability
and violent conflicts are frequent; achieving a
complete monopoly of power poses problems for almost
every country. Democratic legitimation is demanded
by many people, but in fact democratic, religious and
ideological forms of legitimacy as well as clientelism
exist side by side. While competence for macroeconomic
regulation is growing nearly everywhere, there
are major deficiencies in the areas of security, the legal
system and social welfare in most countries. Economic
growth provides scope for policies of social adjustment
and sustainable development, but they have yet to be
adequately exploited....
-
August 26, 2008
Asian Development Bank Institute
Abstract:
This paper quantifies the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth in Asia for 1970–2004. Our panel estimations show that transnational terrorist attacks had a significant growth-limiting effect. Transnational terrorism reduces growth by crowding in government expenditures. An internal conflict has the greatest growth concern, about twice that of transnational terrorism. For developing Asian countries, intrastate and interstate wars have a much greater impact than terrorism does on the crowding-in of government spending.
Policy recommendations indicate the need for rich Asian countries to assist their poorer neighbors in coping with the negative growth consequences of political violence. Failure to assist may result in region-wide repercussions. Conflict and terrorism in one country can create production bottlenecks with region-wide economic consequences. International and nongovernmental organizations as well as developed Western countries and regions could assist at-risk Asian countries with attack prevention and post-attack recovery.
This study has six purposes. First, and foremost, we present panel estimates for a sample of 42 Asian countries to quantify the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth for 1970–2004. Panel estimation methods control for country-specific and timespecific unobserved heterogeneity. Second, we distinguish the influence of terrorism on economic growth from that of internal and external conflicts. Third, these influences are investigated for cohorts of developed and developing countries to ascertain whether development can better allow a country to absorb the impact of political violence. Fourth, econometric estimations relate violence-induced growth reductions to two pathways— reduced investment and increased government expenditures. Fifth, a host of diagnostic and sensitivity tests to support our empirical specifications. Last, we draw some policy conclusions....
-
Search for all records in "Maldives"
-
Mali
-
June 14, 2010
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:
Since its founding in January 2007, al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM)
has continued the jihadi fi ght begun by its predecessor, the Salafi st Group for
Preaching and Combat (GSPC), against the Algerian government. Algeria’s
ability to contain the jihadis has forced AQIM to develop networks in the
Sahara and to cooperate with smuggling rings there. Its mobile commandos,
already active in Mauritania, now represent a serious security threat in northern
parts of Mali and Niger, where they have abducted Westerners and frequently
clashed with government forces.
Osama bin Laden appears to have no grand plans for Africa. But the
Algerian-run AQIM could help al-Qaeda central incorporate a new generation
of recruits from the Sahel. This jihadi progression south of the Sahara is
limited, but troublesome, especially given a recent offer by AQIM’s leader to
train Muslim militias in Nigeria.
However, the ethno-racial divide within al-Qaeda has kept African recruits
out of leadership roles. AQIM cannot prove its commitment to “Africanized”
jihad without Africanizing at least some of its leadership. Also, AQIM has
partnered throughout the Sahel with criminals, not local salafi movements,
limiting its appeal and preventing it from becoming a revolutionary challenger.
This does not mean deterring AQIM will be easy: Mauritania, Mali, and Niger
are among the world’s poorest states and will require international support to
defuse AQIM’s momentum. Algeria is right to push for regional cooperation
to address the threat, and discreet aid from the West is crucial to help the Sahel
countries regain control of their territory from al-Qaeda forces and prevent the
terror group from taking hold in Africa....
-
June 30, 2009
Escola de Cultura de Pau // School for a Culture of Peace
Abstract:
This fourth edition of the Yearbook on Peace Processes analyses the conflicts in which
negotiations are being held to reach a peace agreement, regardless of whether these negotiations
are formalised, are in the exploratory phases, are bearing fruit or, to the contrary, are stalled or
enmeshed in crisis. It also analyses certain cases in which the negotiations or explorations are
partial, that is, they do not encompass all the armed groups present in the country (as is the case
of Afghanistan and Iraq, for example). The majority of the negotiations are linked to armed
conflicts, but other situations are also analysed in which despite the fact that there are currently
no armed clashes taking place, the parties have yet to reach a permanent agreement to put an end
to the hostilities and disputes still pending. Thus, the negotiations are relevant for preventing the
beginning or resurgence of new armed confrontations.
The way of organising the analysis of almost every case follows a standard pattern, namely: 1) a
brief synopsis of the background of the conflict, with a short description of the armed groups and
the main players participating in the conflict; 2) the lead-up to the peace process; 3) the events
that took place throughout 2007; 4) a table displaying the most noteworthy events in the year in
summarised form; and 5) a list of websites where the conflict can be monitored. At the start of
each country there is a small insert with basic information on the conflict in question; in the
section entitled “Armed Actors” in this insert, the governmental armed forces are not included....
-
May 29, 2009
Global Humanitarian Forum, Geneva
Abstract:
Science is now unequivocal as to the reality of climate change. Human activities, including in
particular emissions of greenhouse gases like carbon dioxide are recognized as its principle cause.
This report clearly shows that climate change is already causing widespread devastation and
suffering around the planet today. Furthermore, even if the international community is able to contain
climate change, over the next decades human society must prepare for more severe climate change
and more dangerous human impacts.
This report documents the full impact of climate change on human society worldwide today.
It covers in specific detail the most critical areas of the global impact of climate change, namely
on food, health, poverty, water, human displacement, and security. The third section of this report
highlights the massive socio-economic implications of those impacts, in particular, that worst
affected are the world’s poorest groups, who cannot be held responsible for the problem. The
final section examines how sustainable development and the Millennium Development Goals are
in serious danger, the pressures this will exert on humanitarian assistance, and the great need to
integrate efforts in adapting to climate change.
Based on verified scientific information, established models, and, where needed, on the best
available estimates, this report represents the most plausible narrative of the human impact of climate
change. It reports in a comprehensive manner the adverse effects people already suffer today due
to climate change within a single volume, encompassing the full spectrum of the most important
impacts evidenced to date.
The findings of report indicate that every year climate change leaves over 300,000 people dead,
325 million people seriously affected, and economic losses of US$125 billion. 4 billion people are
vulnerable, and 500 million people are at extreme risk. These figures represent averages based on
projected trends over many years and carry a significant margin of error. The real numbers could be
lower or higher. The different figures are each explained in more detail and in context in the relevant
sections of the report. Detailed information describing how these figures have been calculated is also
included in the respective sections and in the end matter of the report....
-
March 2, 2009
The Jamestown Foundation // Global Terrorism Analysis
Abstract:
The Terrorism Focus is a fortnightly
complement to Jamestown’s Terrorism
Monitor, providing detailed and
timely analysis of developments for
policymakers and analysts, informing
them of the latest trends in the War on
Terror.
-
February 12, 2009
Foreign Policy
Abstract:
Five rebellions that somehow keep going years after the governments they antagonize declared victory.
-
Search for all records in "Mali"
-
Malta
-
October 3, 2007
Médecins du Monde
Abstract:
After an exploratory mission in September 2006, Médecins du Monde (MdM)
France decided to plan and to implement an international humanitarian mission concerning the
access to health care of asylum seekers in Malta for a duration of 5 months starting from April
2007. The main objective of the mission was to foster the right to access
health care among the migrants living in detention and in the Open Centres. The humanitarian
mission in Malta was started on April 18th 2007. The MdM team - consisting of a nurse and a
medical doctor with a Master of Science in Public Health - offered medical consultations between
June 1st and August 30th in the two biggest Open Centres....
-
June 8, 2006
International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights
Abstract:
The human rights situation deteriorated in numerous former Soviet republics. Independent
human rights monitoring groups, including several affiliates of the IHF, came under
attack. The Russian Federation, Belarus, and the Central Asian regimes promulgated
new legislation or changed their practices to allow these states arbitrarily to restrict the activities
of nongovernmental organizations. The leaders of the Belarusian Helsinki Committee
faced fabricated criminal charges, and in January 2006, state-controlled Russian media
falsely implicated the Moscow Helsinki Group in espionage....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers - spun with the collaboration or tolerance of Council of Europe member states, the Legal Affairs Committee of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) said today. In a draft resolution adopted at a meeting in Paris, based on a report by Dick Marty (Switzerland, ALDE), the committee said hundreds of persons had become entrapped in this web - in some cases when they were merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation. The parliamentarians said this knowing collusion of member states took several different forms, including secretly detaining a person on European territory, capturing a person and handing them over to the US or permitting unlawful "renditions" through their airspace or across their territory. "It# has now been demonstrated incontestably, by numerous well-documented and convergent facts, that secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers involving European countries have taken place, such as to require in-depth inquiries and urgent responses by the executive and legislative branches of all the countries concerned," the committee said. The committee called on Council of Europe member states to review bilateral agreements signed with the United States, particularly those on the status of US forces stationed in Europe, to ensure they conformed fully to international human rights norms. The report is due for debate by the plenary Assembly - which brings together 630 parliamentarians from the 46 Council of Europe member states - in Strasbourg on 27 June 2006....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States of America finds that neither the classic instruments of criminal law and procedure, nor the framework of the laws of war (including respect for the Geneva Conventions) has been apt to address the terrorist threat. As a result it has introduced new legal concepts, such as "enemy combatant" and "rendition", which were previously unheard of in international law and stand contrary to the basic legal principles that prevail on our continent. Thus, across the world, the United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers, often encompassing countries notorious for their use of torture. Hundreds of persons have become entrapped in this web, in some cases merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation....
-
March 10, 2005
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
The Broader Middle East and North Africa Initiative (BMENA) is a multilateral development and reform plan aimed at fostering economic and political liberalization in a wide geographic area of Arab and non-Arab Muslim countries. In December 2004, the first BMENA meeting took place in Rabat, Morocco and was called the "Forum for the Future."At the forum, foreign ministers and finance ministers of the countries in the region stretching from Morocco to Pakistan as well as from the countries of the G8 pledged to create several new development programs and committed $60 million to a regional fund for business development. Critics of BMENA contend that the initiative focuses too heavily on economic issues instead of political reform and does little to
strengthen non-governmental organizations and civil society groups in Arab and non-Arab Muslim countries....
-
Search for all records in "Malta"
-
Martinique
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
Search for all records in "Martinique"
-
Mauritania
-
June 14, 2010
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:
Since its founding in January 2007, al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM)
has continued the jihadi fi ght begun by its predecessor, the Salafi st Group for
Preaching and Combat (GSPC), against the Algerian government. Algeria’s
ability to contain the jihadis has forced AQIM to develop networks in the
Sahara and to cooperate with smuggling rings there. Its mobile commandos,
already active in Mauritania, now represent a serious security threat in northern
parts of Mali and Niger, where they have abducted Westerners and frequently
clashed with government forces.
Osama bin Laden appears to have no grand plans for Africa. But the
Algerian-run AQIM could help al-Qaeda central incorporate a new generation
of recruits from the Sahel. This jihadi progression south of the Sahara is
limited, but troublesome, especially given a recent offer by AQIM’s leader to
train Muslim militias in Nigeria.
However, the ethno-racial divide within al-Qaeda has kept African recruits
out of leadership roles. AQIM cannot prove its commitment to “Africanized”
jihad without Africanizing at least some of its leadership. Also, AQIM has
partnered throughout the Sahel with criminals, not local salafi movements,
limiting its appeal and preventing it from becoming a revolutionary challenger.
This does not mean deterring AQIM will be easy: Mauritania, Mali, and Niger
are among the world’s poorest states and will require international support to
defuse AQIM’s momentum. Algeria is right to push for regional cooperation
to address the threat, and discreet aid from the West is crucial to help the Sahel
countries regain control of their territory from al-Qaeda forces and prevent the
terror group from taking hold in Africa....
-
June 14, 2010
Small Arms Survey // Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva
Abstract:
Mauritania shares more than 5,000 km of land borders with Algeria, Mali,
Senegal, and Western Sahara. The greater part of the country lies
within the Sahara desert and is relatively uncontrolled, which means that
Mauritania has long been an ideal trade route for many goods, both legal and
illicit. Consequently, it has become an important hub for cigarette smuggling,
particularly en route to Algeria. It is also crossed by drug
traffickers, whose business has increased considerably in the region since
2006. Small arms5 are included among the goods traded illicitly
across the Sahel and Mauritania. This trafficking is sometimes closely linked to the activities of various
non-state armed groups, which have been operating for varying lengths of
time in the region. One of these groups, the Salafist Group for Preaching and
Combat (GSPC), became al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) in 2007 and
has been carrying out attacks in Mauritania for several years. This study provides the Mauritanian government with the information and references it will need to implement the United Nations' Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects (PoA). The study also offers an overview of the demand
for small arms and the stockpiles of small arms in Mauritania. Second, the study examines the extent of the illicit trade in small arms in
Mauritania, particularly in certain border regions. Finally, this report assesses the situation in Mauritania with respect to
small arms and light weapons in a regional context....
-
April 23, 2010
Open Society Institute // Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project // International African Institute // Royal African Society // Social Science Research Council
Abstract:
‘We needed a war because we needed our identity cards. Without an identity card you are nothing in this country.’ As the author points out, a fighter for the rebel ‘new forces’ in Côte d’Ivoire condenses the argument of the book into two short sentences: that the denial of a right to citizenship has been at the heart of many of the conflicts of post-colonial Africa, and that it is time to change the rules. Without citizenship, the author points out, people: cannot get their children registered at birth or entered in school or university
cannot obtain travel documents, or employment without a work permit; if they leave the country they may not be able to return; most of all, they cannot vote, stand for office or work for state institutions. Furthermore , as the book highlights questions of citizenship have been used to prevent specific individuals from challenging for political position.
This book gives more details on issues such as: Citizenship law in Africa: a history of discrimination and exclusion; denationalized groups: disputes over the law have been at the heart of the wider debate; silencing individuals: citizenship law has also proved a useful tool to incumbent governments wishing to silence critics; and the scale of the problem: the true number of people affected by the crisis of citizenship in Africa is difficult to estimate....
-
February 4, 2010
United Nations Children's Fund
Abstract:
The Humanitarian Action Report is UNICEF's only publication dealing specifically with the needs of children and women in emergencies. It spotlights crises that require exceptional support, and additional funding, to save lives and protect children from harm in an increasingly challenging humanitarian environment.
This year's report – subtitled 'Partnering for children in emergencies' – says the world is seeing crises exacerbated by larger trends, such as climate change and the international financial downturn, that are beyond the capacity of any one agency to address.
The report appeals for nearly $1.2 billion in international donor funding for emergency-response efforts in 28 countries covering six regions – from Eastern Europe to Africa to Asia to Latin America. The funding will be used to support a greater emphasis on emergency preparedness, early warning, disaster risk reduction and rapid recovery....
-
September 22, 2009
International Relations and Security Network
Abstract:
Western Sahara, a coastal desert of less than 500,000 inhabitants and rich in phosphates, fisheries and, potentially, oil, was annexed by Morocco and Mauritania after Spain withdrew its colonial administration in 1975. The Polisario Front, an indigenous Sahrawi force with the financial and military backing of Algeria, fought an armed resistance against the occupation, forcing Mauritanian withdrawal in 1979 and a UN-brokered ceasefire with Morocco in 1991. Since then, the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) has maintained an uneasy truce in the territory, but has not fulfilled its mandate to organize a referendum on self-determination. Last month's talks were the brainchild of the new UN special envoy to Western Sahara, Christopher Ross, and were an attempt to allow the parties to air their positions in a less public setting that would prevent the posturing and grandstanding that have marred previous negotiations. Moroccan Communications Minister Khalid Naciri stressed Rabat's position to broadcaster Al-Jazeera in August as one that seeks a "political solution based on realism and accord" - an oft-cited rhetorical link to 'political realism.' Morocco views the dispute as one of secession from the kingdom and presented a proposal in 2007 that would see the territory receive autonomy within its international border, but refuses to consider territorial independence. Morocco has stationed an estimated 150,000 troops in Western Sahara and controls 80 percent of the territory....
-
Search for all records in "Mauritania"
-
Mauritius
-
March 12, 2010
International Development Research Centre // Wits University Press
Abstract:
Southern Africa has embarked on one of the world’s most ambitious security co-operation initiatives, seeking to roll out the principles of the United Nations at regional levels. This book examines the triangular relationship between democratisation, the character of democracy and its deficits, and national security practices and perceptions of eleven southern African states. It explores what impact these processes and practices have had on the collaborative security project in the region. Based on national studies conducted by African academics and security practitioners over three years, it includes an examination of the way security is conceived and managed, as well as a comparative analysis of regional security co-operation in the developing world. This book includes: Chapter 1: Democratic Governance and Security: A Conceptual Exploration, by Andre du Pisani; Chapter 2: Comparative Perspectives on Regional Security Co-operation among Developing Countries, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 3: Southern African Security in Historical Perspective, by Abillah H. Omari and Paulino Macaringue; Chapter 4: Botswana, by Mpho G. Molomo, Zibani Maundeni, Bertha Osei-Hwedie, Ian Taylor, and Shelly Whitman; Chapter 5: Lesotho, by Khabele Matlosa; Chapter 6: Mauritius, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 7: Mozambique, by Anicia Lalá; Chapter 8: Namibia, by Bill Lindeke, Phanuel Kaapama, and Leslie Blaauw; Chapter 9: Seychelles, by Anthoni van Nieuwkerk and William M. Bell; Chapter 10: South Africa, by Maxi Schoeman; Chapter 11: Swaziland, by Joseph Bheki Mzizi; Chapter 12: Tanzania Mohammed, by Omar Maundi; Chapter 13: Zambia, by Bizeck Jube Phiri; Chapter 14: Zimbabwe, by Ken D. Manungo; and Chapter 15: Conclusions, by Gavin Cawthra, Khabele Matlosa, and Anthoni van Nieuwkerk....
-
May 8, 2009
Freedom House // United Nations Watch
Abstract:
On May 12, 2009, the UN General Assembly will elect 18 new Human Rights Council members. Twenty countries are candidates. However, each is not competing against all of the others, but rather only against the ones from the same UN regional group. In this year’s election, all but two regional groups have submitted the same amount of candidates as available seats. The Asian Group has 5 countries vying for 5 available seats, the Latin American and Caribbean Group (―GRULAC‖) has 3 countries vying for 3 available seats, and the Western European and Others Group (―WEOG‖) has 3 countries vying for 3 available seats. This does not mean that the candidate countries for these groups will automatically be elected; in order to become a Council member, a country must receive the votes of at least 97 of the 192 General Assembly member states (an absolute majority). Competition between the candidates exists only in the African Group, where 6 countries are vying for 5 available seats, and in the Eastern European Group, where 3 countries are vying for 2 available seats....
-
January 7, 2009
Journal of Military and Strategic Studies // Centre for Military and Strategic Studies // University of Calgary
Abstract:
The problem of civilians becoming unintentional victims of landmine detonation in the world today is one that cannot be underestimated in terms of its importance to global and local humanitarian efforts. The human-life and financial costs associated with landmine detonation are paramount, and are being addressed by the Global community via the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping and its associated agency UNMAS (The United Nations Mine Action Service). In terms of human-life cost, the current statistic is that every 28 seconds a person steps on a landmine, resulting in 6500 – 20,000 new casualties per year. These tragic events are happening in at least 84 states, and every world region is affected. It is the intent of this literature review to enlighten the reader in two main topic areas. The first is that of mine action and our understanding of it, with specific regard to what is generally understood to be the most affected continent: Africa. A comprehensive description and discussion of the geo-political status of mine action in Southern Africa and its relation to development will be set out.
The second topic area that will be reviewed is that of predictive GIS modeling, as it applies to mine action. The intent is to put forth the scientific (i.e.: based on peer-reviewed publications) background information that justifies and supports an experiment that will be conducted. The goal, in general lay terms, will be to see whether it is possible to predict with a reasonable, usable, and repeatable amount of accuracy the delineating outlines of where minefields are located in a specific geographical study area. It is hoped that the effort with predictive GIS modeling will yield a technique that is valid for use across a variety of study areas. Having said this, the study area that is the concentration of this review is the region of Southern Africa and it must be acknowledged that the results, if positive, may not be transferrable to different Geo-political regions....
-
December 15, 2008
International Monetary Fund
Abstract:
This Detailed Assessment Report on Anti-Money Laundering and Combating the Financing of Terrorism
for Mauritius was prepared by a staff team of the International Monetary Fund using the assessment
methodology adopted by the Financial Action Task Force in February 2004 and endorsed by the
Executive Board of the IMF in March 2004. It is based on the information available at the time it was
completed on March 18, 2008. The views expressed in this document are those of the staff team and do
not necessarily reflect the views of the government of Mauritius or the Executive Board of the IMF.
The policy of publication of staff reports and other documents by the IMF allows for the deletion of
market-sensitive information....
-
November 14, 2008
International Peace Institute
Abstract:
IPI is pleased to introduce a new series of working papers on regional capacities to respond to security
challenges in Africa. The broad range of United Nations, African Union, and subregional peacekeeping,
peacemaking, and peacebuilding initiatives in Africa underscore a new sense of multilayered partnership in the
search for the peaceful resolution of conflicts in Africa. As the total number of conflicts on the continent has
been significantly reduced in the past decade, there is widespread recognition of the opportunities for a more
stable and peaceful future for Africa. But there is also a profound awareness of the fragility of recent peace
agreements, whether in Kenya, Liberia, or Côte d’Ivoire. Furthermore, continued violence in the Sudan, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Zimbabwe; the long absence of a viable central government in Somalia;
and continued tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea—to name only a few cases—reflect the legacy of
unresolved historic disputes and ongoing power struggles...The southern African region is now
generally defined in political terms as
those countries that are members of the
Southern African Development
Community (SADC) (the geographic
definition is usually somewhat more
limited). Currently there are fifteen
member states of the SADC: Angola,
Botswana, the Democratic Republic of the
Congo (DRC), Lesotho, Madagascar,
Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique,
Namibia, the Seychelles, South Africa,
Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and
Zimbabwe.
These countries are disparate in many
ways: they vary greatly in size, population,
and levels of economic growth, and
include some of the poorest countries in
the world, but also some of the richest in
Africa. Six of them are landlocked; two of
them are Indian Ocean islands. They
share a common history of colonization—variously
involving French, British, Belgian, and German
imperial powers—and this continues to impact
significantly on the nature of governance and
politics in the region. Many, but not all, of the
countries of the region experienced periods of
European settler colonialism, resulting in armed
liberation struggles for independence. Several of
them also endured apartheid or various forms of
racial segregation and oppression as a result of that
history of settler colonialism.
Conflict and war has marked the region considerably,
particularly conflicts over apartheid and
colonialism, which engulfed most of southern
Africa and led to millions of deaths. Angola and
Mozambique suffered further from post-independence
civil wars, fueled in part by South Africa and
Rhodesia. After a bloody civil war following the
collapse of Mobutu Sese-Seko’s authoritarian
regime in the DRC in the second half of the 1990s,
however, the region is, for the first time in forty
years, almost completely at peace, except for
residual conflicts in the east of the DRC.
Nevertheless, there remain profound threats to
human and state security, many of them fueled by
poverty, marginalization, and the weakness of
states....
-
Search for all records in "Mauritius"
-
Mexico
-
August 26, 2010
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars // Mexico Institute // University of San Diego // Trans-border Institute
Abstract:
This essay proposes to briefly describe and analyze the evolution of the Army and Navy’s role in
drug interdiction, focusing on the patterns that have emerged since 1995, when the Army
accepted responsibility for that task without any internal opposition. I will argue that Mexican
national security priorities have shifted significantly, focusing on domestic security issues,
specifically drug-related criminal activity and violence. In response to the government’s
emphasis on drug-related crime, civil authorities have relied increasingly on the armed forces to
carry out an aggressive anti-drug mission. The increased role of the military in carrying out these
assignments has produced significant changes within the Mexican Navy and the Army, and in
their relationship with the American armed forces. Citizen views of the Mexican armed forces as
an institution, its performance of the anti-drug mission, and its reactions to increased levels of
personal insecurity, have altered Mexican perceptions of national sovereignty and the United
States’ role in their country. Finally, the role of the Catholic Church as an increasingly influential
actor in government attempts to curb the drug cartels, as well as the source of potential conflict
with the armed forces over growing numbers of human rights abuses, are essential to
understanding the consequences of the military’s anti-drug mission....
-
August 26, 2010
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars // Mexico Institute // University of San Diego // Trans-border Institute
Abstract:
This paper explores two fundamental questions pertaining to Mexico’s ongoing public security
crisis. First, why has Mexico experienced this sudden increase in violence among trafficking
organizations? Second, what are the current efforts and prospective strategies available to
counter Mexican drug trafficking networks? In the process, we explore the development of
Mexico’s DTOs, with particular emphasis on the relatively stable equilibrium among such
groups in the 1980s and the subsequent fracturing of that arrangement. We also identify and
consider the merits of four conceivable scenarios for managing drug use —complicity with
traffickers, confrontation of traffickers, prevention and treatment, or tolerating consumption—
all of which have significant limits or undesirable effects....
-
August 26, 2010
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars // Mexico Institute // University of San Diego // Trans-border Institute
Abstract:
As stories of crime and violence play out in the headlines, Mexico is in the midst of a major
transformation of its judicial sector. Mexico has been gradually implementing a series of
reforms that advocates hope will dramatically improve public security and the administration
of justice over the next decade. Central to the process of judicial reform in Mexico is a
package of ambitious legislative changes and constitutional amendments passed by the
Mexican Congress in 2008, and to be implemented throughout the country by 2016.
Together, these reforms touch virtually all aspects of the judicial sector, including police,
prosecutors, public defenders, the courts, and the penitentiary system. The reforms include
significant changes in Mexican criminal procedure, new measures to promote greater access
to justice (for both criminal defendants and crime victims), new functions for law
enforcement and public security agencies in the administration of justice, and tougher
measures for combating organized crime. This paper helps to fill the gap in our current
understanding of these problems by explaining Mexico’s justice sector challenges, the
specific changes proposed under the 2008 reform package, and the challenges that lie in store
for Mexico as it implements judicial sector reforms over the next decade....
-
August 24, 2010
Swiss Peace Foundation
Abstract:
Power-sharing mechanisms play an increasingly important role in peace agreements. However, there is profound divergence over the positive effects of the inclusion of political power-sharing provisions in peace accords. Proposing power-sharing solutions may be useful for mediators to get conflict parties to the negotiating table. At the same time those mechanisms imply a number of challenges for academics and practitioners. Many critics argue that power-sharing as specific political model has only worked in particular circumstances, such as in Switzerland. Before formulating general guidelines and recommendations on powersharing in peace agreements, one has to address this critique. To this end the working paper analyses four contested favourable conditions in the power-sharing model: a small population size, a balance of population size between divided groups, territorial isolation of population groups and a common perceived security threat. Eight case studies are carried out in order to test these four favourable conditions that might influence the durability of power-sharing peace agreements. As a result, this working paper provides evidence that the durability of power-sharing peace agreements does probably not depend on these favourable conditions. It is therefore argued that power-sharing solutions in peace agreements do not seem to require particular favourable conditions to be successful and are not doomed to fail from the outset in a range of different contexts....
-
August 13, 2010
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
Because of high U.S. narcotics consumption and Mexico’s role as the main transit country for cocaine from Colombia, the dominant narcotics activity in the Western Hemisphere takes place between the United States and Mexico. Competition among the large Mexican drug-trafficking organizations to maximize their sales in the United States has led to terrible violence in Mexico, and that country’s “war” against those organizations has amplified that violence. Mexico was a small player in the movement of cocaine to the United States before the 1980s, when the main route was from Colombia through the Caribbean to Florida. After that route was largely abandoned because of heavy U.S. sea and land interdiction, Colombian cocaine began to enter the United States through Central America and Mexico.
This report focuses on four drugs: cocaine, heroin, methamphetamine, and marijuana. Mexico produces the last three of these drugs, which are shipped directly to the United States. For many years the U.S. government was unwilling to admit explicitly that U.S. narcotics consumption bore some responsibility for the violence in Mexico. During a visit to Mexico in March 2009, however, the U.S. secretary of state finally stated the obvious: that U.S. narcotics demand was fueling drug violence in Mexico. This report thus comes at a time of antinarcotics cooperation between the two countries. This cooperation does not mean that the problems related to drug trafficking and consumption are on their way to solution, only that issues not discussed earlier can now be put on the table. The purpose of this report is to provide a full discussion of such issues....
-
Search for all records in "Mexico"
-
Micronesia
-
August 26, 2008
Asian Development Bank Institute
Abstract:
This paper quantifies the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth in Asia for 1970–2004. Our panel estimations show that transnational terrorist attacks had a significant growth-limiting effect. Transnational terrorism reduces growth by crowding in government expenditures. An internal conflict has the greatest growth concern, about twice that of transnational terrorism. For developing Asian countries, intrastate and interstate wars have a much greater impact than terrorism does on the crowding-in of government spending.
Policy recommendations indicate the need for rich Asian countries to assist their poorer neighbors in coping with the negative growth consequences of political violence. Failure to assist may result in region-wide repercussions. Conflict and terrorism in one country can create production bottlenecks with region-wide economic consequences. International and nongovernmental organizations as well as developed Western countries and regions could assist at-risk Asian countries with attack prevention and post-attack recovery.
This study has six purposes. First, and foremost, we present panel estimates for a sample of 42 Asian countries to quantify the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth for 1970–2004. Panel estimation methods control for country-specific and timespecific unobserved heterogeneity. Second, we distinguish the influence of terrorism on economic growth from that of internal and external conflicts. Third, these influences are investigated for cohorts of developed and developing countries to ascertain whether development can better allow a country to absorb the impact of political violence. Fourth, econometric estimations relate violence-induced growth reductions to two pathways— reduced investment and increased government expenditures. Fifth, a host of diagnostic and sensitivity tests to support our empirical specifications. Last, we draw some policy conclusions....
-
May 14, 2007
Government Accountability Office
Abstract:
In March 2003, a U.S.-led multinational force began operations in Iraq. At that time, 48 nations, identified as a "coalition of the willing," offered political, military, and financial support for U.S. efforts in Iraq, with 38 nations other than the United States providing troops. In addition, international donors met in Madrid in October 2003 to pledge funding for the reconstru#ction of Iraq's infrastructure, which had deteriorated after multiple wars and decades of neglect under the previous regime.
This testimony discusses (1) the troop commitments other countries have made to operations in Iraq, (2) the funding the United States has provided to support other countries' participation in the multinational force, and (3) the financial support international donors have provided to Iraq reconstruction efforts....
-
May 24, 2006
Australian National University // State, Society And Governance In Melanesia Project
Abstract:
The decade since the early 1990s has witnessed the growth of a field of research and practice aimed at resolving and preventing violent conflict. Research on violent conflict has led to a number of different theories on causes of violent conflict, many of them based on the study of large-scale, protracted conflicts in Africa and the Balkans. Advocates of conflict prevention have linked longer-term root causes of violent conflict to aspects of underdevelopment, and tensions inherent in development processes....
-
February 27, 2006
U.S. Department of State
Abstract:
The Federated States of Micronesia is composed of four states: Chuuk, Kosrae, Pohnpei, and Yap. Political legitimacy rests on the popular will expressed by a majority vote through elections in accordance with the Constitution.The country has no security forces apart from national police and state public safety officers. Under the Compact of Free Association, the United States is responsible for the country's external defense. The civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security forces. There were a few reports of human rights abuses by the police....
-
February 1, 2005
Angus Reid Consultants
Abstract:
The Federated States of Micronesia encompass 607 islands in the Pacific Ocean. The area was once part of the United Nations (UN) Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, becoming an independent country in a Compact of Free Association with the United States in 1986. Around 109,000 people inhabit the islands today.
-
Search for all records in "Micronesia"
-
Moldova
-
April 30, 2010
Bertelsmann Foundation // Commission on the Black Sea
Abstract:
Black Sea region countries have diverse political systems, ranging from developed democracies
to authoritarian regimes. Communist pasts and a lack of democratic experience have stalled or
reversed democratisation processes in many cases. Flawed legal systems and a public distrust
in institutions have been paired with growing executive power in many countries. Increasing
inequality and unresolved conflicts undermine pro-democratic reforms as well. The region’s West and South, including Bulgaria, Romania, Greece and Turkey, contain relatively
stable democracies. Reforms in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Moldova have met with only limited
success, hampered by conflicts with neighbours or separatist regions. Russia has shown substantial
re-centralisation of power with authoritarian traits. The Ukraine’s post-Orange Revolution momentum
has been lost, but democratic procedures and the culture of an open society have taken root. Elections in Greece, Turkey, Romania and the Ukraine are generally free and fair, but show serious
flaws elsewhere in the region. Outside of Greece, political parties are weak. Parliaments in the West
and South hold some power, but often show functional weaknesses, while elsewhere executives –
often with authoritarian leanings – are little restrained by legislatures or opposition parties. With
the exception of Turkey and Greece, judicial corruption or lack of independence is common. Bribery and corruption is a problem across the region. In the post-communist states, this has
undermined state legitimacy. Increasing inequality is a pressing problem throughout, also
threatening regime credibility. The economic crisis may further undermine the attraction of
Western democratic values, contributing to poverty and social unrest. Civil society is hampered by a lack of democratic tradition. Outside of Turkey and Greece, domestic
NGOs are scarce or face substantial state resistance. Ethnic minority issues and a persistent brain
drain remain problematic, but a new technocratic generation offers the promise of change.
The EU has made numerous bilateral and multilateral overtures to Black Sea countries, but has
not shown a clear regional policy. It risks appearing to prioritise a stable energy supply over
true transformation. US interest has been focused on democratisation as well as regional energy
security.
In seeking to enhance democratic transformation, civil society groups should be given broad
practical support. Aid to states should be linked to democratic reforms, and combined with
substantial assistance for institutional and administrative capacity building. Judicial reforms and a
stronger rule of law will be critical in stabilising the region’s political and economic systems. The
EU in particular needs to develop a coherent regional policy, which must include cooperation with
Russia and Turkey....
-
March 5, 2010
European Council on Refugees and Exiles
Abstract:
This research paper focuses on the European Union funding priorities in four Eastern European countries neighbouring the EU (Belarus, Moldova, Russia and Ukraine) for refugee protection, migration management and border reinforcement, which has been completed by the Eastern Europe project funded by the EU's Aeneas programme. The research was undertaken from Autumn 2007 to Spring 2008, with a final update in November 2008. The focus of the research is on EU's funding programmes in 2004-2007.
-
October 15, 2009
Crisis Management Initiative // Department for International Development
Abstract:
The aims of this report are to critically assess how the
European Union has employed the instruments at its
disposal to contribute to the resolution of the conflict
in Moldova and how it can better use the European
Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) as a means of advancing
the resolution of the protracted differences between
Chisinau and Tiraspol. Specifically, this report will
seek to: offer a comprehensive assessment of the conflict
so as to contribute to strategic planning at the EU
level (Commission / Council / Member States) on
the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict; provide for an overview of existing international
responses and identify the EU’s position in
regards to other actors; critically assess how the EU utilised its policy
instruments at its disposal within the framework
of the European Neighbourhood Policy and
how the implementation of its instruments has
contributed to the resolution of the Transnistrian
conflict and; identify challenges, needs and options for future
EU involvement in conflict resolution process. The report reflects the work of the council of experts
on the ENP and conflict resolution in Moldova which
has been established in September 2006 and which
has engaged in regular meetings with governmental
officials and independent experts on various issues
related to the resolution of the Transnistrian
conflict....
-
July 28, 2009
French Institute of International Relations // L’Institut français des relations internationales
Abstract:
Russia's military intervention in Georgia in August 2008 sent a shock wave across the post-Soviet space, particularly the republics to the west and south of Russia. In December 2008, the European Union formalized the Eastern Partnership initiative, directed at Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. In order to understand the impact of this war both of Russia's bilateral relations with these countries and on the Eastern Partnership area as a whole, this article analyzes the reactions of these former Soviet republics to the Russian offensive. Three types of response are observed: keeping distance from Russia; maintaining a balance between Moscow and the West; and finally, changing course (from rapprochment to keeping distance and vice versa) vis-a-vis the former center of the Soviet Empire....
-
March 31, 2009
Eurasia Daily Monitor // The Jamestown Foundation
Abstract:
The joint declaration by Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin, and Transnistria leader Igor Smirnov, signed in Moscow on March 18 (EDM, March 20, 25, 26), is serving Smirnov well as a negotiation-breaker. Citing points in that declaration, Smirnov is now calling openly for marginalizing or bypassing Western participants in the negotiating process, which Moscow and Tiraspol -or the latter fronting for the former- had already brought to a deadlock.
Tiraspol has drawn even more encouragement from the Moscow meeting. Interviewed in Nezavisimaya Gazeta afterward, Smirnov revealed that he (on a par with Voronin) held a 40-minute personal meeting with Medvedev in Moscow, following which he concluded: "Things are better under Medvedev than under Putin" for Transnistria. From that meeting, Smirnov has inferred that Medvedev supports not only the perpetuation of Russia's military presence in Transnistria, but turning the area into a Kaliningrad Oblast-type entity as "Transnistria-Russian region."
Based on his meeting with the Russian president, Smirnov expects the U.S. to tolerate or passively acquiesce in that Russian policy: "We are counting on the change in relations between Washington and Moscow. In one of the documents signed under Obama, the Americans virtually recognize Transnistria as a Russian zone of influence. That is to say, Russia's right to oversee what happens in former Soviet republics is recognized." Whether deliberately or inadvertently, Smirnov's words challenge Washington to deny the Medvedev-Smirnov version and set the record straight.
The U.S. has noticeably reduced the level of its interest and participation in the negotiations on the Transnistria conflict during the last year or so. Formerly represented at the level of Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, Washington has informally ceded to the European Union the leading role on the Western side in these negotiations....
-
Search for all records in "Moldova"
-
Monaco
-
June 8, 2006
International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights
Abstract:
The human rights situation deteriorated in numerous former Soviet republics. Independent
human rights monitoring groups, including several affiliates of the IHF, came under
attack. The Russian Federation, Belarus, and the Central Asian regimes promulgated
new legislation or changed their practices to allow these states arbitrarily to restrict the activities
of nongovernmental organizations. The leaders of the Belarusian Helsinki Committee
faced fabricated criminal charges, and in January 2006, state-controlled Russian media
falsely implicated the Moscow Helsinki Group in espionage....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers - spun with the collaboration or tolerance of Council of Europe member states, the Legal Affairs Committee of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) said today. In a draft resolution adopted at a meeting in Paris, based on a report by Dick Marty (Switzerland, ALDE), the committee said hundreds of persons had become entrapped in this web - in some cases when they were merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation. The parliamentarians said this knowing collusion of member states took several different forms, including secretly detaining a person on European territory, capturing a person and handing them over to the US or permitting unlawful "renditions" through their airspace or across their territory. "It# has now been demonstrated incontestably, by numerous well-documented and convergent facts, that secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers involving European countries have taken place, such as to require in-depth inquiries and urgent responses by the executive and legislative branches of all the countries concerned," the committee said. The committee called on Council of Europe member states to review bilateral agreements signed with the United States, particularly those on the status of US forces stationed in Europe, to ensure they conformed fully to international human rights norms. The report is due for debate by the plenary Assembly - which brings together 630 parliamentarians from the 46 Council of Europe member states - in Strasbourg on 27 June 2006....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States of America finds that neither the classic instruments of criminal law and procedure, nor the framework of the laws of war (including respect for the Geneva Conventions) has been apt to address the terrorist threat. As a result it has introduced new legal concepts, such as "enemy combatant" and "rendition", which were previously unheard of in international law and stand contrary to the basic legal principles that prevail on our continent. Thus, across the world, the United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers, often encompassing countries notorious for their use of torture. Hundreds of persons have become entrapped in this web, in some cases merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation....
-
March 15, 2005
Equality Now
Abstract:
In 1995, at the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, governments specifically pledged to revoke all laws that discriminate against women. In 2000, at the five year review of the Beijing Conference, governments established a target date for the amendment or repeal of these laws by 2005. This is the year of reckoning. Yet, as Equality Now's report Words and Deeds: Holding Governments Accountable in the Beijing +10 Review Process illustrates, countries around the world regardless of geo-political status continue to discriminate against women and girls by keeping them unequal before the law. Taina Bien-Aimé Executive Director notes, "Changing the law is just the first step towards addressing violence and discrimination against women. How can governments claim they are committed to sex equality if they cannot even eliminate the most blatantly discriminatory laws?"
Equality Now, an international human rights organization with offices in New York, Nairobi and London, works to protect and promote the human rights of girls and women. Equality Now's Women's Action Network counts more than 25,000 groups and individual members in over 160 countries....
-
Search for all records in "Monaco"
-
Mongolia
-
November 10, 2008
East-West Center
Abstract:
The post-election strife of July 1, 2008 shocked the Mongolian nation and sobered its leading politicians. The new government found itself in perilous waters, plagued with allegations of election tampering, country-wide economic woes, and internal political division. Today, four months after this shaky start, re-elected Prime Minister S. Bayar has implemented economic and political initiatives to help Mongolia move forward but still faces many challenges.
-
November 3, 2008
The Asia Foundation // International Center for Mongol Culture
Abstract:
This survey on “Community-Oriented Policing” was conducted in Mongolia between March and April 2008. The report consists of two main parts: one is an analysis of questionnaires administered to law enforcement officials, and the other to community and civil society representatives; the second is a narrative report based on information gathered from interviews, participant observation and general observation that enhanced the questionnaire data. The latter part of the report is a summation of the analysis and provides discussion related to the nature of the relationship between the police and the community in survey sites. OBJECTIVES: The main objectives of the survey were to examine and assess the present relationship between the police and target communities, and to identify the strengths and weaknesses in these relationships. The survey aims to diagnose police-community relations, and to suggest possible ways of enhancing and strengthening relations in order to improve dialogue and the provision of policing services in urban and rural communities across Mongolia. This survey contributes directly to efforts initiated by the Ministry of Justice and Home Affairs (MOJHA) to reform the enforcement and police services in Mongolia. SURVEY METHODOLOGY: Several methodologies were employed in conducting the survey. Data was gathered through a questionnaire, participant interviews and observation, as well as through secondary source information taken from previous surveys, books and published materials. The questionnaires were administered after enumerators had spent time in the target communities and among the police, with whom trust, legitimacy and credibility were established. Such observation and participation helped to ensure the quality and accuracy of information gathered through the questionnaire, and enabled enumerators to obtain valuable additional information that otherwise would not have been elicited. For example, most police said that they were committed to their work, which in practice proved to be an overstatement. In addition to neighbourhood police, lawyers, prosecutors and high-ranking police officials were also interviewed. Fifty police and 50 members of the community, representing a cross-section of society, took part in the survey. Non-random sampling was used in order to ensure geographic and socio-economic diversity of the respondents. The General Police Department was consulted on the selection of participants. The survey questionnaire was modelled on prior samples used by The Asia Foundation in Bangladesh and Indonesia, and was adapted for use in Mongolia in consultation with the Ministry of Justice and Home Affairs, police, and social scientists....
-
September 16, 2008
American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research
Abstract:
The West's tepid response to Russia's recent invasion of Georgia sends a dangerous message to Asian democracies who have long depended upon support from the United States to protect them from regional menaces. Lack of pronounced U.S. support for its Georgian ally may lead China and other autocratic powers in Asia to infer that the American defense of global liberalization is mere rhetoric. When autocracy sneezes, Asia catches cold. Russia's naked power grab in the Caucasus will have global repercussions, nowhere more so than in Asia. While Europe now contemplates a return to long-term tension on Russia's southwestern borders, Moscow's act of war will have lasting effects far from the Black Sea, namely the threat to democratic trends in Asia, and the bolstering of China's global position.
The struggle for freedom in Asia has changed millions of lives, and yet is an unfinished battle. Asia's young democracies, from Mongolia to Taiwan, are no doubt chilled by Georgia's plight. The naked use of force against a sovereign, democratic state by a gargantuan rival sends a message hard to miss. Whatever the pretext, be it natural resources, separatist movements, or old territorial disputes, the reassertion of might over right threatens the political gains of the past decades that have helped Asia become the most vibrant region on earth. Anti-liberal forces at home in these smaller nations will take comfort from the reversion to a machtpolitik world, while other national elites may well be willing to compromise their freedoms to maintain their economic privileges....
-
August 26, 2008
Asian Development Bank Institute
Abstract:
This paper quantifies the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth in Asia for 1970–2004. Our panel estimations show that transnational terrorist attacks had a significant growth-limiting effect. Transnational terrorism reduces growth by crowding in government expenditures. An internal conflict has the greatest growth concern, about twice that of transnational terrorism. For developing Asian countries, intrastate and interstate wars have a much greater impact than terrorism does on the crowding-in of government spending.
Policy recommendations indicate the need for rich Asian countries to assist their poorer neighbors in coping with the negative growth consequences of political violence. Failure to assist may result in region-wide repercussions. Conflict and terrorism in one country can create production bottlenecks with region-wide economic consequences. International and nongovernmental organizations as well as developed Western countries and regions could assist at-risk Asian countries with attack prevention and post-attack recovery.
This study has six purposes. First, and foremost, we present panel estimates for a sample of 42 Asian countries to quantify the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth for 1970–2004. Panel estimation methods control for country-specific and timespecific unobserved heterogeneity. Second, we distinguish the influence of terrorism on economic growth from that of internal and external conflicts. Third, these influences are investigated for cohorts of developed and developing countries to ascertain whether development can better allow a country to absorb the impact of political violence. Fourth, econometric estimations relate violence-induced growth reductions to two pathways— reduced investment and increased government expenditures. Fifth, a host of diagnostic and sensitivity tests to support our empirical specifications. Last, we draw some policy conclusions....
-
July 10, 2008
Council on Foreign Relations
Abstract:
Rising commodity prices have made Mongolia's largely unexploited mineral resources—coal, gold, copper, and uranium—attractive investment opportunities for mining companies around the world. But violent protests (NYT) prompted by opposition allegations of fraud in the June 29 parliamentary elections have made the fate of investment deals uncertain. A Central Asia expert and professor at Columbia University, Morris Rossabi, says the protests resulted from growing frustrations—significant income disparity, high levels of unemployment among young males, official corruption, fraying of the social safety net, and alcohol consumption. Rossabi says the political chaos should make foreign companies wary of the kind of investments they make in Mongolia. "Things may stabilize but I don’t foresee that unless the government is more serious about dealing with some of the basic social and economic problems of the country," he says....
-
Search for all records in "Mongolia"
-
Montenegro
-
March 18, 2010
United Nations Human Rights Council // United Nations General Assembly
Abstract:
The mandate, established in 2004 by the Commission on Human Rights and extended in 2007 by the Human Rights Council in resolution 6/32, has provided a good basis for the Representative to build on the excellent work of his predecessor, Francis Deng. The nature of his mandate has allowed the Representative to benefit from privileged access, broad support and partnerships with United Nations institutions, member States, civil society and other stakeholders. It has been critical that the Representative has succeeded in linking the mandate to a broader international context inclusive of peace processes, humanitarian assistance and development, natural disasters and climate change. After discussing the achievements and activities of the mandate during the tenure of the present Representative of the Secretary-General on the human rights of internally displaced persons, the report identifies progress made as well as major challenges remaining, which relate to the human rights of internally displaced persons....
-
October 9, 2009
International Center for Transitional Justice
Abstract:
When the Security Council established the ICTY and ICTR to prosecute mass
atrocities, its motivation was clearly stated in the preambles to Resolutions 827 and 955:
it was—and I quote—“determined to put an end to such crimes and to take effective
measures to bring to justice the persons who are responsible for them.” The Council was
“convinced that in the particular circumstances [of the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda
respectively] the prosecution of persons responsible for serious violations of international
humanitarian law would enable this aim to be achieved and would contribute to the
process of national reconciliation and the restoration and maintenance of peace.” The
Council set out its belief that establishing such international tribunals would “contribute
to ensuring that such violations are halted and effectively redressed.” From the outset,
these goals were fundamental to the mandates of the international judicial institutions that
emerged.
While neither ICTY nor ICTR were intended to be permanent institutions, neither of the
courts’ mandates specified an end date for their work. As discussions progress in
meetings such as this one about how the tribunals should complete the tasks the Council
has assigned them, it is important to reflect on the underlying conceptual framework that
drove those original commitments and to ensure that new decisions preserve the positive
legacies that have been built over the past 15 years. It is worth noting that this will
require input from the constituencies that have been the subject of the tribunals’ work....
-
September 3, 2009
Freedom House
Abstract:
Nations in Transit 2009 is the 13th edition of Freedom House’s comprehensive,
comparative study of democratic development from Central Europe
to Eurasia. It examines 29 countries, including the newest independent
state in the region, Kosovo. The overarching conclusion is that 2008 was a very
difficult year for democracy: scores declined for 18 of the 29 countries, and a record
8 countries are now in the “consolidated authoritarian regimes” category. Worrying
trends highlighted in the previous three editions of Nations in Transit became even
more pronounced in 2008, while positive trends lost momentum.
A number of events illustrate the intensification of these negative trends. In
2008, for the first time in the 21st century, a war erupted between two states covered
in Nations in Transit. The so-called “August War” between Georgia and Russia served
as a wake-up call for those who believed that the democratic decline observed in
the region over the last few years would not have a detrimental effect on security
and stability. Highly problematic elections accentuated the region’s troubles. Two
petro-states, Azerbaijan (which recorded the largest democratic decline in this
edition of Nations in Transit) and the Russian Federation, held uncompetitive
presidential elections in which the result was predetermined. Armenia’s presidential
poll was marred by lethal postelection violence. And the government in Georgia
used administrative resources to seriously influence that country’s hotly contested
presidential and parliamentary elections. Nations in Transit 2009 documents
how journalists were once again at risk throughout the region, from Croatia to
Uzbekistan, and national governments were challenged by corruption scandals, as
was the case in Bulgaria; by divisive ethnic politics, as in Bosnia and Herzegovina;
by parliamentary boycotts, as in Montenegro; or by infighting and outright
irresponsibility among political leaders, as in Ukraine....
-
July 8, 2009
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The Security Council today extended the terms of the judges serving on the United Nations war crimes tribunals set up to deal with the 1994 Rwandan genocide and the Balkan conflicts of the 1990s, so they can complete remaining cases by the deadline set for the courts’ work.
The Council, in two separate resolutions that were adopted unanimously, urged both tribunals “to take all possible measures to complete their work expeditiously,” and expressed its determination to support their efforts in this regard.
The so-called “completion strategy” of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), which is based in The Hague, requires it to finish trials of first instance by 2009, and then start downsizing in 2010.
Among the decisions taken today, the Council extended the term of office of eight permanent judges at the ICTY and 10 ad litem, or temporary, judges until 31 December 2010, or until the completion of the cases to which they are assigned.
In addition, the Council decided, on the request of the President of the ICTY, that the Secretary-General may appoint additional temporary judges to complete existing trials or conduct additional trials....
-
January 14, 2009
United Nations Development Program Montenegro
Abstract:
Data shows that the family context, otherwise a synonym for protection and safety, in some situations becomes
a source of violence and violation of fundamental human rights. It is known that domestic violence usually
occurs when there is a need to gain and maintain dominance and control over another human being. All the data
obtained in the course of this research show that women are the primary victims of family violence, and also
suffer other forms of violence outside the home.
The United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women describes violence against women
as a “manifestation of historically unequal power relations between men and women”. At the same time, violence
is one of the “crucial social mechanisms by which women are forced into a subordinate position compared with
men.”
Although domestic violence in Montenegro, just like anywhere else in the world, violates many rights protected
by international human rights conventions and also constitutes a violation of domestic laws, one of the biggest
obstacles in recognising family violence as a violation of human rights is the belief that “personal” bodily injuries
and emotional distress suffered within one’s family are not subject to any law, be it domestic or international.
This is also one of the biggest obstacles to victims seeking help and protection.
Considering the fact that in such a social environment we see a willingness on the part of women to seek
and receive help, the results obtained are highly relevant for understanding gender-based violence. As for
domestic violence in Montenegro, defined as a pattern of abuse and use of force including threats, isolation and
intimidation, the use of firearms deepens the issue of violence considerably, posing a direct threat to the life
of the victim, and to her physical and mental integrity. Since it is men who mostly own arms, and judging by the
statements of battered women that it is their husbands, partners, brothers and sons who threaten them with
weapons, women are paying a high price for the presence of firearms in the home.
Violence against women involving the use of firearmsis not an inevitable phenomenon, but a result of tolerance
of, and leniency and towards the issue, which is part of Montenegrinhistoric and cultural patterns. No matter
what the social context of domestic violence and violence against women may be like, the presence of weapons
always has the same effect – the more weapons there are, the more danger to women they pose. Montenegrin
society has some serious issues to tackle in order to prevent the abuse of small arms and to curb the culture
of armed violence, which is, considering the current situation (vis-a vis the presence of arms in Montenegrin
homes) a highly complex task. The reasons for this lie in the immediate destructive effect of the use of firearms
in violent behaviour, as well as in the socialisation effects of such patterns, which may have a trans-generational
character as role models for behaviour.
Awareness of the fact that armed violence poses a risk to life and health, and that the family context in which it
happens does not reduce this risk, should be a high priority issue when considering strategies for the reduction
of civilian possession of small arms. The pattern of keeping armed violence within the boundaries of family
secrets and the traditional role of women as their guardians means that responses to violence necessitate help
both for the victim and for the perpetrator. In order to develop such awareness in Montenegrin society there
needs to be proper victim protection mechanisms in order to develop a sense of safety and trust in society’s
response to domestic violence. Protection mechanisms would function most effectively if they operate within
a multi-sectoral approach and involve various forms of protection from the police, the judiciary, and social and
health care sectors at the same time as activities aimed at changing public attitudes and prejudices upon which
many patterns of behaviour concerning the possession, carrying and use of arms are based....
-
Search for all records in "Montenegro"
-
Morocco
-
August 23, 2010
Danish Institute for International Studies
Abstract:
The purpose of the present report is to provide easily accessible background information
about the main Islamist organizations in Morocco and about recent trends in
regime responses to them. Islamist organizations are here defined as organizations
and actors distinct from the wider Islamic community or umma by their seeking to
create a political order defined in terms of Islam (Mandaville, 2007: 20).
Morocco hosts a profusion of Islamist organizations. Among these are a number
of radical organizations which do not shy away from using violence to obtain their
goals. Such organizations were behind the terrorist attacks in Casablanca of 16 May
2003, were involved in the Madrid bombings in 2004 and have also been behind a
number of small-scale events, such as an unsuccessful bombing attempt in Casablanca
in 2007.
However, the present report focuses predominantly on the two main and non-violent
Islamist organizations in Morocco; namely Harakat al-Islâh wa at-Tawhid (Movement
for Reform and Unity, MUR) and its related political party, Hizb al Adala wal Tanmia
(Party of Justice and Development, PJD); and Al Jama’a al Adl wal Ihsan ( Justice and
Spirituality Organisation).
The report has been prepared on the basis of existing literature and on insights gathered
during a field visit to Morocco in November 2009. Merieme Yafout (doctoral
student at the University of Hassan II in Casablanca) has contributed with important
research input in Morocco....
-
May 6, 2010
United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:
The conflict over Western Sahara between the Kingdom of Morocco and the Polisario Front, which
represents the people of Western Sahara, has been on the agenda of the United Nations Security
Council for close to 19 years, since June 1991, when the council took up the issue and established
MINURSO, the U.N. mission in Western Sahara. Throughout this period, the U.N. cannot show any
real progress towards resolution of the conflict, other than occasional outbursts of optimism that
eventually have come to naught.
Peacemaking efforts towards a political solution, undertaken in order to move the parties away
from the winner takes all solution envisaged by the referendum on self-determination under the
U.N. Settlement Plan, have been at an impasse since June 2004. James A. Baker, III, the first United
Nations personal envoy of the secretary-general, charged with such a task, resigned from his
position at that time after he served in that role for seven years, stating that he had done all he
could to resolve the conflict. He pointed out that only the parties themselves could exercise the
political will necessary to reach an agreed-upon solution, as the U.N. would not solve the problem
without requiring the parties to do something they would not voluntarily agree to do. The most
recent informal talks between the parties organized by Christopher Ross, current personal envoy, on
February 10 and 11, 2010 resulted at an impasse as did all previous talks organized by the U.N. since
the Security Council adopted Resolution 1754 on April 30 2007, asking the parties to negotiate
without preconditions....
-
March 3, 2010
Freedom House
Abstract:
As the governments of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) undertake the difficult process of enacting social and political change, the unequal status of women presents a particularly formidable challenge. In Iraq, deliberations over women's legal status have been as contentious as negotiations over how to structure the government. In Jordan, measures to increase penalties for so-called honor crimes faced strong resistance by ultraconservative parliamentarians and ordinary citizens who believe that tradition and religion afford them the right to severely punish and even murder female relatives for behavior they deem immoral. These debates are not just legal and philosophical struggles among elites. They are emotionally charged political battles that touch upon fundamental notions of morality and social order.
In order to provide a detailed look at the conditions faced by women in the Middle East and understand the complex environment surrounding efforts to improve their status, Freedom House conducted a comprehensive study of women's rights in the region. The first edition of this project was published in 2005. The present edition offers an updated examination of the issue, with a special focus on changes that have occurred over the last five years. Although the study indicates that a substantial deficit in women's rights persists in every country in the MENA region, the findings also include notable progress, particularly in terms of economic opportunities, educational attainment, and political participation....
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
January 21, 2010
United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:
This extensive paper examines the complex nexus between democratic change and U.S. security interests, with a principal focus on Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco and Yemen. It sets out a set of general and country-specific findings and recommendations for a long-term strategy by which “political liberalization” can enhance the stability and legitimacy of governments, thus strengthening security and peacemaking in the region. This report offers a set of general and country-specific findings and
recommendations to assist the Obama administration in its efforts to tackle
escalating security challenges while sustaining diplomatic, institutional and
economic support for democracy and human rights in the Greater Middle East.
The working group recognizes that addressing threats from terrorist
groups affiliated with al-Qaeda, as well as stemming conflicts arising from the
persistence of regional conflicts in the Middle East and South Asia, must be a top
priority. But, as the case studies of Yemen, Egypt, Jordan and Lebanon amply
demonstrate, long-term political stability, economic development and security
also requires a continued and even enhanced U.S. commitment, in both words
and deeds, to fostering democratic transformation, human rights and effective
governance. The architecture of security and peacemaking must be
accompanied by a revived focus on democratic reforms.
Absent such an effort, this study group believes that the already wide
political, social and ideological gap between states and societies will further
expand, thus making regimes, and even entire states vulnerable to internal and
external shocks. It is the task and challenge of genuine reformers in both the
regimes and oppositions of the Arab World and South Asia to chart an exit from
the cul-de-sac of arbitrary rule and state-managed political reform by defining a
common vision of substantive “democratic transformation.”...
-
Search for all records in "Morocco"
-
Mozambique
-
August 18, 2010
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees // Policy Development and Evaluation Service
Abstract:
This review examines the response of UNHCR and other stakeholders to three distinct
but interrelated mixed migratory movements that are currently taking place to and
within southern Africa. First, a movement of people from the Horn of Africa to South
Africa, generally transiting through Kenya, Tanzania, Malawi, Mozambique and, to
some extent, Zimbabwe; second, a movement of people from the Great Lakes region
of Africa (Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda) to South Africa, a
proportion of whom are also taking up residence in Malawi and Mozambique; and
third, the large-scale departure of Zimbabwean citizens from their country of origin,
the majority of them also moving to South Africa. The
second chapter of the report focuses on the irregular movement of people to and
through Malawi and Mozambique. The chapter examines the way in which the
journey is organized, the protection risks encountered by those engaged in this
movement, as well as the challenges that it has posed for UNHCR and the two states
concerned.
The report draws attention to the fact many of the refugees involved in this
movement, especially those from the Horn of Africa, have their own notion of
protection - one that does not correspond to UNHCR’s traditional approach to the
issue of asylum. Chapter 3 of the report analyzes the much larger movement of people from
Zimbabwe to South Africa, an influx that continues at a rapid rate, despite the recent
political and economic changes that have taken place in their country of origin and
despite the xenophobic violence that continues to threaten foreign nationals living in
South Africa. The fourth chapter of the report provides a more detailed account of the way that
UNHCR, the authorities, regional organizations, civil society and other actors have
responded to the large-scale mixed migration that South Africa has experienced in
recent years....
-
July 22, 2010
Centre d’Economie de la Sorbonne // Université Paris
Abstract:
The consequences of civil war have been widely analyzed, but one of its aspect, yet
important, remains marginally investigated: the human cost of the combats. Indeed, most of
recent literature has focused on the numbers of dead and wounded, while little scope has been
given to survivors’ health, whether they have been injured or not. Given that survivors are the
ones who bear the burden of reconstruction, the evaluation of the health costs of civil conflict,
is therefore crucial for the conception and the implementation of proper economic policies.
This paper is an attempt in this direction. It aims at assessing the impact of the fifteen year
long Mozambican civil war on the long-run health and nutritional status of adult women,
measured by their height-for-age z-score (HAZ). In this perspective, two sets of data are used:
the household survey data derived from Demographic and Health Survey (DHS+ 2003) which
provides individual level information and in particular a set of anthropometric measures
combined with an original, event dataset reporting the timing and location of battles and
military actions that took place during this war. In accordance with the existing literature on
this topic, I find that women who were exposed to the conflict during the early stages of their
lives have, on average, a weaker health in comparison to other women, reflected by a lower
HAZ. Using the Infancy-Childhood-Puberty Curves, a concept given by the medical literature
studying the human growth process, I point out that this negative effect depends both on the
age of entry into civil war and on the number of months spent in conflict. Furthermore, this
study indicates that months of civil war before a woman’s birth also have a negative impact
on her health highlighting thus the importance of the prenatal conditions. Moreover, as recent
works have shown, a poor health status induces other adverse effects in the long run. All of
these effects emphasize the importance of preventing civil wars and stopping ongoing
conflicts....
-
March 12, 2010
International Development Research Centre // Wits University Press
Abstract:
Southern Africa has embarked on one of the world’s most ambitious security co-operation initiatives, seeking to roll out the principles of the United Nations at regional levels. This book examines the triangular relationship between democratisation, the character of democracy and its deficits, and national security practices and perceptions of eleven southern African states. It explores what impact these processes and practices have had on the collaborative security project in the region. Based on national studies conducted by African academics and security practitioners over three years, it includes an examination of the way security is conceived and managed, as well as a comparative analysis of regional security co-operation in the developing world. This book includes: Chapter 1: Democratic Governance and Security: A Conceptual Exploration, by Andre du Pisani; Chapter 2: Comparative Perspectives on Regional Security Co-operation among Developing Countries, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 3: Southern African Security in Historical Perspective, by Abillah H. Omari and Paulino Macaringue; Chapter 4: Botswana, by Mpho G. Molomo, Zibani Maundeni, Bertha Osei-Hwedie, Ian Taylor, and Shelly Whitman; Chapter 5: Lesotho, by Khabele Matlosa; Chapter 6: Mauritius, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 7: Mozambique, by Anicia Lalá; Chapter 8: Namibia, by Bill Lindeke, Phanuel Kaapama, and Leslie Blaauw; Chapter 9: Seychelles, by Anthoni van Nieuwkerk and William M. Bell; Chapter 10: South Africa, by Maxi Schoeman; Chapter 11: Swaziland, by Joseph Bheki Mzizi; Chapter 12: Tanzania Mohammed, by Omar Maundi; Chapter 13: Zambia, by Bizeck Jube Phiri; Chapter 14: Zimbabwe, by Ken D. Manungo; and Chapter 15: Conclusions, by Gavin Cawthra, Khabele Matlosa, and Anthoni van Nieuwkerk....
-
December 1, 2009
Overseas Development Institute // Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation
Abstract:
Providing cash transfers to poor households to alleviate poverty has been popular in many middle-income countries, and is an emerging programme approach for a number of low-income countries. As their popularity grows among donors and governments, much is being learnt about the politics that drive cash transfers, as well as important design and implementation issues. The evidence informing cash transfer design has to date been drawn largely from stable and peaceful countries. There has been little discussion however about the role of cash transfers in post-conflict or fragile contexts. This Project Briefing draws on emerging evidence on the experience of cash transfers in fragile and post-conflict states. It highlights specific examples from two case studies on cash transfers in Sierra Leone and Nepal, countries recovering from ten year civil conflicts. It focuses on three aspects of cash transfers in post-conflict contexts: the lessons of existing cash transfer experiences; how much cash transfers contribute to poverty reduction; and the role of cash transfer programming in the context of new state development and social cohesion in a fragile peace process. The case studies were part of a three-year study on cash transfers by ODI, funded by the Swiss Agency for Development Cooperation....
-
November 10, 2009
Journal of Democracy
Abstract:
In nations emerging from war, the immediate postwar period sets the
stage for the future direction of the country. Referred to by former Afghan
finance minister Ashraf Ghani as an “open moment,” this phase
rarely lives up to the hopes and expectations of the country’s citizens
or the international community. An upsurge in corruption and a lack of
accountability, which frequently become entrenched during this time,
can breed popular disenchantment with international donors and with
the interim government and erode trust in democracy and its institutions,
thereby eating away at the legitimacy of the postwar state.
The results can be devastating: Half of all postwar countries resume
violent conflict within ten years. Disaffected, excluded citizens are liable
to become spoilers. To illustrate, in early 2008 Mullah Abdul Salam,
a former Taliban commander who defected and became district governor
of Musa Qala, Afghanistan, explained to the U.S. ambassador that
the failure of aid to arrive and the flourishing of corruption fostered
support for the Taliban....
-
Search for all records in "Mozambique"
-
Myanmar
-
August 11, 2010
United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:
After decades of domestic conflict, military rule and authoritarian governance, Burma’s economy could provide a viable entry point for effective international assistance to promote peace. Doing so would require a detailed understanding of the country’s complex and evolving political economy. Looming challenges could derail Burma’s prospects for economic and political stability. These challenges include irrational macroeconomic policies, failing to ensure all citizens enjoy benefits accrued from natural resources, endemic corruption, a flourishing illicit economy, a dysfunctional financial system and critical infrastructure bottlenecks. Failure to address these problems would frustrate peacebuilding efforts. A conflict-sensitive economic strategy for Burma would focus on effective capacity-building, sustained policy reform, progressive steps to reduce corruption, fiscal empowerment of sub national authorities and prudent natural resource management. Success in these areas requires unwavering political will for sensibly sequenced policy improvements by domestic actors and finely targeted support from Burma’s international partners....
-
July 30, 2010
openDemocracy
Abstract:
Later this year Myanmar will hold its first national elections since 1990, when the National League for Democracy, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, won a resounding victory but was denied the opportunity to take office. In the two decades since that time, those elections have dogged the government of Myanmar both domestically and internationally. This year’s elections thus present an opportunity for the government to place 1990 firmly behind them, pursuant to its self-styled ‘Roadmap to Democracy’.
The roadmap has not lived up to its name, thus far essentially leading the country in circles. Recent signposts include the announcements in February 2008 that elections would be held sometime in 2010, and that a new draft constitution had been completed. Three months later, in the wake of devastating Cyclone Nargis, that Constitution was supposedly approved by over 90% of the electorate, in a referendum characterized by voting forced or otherwise manipulated by the authorities. Then, in what can be seen as an elections-related move, last year Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was arrested for violating the conditions of her house arrest, after an uninvited visitor trespassed on her property. Already detained for nearly fourteen of the past twenty years, she was subsequently sentenced to eighteen additional months—or just long enough to keep her out of the way on and before election day. This year has seen the promulgation of Electoral Laws—which declare the 1990 polls officially void—and the NLD’s decision to boycott the elections....
-
May 27, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Myanmar will shortly hold its first elections in twenty years. Given the restrictive provisions of the 2010 Political Parties Registration Law that bar anyone serving a prison term from membership in a political party, many imprisoned dissidents will be excluded from the process, unless they are released in the near future. Aung San Suu Kyi – whose suspended sentence and house arrest possibly exclude her also – has condemned the legislation, and her National League for Democracy (NLD) has decided not to participate and has, therefore, lost its status as a legally-registered party. There has rightly been much international criticism of the new constitution and of the fact that the elections will not be inclusive, but the political and generational shift that they will bring about may represent the best opportunity in a generation to influence the future direction of the country.
The balloting will take place in the framework of the new constitution, adopted under highly questionable circumstances in 2008. That document, which will come into force following the elections, will entrench the military’s power. It gives the institution significant autonomy, as well as considerable political influence, by reserving a quarter of the seats in national and regional legislatures for it and creating a powerful new national defence and security council controlled by the commander-in-chief, who also receives control of key security ministries and other extraordinary powers....
-
May 26, 2010
Human Rights Foundation of Monland // The Mon Forum
Abstract:
On April 22nd, 2010 the New Mon State Party publicly announced its final refusal of the State Peace and
Development Council’s (SPDC) Border Guard Force (BGF) proposal. The refusal was issued despite
widespread reports that Southeast Command Major General Ye Myint had informed the party at an April 7th
meeting that such a move would lead to a return of the NMSP’s “pre-ceasefire relationship” with the SPDC.
During the week of NMSP deliberations, held at party headquarters in NMSP-controlled territory in Tavoy
District, Tenasserim Divison, tensions rose. SPDC battalions were cited amassing along the border of
NMSP-controlled territories in Tavoy District and farther north, near Three Pagodas Pass. Sensing the threat
of an impending battle, hundreds of residents living in NMSP territory in Tavoy District and southern Mon
State fled their homes, finding refuge in Internally Displaced Person (IDP) camps along the Thailand-Burma
border....
-
May 10, 2010
E-International Relations
Abstract:
Myanmar’s post-colonial era is characterised by the domination of the military as the key actor in the state’s politics over the 62-year period since British rule ended. A comparatively brief ‘parliamentary period’ (1948 – 1962) aside – when the ruling coalition was riven by factionalism, and internecine conflict plagued the nascent state – military domination has persisted under various guises through to the present day, to the extent that the Tatmadaw (‘military’) is synonymous with the state and that Myanmar’s system of rule can be described as ‘praetorian’, in that “military officers are the major…political actors by virtue of their actual or threatened use of force”. Democratic elections have only once resulted in the installation of a civilian-led government in Myanmar. Indeed, the country offers a counter-argument to the “conventional wisdom among political scientists that ‘military rule is the shortest form of authoritarian regime in the developing world’”.
This paper will account for the reasons for the persistence of the Tatmadaw’s chokehold on rule in Myanmar, rejecting the assumption that it is manifested purely through the ‘top-down’ explanation of “sheer force and terror” meted out by the junta, or indeed by the threat of it. Rather, it is asserted that while repression is endemic, military regime longevity can be attributed to the twin factors of ‘culture’ and the continuing ‘strength’ of the Tatmadaw relative to other actors in Myanmar’s politics, without which it would not be in a hegemonic political position....
-
Search for all records in "Myanmar"
-
Namibia
-
March 12, 2010
International Development Research Centre // Wits University Press
Abstract:
Southern Africa has embarked on one of the world’s most ambitious security co-operation initiatives, seeking to roll out the principles of the United Nations at regional levels. This book examines the triangular relationship between democratisation, the character of democracy and its deficits, and national security practices and perceptions of eleven southern African states. It explores what impact these processes and practices have had on the collaborative security project in the region. Based on national studies conducted by African academics and security practitioners over three years, it includes an examination of the way security is conceived and managed, as well as a comparative analysis of regional security co-operation in the developing world. This book includes: Chapter 1: Democratic Governance and Security: A Conceptual Exploration, by Andre du Pisani; Chapter 2: Comparative Perspectives on Regional Security Co-operation among Developing Countries, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 3: Southern African Security in Historical Perspective, by Abillah H. Omari and Paulino Macaringue; Chapter 4: Botswana, by Mpho G. Molomo, Zibani Maundeni, Bertha Osei-Hwedie, Ian Taylor, and Shelly Whitman; Chapter 5: Lesotho, by Khabele Matlosa; Chapter 6: Mauritius, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 7: Mozambique, by Anicia Lalá; Chapter 8: Namibia, by Bill Lindeke, Phanuel Kaapama, and Leslie Blaauw; Chapter 9: Seychelles, by Anthoni van Nieuwkerk and William M. Bell; Chapter 10: South Africa, by Maxi Schoeman; Chapter 11: Swaziland, by Joseph Bheki Mzizi; Chapter 12: Tanzania Mohammed, by Omar Maundi; Chapter 13: Zambia, by Bizeck Jube Phiri; Chapter 14: Zimbabwe, by Ken D. Manungo; and Chapter 15: Conclusions, by Gavin Cawthra, Khabele Matlosa, and Anthoni van Nieuwkerk....
-
January 7, 2009
Journal of Military and Strategic Studies // Centre for Military and Strategic Studies // University of Calgary
Abstract:
The problem of civilians becoming unintentional victims of landmine detonation in the world today is one that cannot be underestimated in terms of its importance to global and local humanitarian efforts. The human-life and financial costs associated with landmine detonation are paramount, and are being addressed by the Global community via the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping and its associated agency UNMAS (The United Nations Mine Action Service). In terms of human-life cost, the current statistic is that every 28 seconds a person steps on a landmine, resulting in 6500 – 20,000 new casualties per year. These tragic events are happening in at least 84 states, and every world region is affected. It is the intent of this literature review to enlighten the reader in two main topic areas. The first is that of mine action and our understanding of it, with specific regard to what is generally understood to be the most affected continent: Africa. A comprehensive description and discussion of the geo-political status of mine action in Southern Africa and its relation to development will be set out.
The second topic area that will be reviewed is that of predictive GIS modeling, as it applies to mine action. The intent is to put forth the scientific (i.e.: based on peer-reviewed publications) background information that justifies and supports an experiment that will be conducted. The goal, in general lay terms, will be to see whether it is possible to predict with a reasonable, usable, and repeatable amount of accuracy the delineating outlines of where minefields are located in a specific geographical study area. It is hoped that the effort with predictive GIS modeling will yield a technique that is valid for use across a variety of study areas. Having said this, the study area that is the concentration of this review is the region of Southern Africa and it must be acknowledged that the results, if positive, may not be transferrable to different Geo-political regions....
-
December 4, 2008
Humanitarian Accountability Partnership
Abstract:
It has been more than four years since discoveries of pervasive misconduct and the subsequent
release of the UN Secretary-General’s Bulletin catalysed humanitarian organisations to reevaluate
their capacities for preventing and responding to sexual exploitation and abuse. In
order to envision global prevention and response strategies, there was a close examination of
current practices which exposed weak or nonexistent codes of conduct, poor awareness of
rights and duties, nonexistent or confusing complaints mechanisms and few (if any) on-staff
investigators. Now, the consultations that are the subject of this report underscore that our
global expectations of how long meaningful change would take, how much it would cost
and what would be involved were unrealistic.
Many similar patterns were clear in all three countries despite the diversity of cultures and
circumstances. These patterns help illuminate widespread challenges and perhaps solutions.
Between August and November in 2007, 295 humanitarian aid beneficiaries in Kenya,
Namibia and Thailand participated in consultations about their perceptions of prevention
and response to sexual exploitation and abuse. Although beneficiaries know sexual abuse
and exploitation is going on around them and perceive the risks, the vast majority of the
295 beneficiaries consulted said they would not complain about misconduct. Consequently,
complaints are rare and investigations even rarer.
“To complain or not to complain” is still a conundrum for most of the beneficiaries with
whom we spoke. Beneficiaries felt they had few channels through which to complain.
Options of complaints mechanisms are limited to dropping a note in a complaints box or
reporting to an individual or chain of people, each of whom will have to choose to take the
complaint seriously and pass it “up” for action. Beneficiaries worry particularly about the
lack both of confidentiality and of security assurances should they complain. Many do not
want to make problems for fellow refugees and actually see the complainant as the troublemaker
who risks creating conflict within their community by complaining. Others stated
they feared losing aid if they complained about humanitarian agencies’ actions. Humanitarian
staff (volunteer, incentive and salaried) expressed reluctance to report on fellow aid workers.
Fear of retaliation is pervasive and prohibits most would-be complainants. Some, although
very few, participants were willing and ready to report alleged sexual exploitation and abuse
related misconduct by humanitarian workers (local, national or international)....
-
November 14, 2008
International Peace Institute
Abstract:
IPI is pleased to introduce a new series of working papers on regional capacities to respond to security
challenges in Africa. The broad range of United Nations, African Union, and subregional peacekeeping,
peacemaking, and peacebuilding initiatives in Africa underscore a new sense of multilayered partnership in the
search for the peaceful resolution of conflicts in Africa. As the total number of conflicts on the continent has
been significantly reduced in the past decade, there is widespread recognition of the opportunities for a more
stable and peaceful future for Africa. But there is also a profound awareness of the fragility of recent peace
agreements, whether in Kenya, Liberia, or Côte d’Ivoire. Furthermore, continued violence in the Sudan, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Zimbabwe; the long absence of a viable central government in Somalia;
and continued tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea—to name only a few cases—reflect the legacy of
unresolved historic disputes and ongoing power struggles...The southern African region is now
generally defined in political terms as
those countries that are members of the
Southern African Development
Community (SADC) (the geographic
definition is usually somewhat more
limited). Currently there are fifteen
member states of the SADC: Angola,
Botswana, the Democratic Republic of the
Congo (DRC), Lesotho, Madagascar,
Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique,
Namibia, the Seychelles, South Africa,
Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and
Zimbabwe.
These countries are disparate in many
ways: they vary greatly in size, population,
and levels of economic growth, and
include some of the poorest countries in
the world, but also some of the richest in
Africa. Six of them are landlocked; two of
them are Indian Ocean islands. They
share a common history of colonization—variously
involving French, British, Belgian, and German
imperial powers—and this continues to impact
significantly on the nature of governance and
politics in the region. Many, but not all, of the
countries of the region experienced periods of
European settler colonialism, resulting in armed
liberation struggles for independence. Several of
them also endured apartheid or various forms of
racial segregation and oppression as a result of that
history of settler colonialism.
Conflict and war has marked the region considerably,
particularly conflicts over apartheid and
colonialism, which engulfed most of southern
Africa and led to millions of deaths. Angola and
Mozambique suffered further from post-independence
civil wars, fueled in part by South Africa and
Rhodesia. After a bloody civil war following the
collapse of Mobutu Sese-Seko’s authoritarian
regime in the DRC in the second half of the 1990s,
however, the region is, for the first time in forty
years, almost completely at peace, except for
residual conflicts in the east of the DRC.
Nevertheless, there remain profound threats to
human and state security, many of them fueled by
poverty, marginalization, and the weakness of
states....
-
October 1, 2008
L’Observatoire des Situations de Déplacement Interne // L’Initiative Internationale en faveur des Droits des Réfugiés
Abstract:
La région des Grands Lacs en Afrique centrale et orientale
a été ravagée par des confl its pendant plus de dix
ans. Les guerres dans la région ont conduit à des mouvements
massifs de population, qui ont eux-mêmes
constitué un motif supplémentaire de confl it. Par exemple,
l’un des fl ux de population les plus importants
et les plus rapides de l’histoire récente a fait suite au
génocide de 1994 au Rwanda qui a causé la mort de
près d’un million de personnes. Des acteurs armés et
des auteurs de violations graves des droits de l’homme
étaient mêlés à une foule de réfugiés authentiques
dans ce fl ux sans précédent. L’incapacité de gérer cette
situation complexe a contribué au déclenchement et
à la poursuite du confl it en République Démocratique
du Congo (RDC).
Aujourd’hui, la région s’efforce de revenir sur la voie
de la paix et du développement. Des accords de paix
ont été signés au Burundi, au Sud Soudan et en RDC.
Des négociations sont en cours pour mettre un terme
à la guerre dans le nord de l’Ouganda avec le soutien
de plusieurs Etats africains. Grâce à ces évolutions, un
grand nombre de réfugiés et de personnes déplacées à
l’intérieur de leur propre pays («personnes déplacées»)
ont été en mesure de rentrer chez eux dans l’ensemble
de la région, que ce soit en Angola, au Burundi, au
Sud Soudan et, dans une certaine mesure, dans le
nord de l’Ouganda. Ce guide a été conçu pour aider les lecteurs à comprendre
le cadre politique, juridique et institutionnel de la
CIRGL. Il se concentre sur les trois protocoles du pilier
social et humanitaire de la Conférence internationale
sur la région des Grands Lacs les plus pertinents pour
la protection des droits des personnes déplacées.3 Nous
espérons que ce guide aidera les défenseurs des droits
des personnes déplacées dans la région à utiliser le Pacte
sur les Grands Lacs pour élaborer des politiques et des
décisions au bénéfi ce des personnes déplacées....
-
Search for all records in "Namibia"
-
Nepal
-
August 20, 2010
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development // Development Co-operation Directorate
Abstract:
In recent years, there has been increased interest in understanding how donor interventions in situations of fragility and conflict can contribute tot he processes of statebuilding. While external actors cannot determine the outcome of those processes, they can target their assistance to support positive statebuilding dynamics. Donors must ensure that they "do no harm" and consider both the intended and unintended consequences of their interventions. This publication fills an important knowledge gap by addressing two fundamental questions: what are the negative impacts that donor interventions can have on statebuilding; and what measures should donors adopt to avoid negative impacts on statebuilding processes? Do No Harm argues that the challenges of statebuilding are such that donors must develop a sophisticated understanding of political processes, patterns of state-society relations and sources of legitimacy in the countries where they are oeprating. Based on an extensive literature review and on six country case-studies (Afghanistan, Bolivia, the Democratic Republic of Congo [DRC], Nepal, Rwanda and Sierra Leon), Do No Harm offers a valuable addition to our knowledge on statebuilding in situations of fragility and conflict....
-
August 5, 2010
Feinstein International Center // Tufts University
Abstract:
This report presents and analyzes the findings of research on local perceptions of social transformation in rural Nepal. Based on fieldwork in multiple sites in 2007-2009, it explores people’s perceptions and views on the nature and dynamics of social transformation and drivers of change during the conflict period and its immediate aftermath. Perceptions, of course, do not always match "reality." What this report explores is more about judgements and what local people considered meaningful to themselves, rather than established facts. In particular, it presents the findings, and our interpretations of them, in a manner that can contribute not only to scholarly debate but, importantly, to current discussions on development policy choices and on the role of aid agencies. The field evidence suggests that the political economy of survival in rural Nepal has not changed dramatically.
There has been no revolution at the level of livelihoods. The poor remain poor, families receiving remittances
are better off, and, in some cases, can access land that traditional landlords have abandoned. An overall land
reform remains a distant aspiration. However, the combination (and sometimes the competition) of the political
agency of the Maoists and social development work of civil society organizations, in parallel with the development
of formal and non-formal education, has resulted in a historical transformation of consciousness. Awareness of
rights and gender has increased massively, the collective agency of women and oppressed and marginalized groups
has escalated and has probably resulted in durable changes in how individuals, groups, and institutions interrelate.
However, the "revolution," such as it is, has yet to make a serious dent in the structural violence that continues to
characterize life in rural Nepal. This study points to a rapidly emerging flashpoint here: if transformation in rural Nepal is more about the
symbolic and the "awareness" aspects of social relationships and less about the structural dimensions of the human
condition, the perceived disconnect between aspirations and reality is bound to escalate, with potentially serious
consequences....
-
July 19, 2010
Escola de Cultura de Pau // School for a Culture of Peace
Abstract:
A survey of the models of peace processes existing today
and in the immediate past will show how they are very
closely bound to the kinds of demands underlying each of
the conflicts. In other words, the underlying issue being
disputed is what determines the model of peace process. Following
this line of thought, we can distinguish between five
main models, namely reinsertion, power-sharing, exchange,
trust-building measures and self-governance. The first model, reinsertion, is the simplest, although
it is also not very frequent. It refers to cases in which the
armed group agrees to lay down its weapons in exchange
for facilities to help them reintegrate into society. The second model, one of the most frequent, which
involves political, economic and military power-sharing,
takes place when the armed groups seek to attain the power
to take over the political steering of a country and from
there run all the economic and military affairs. The third model is what we call exchange, in which
peace is achieved in exchange for something else. A fourth model of peace process, though not a common
one, is based on creating confidence-building measures. Finally, the fifth model involves achieving some kind
of self-governance in regions with demands for autonomy
or independence; this is called “intermediate political
architectures”....
-
June 9, 2010
openDemocracy
Abstract:
Nepal’s peace process following the civil war of 1996-2006 tends to be described by international experts as a homegrown affair. Those experts directly involved in it have often expressed such a judgment at turning-points in the process. For example, in the wake of the Maoists’ victory in the constituent-assembly elections of 10 April 2008, Ian Martin - the then head of the United Nations Mission in Nepal (Unmin) - said: “Nepal's peace process has been truly indigenous: it has not been mediated or managed by any external third party.” A year later, when the Maoists resigned from government, Rakesh Sood - India’s ambassador to Nepal - echoed the view: “It is completely an internal affair of Nepal. I would completely deny that there was any Indian role or involvement.”
A closer look suggests that these remarks are diplomatese: for the international community - and indeed Unmin and India in particular - have shaped Nepal’s peace process, by pursuing a variety of strategies that have not always been complementary. Nepal today is living with the result: a political impasse that offers no straightforward resolution....
-
May 26, 2010
United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Abstract:
This map displays the type and number of security incidents as well the specific groups involved by region in Nepal, between 1-30 April 2010.
-
Search for all records in "Nepal"
-
Netherlands
-
April 16, 2010
Demos
Abstract:
The path into terrorism in the name of Islam is often described as a process of radicalisation. But to be radical is not necessarily to be violent. Violent radicals are clearly enemies of liberal democracies, but non-violent radicals might sometimes be powerful allies.
This report is a summary of two years of research examining the difference between violent and non-violent radicals in Europe and Canada. The report covers five countries: the UK, Canada, Denmark,
France and the Netherlands, focusing on the phenomenon
of ‘home-grown’ al-Qaeda inspired terrorism in these
countries. It represents a step towards a more nuanced understanding of behaviour across radicalised individuals, the appeal of the al-Qaeda narrative, and the role of governments and communities in responding....
-
April 13, 2010
Campaign for Innocent Victims in Conflict
Abstract:
Afghan civilians deserve amends from warring parties for deaths, injuries, and property
losses—that is, some form of recognition and monetary compensation. Under international
law and agreements signed with the Afghan government, the troop contributing nations
(TCNs) of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) are not liable for damage to
civilian property or civilian injury or death as a result of lawful operations. However, most
ISAF members now offer payments when such losses occur. This is a marked improvement
from the early days of the conflict when the US and its NATO allies declined to address civilian
harm. CIVIC’s research into the experiences of ISAF troops and Afghan civilians demonstrates that
when international military forces provide payment (henceforth called “compensation” to
indicate both monetary and in-kind help), especially combined with an apology for harm,
civilian hostility toward international forces decreases. However, the effectiveness of these
payments has been limited by the lack of uniform policies across ISAF nations, limited information
gathering about civilian harm generally and, in many cases, insensitive requirements
that civilians suffering losses take the initiative to file claims.
This report describes the policies and practices of major ISAF TCNs. It finds that soldiers as
well as civilians view amends for harm favorably. The process of investigation, negotiation
of payment, and offers of formal compensation are opportunities to strengthen relationships
with local leaders and communities, to explain what happened, and acknowledge loss....
-
March 31, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Anwar al-`Awlaqi: Profile of a Jihadi Radicalizer, by Christopher Heffelfinger; The Taliban Arrest Wave in Pakistan: Reasserting Strategic Depth?, by Thomas Ruttig; Untangling the Punjabi Taliban Network, by Raheel Khan; Insight into a Suicide Bomber Training Camp in Waziristan, by S.H. Tajik; Iran’s Ambiguous Role in Afghanistan, by Sajjan M. Gohel; The Nexus Between Salafism and Jihadism in the Netherlands, by Beatrice de Graaf; Pakistan’s Anti-Terrorism Courts, by Huma Yusuf....
-
February 15, 2010
MICROCON
Abstract:
The Dutch fear of violence involving Muslims typifies the implicit association
that people easily seem to make between Muslims and violence. Almost irrespective of
the actual level of violent incidents, Muslims seem to project an image of responding
violently to every political incident. How did this image come into being? In the
Netherlands, what types of incidents and developments have occurred that led to
potentially violent tensions and conflicts in which Muslims were involved? This paper
seeks to answer this question. First, it elaborates on radicalisation and on tensions and
violent conflicts, both within and between social groups, and on the underlying
mechanisms that are responsible for causing inter-group conflicts. Thereafter, we give an
overview of radicalisation and tensions and violent conflicts involving (elements of)
Muslim communities in the Netherlands. In the concluding part, we elaborate on global
trends regarding the peaceful or not-so-peaceful co-existence of different social groups
and focus on the current situation in the Netherlands....
-
December 10, 2009
Lowy Institute for International Policy
Abstract:
The planned withdrawal of Netherlands forces
from Oruzgan in mid-2010 raises questions
about who will replace the Dutch as lead
nation in the province and about the fragile
stability that has been built there by the Dutch
and the Australians. President Obama’s
announcement raises further questions about
the number and role of Australian forces in
Afghanistan and about Australia’s civil and
diplomatic contributions to the stabilisation of
Afghanistan and its broader region. US President Obama’s decision to dispatch
30,000 additional troops to the war in
Afghanistan, announced in a speech to the
West Point military academy on 1 December,
has echoes of former President Bush’s own
surge of 20,000 troops to Iraq in 2007. Like
the surge in Iraq, Obama’s surge seeks to turn
around a losing war, or rather to demonstrate
that it is still ultimately winnable....
-
Search for all records in "Netherlands"
-
Netherlands Antilles
-
April 28, 2010
RAND Corporation
Abstract:
The Netherlands Ministry of Defence (NL MOD) commissioned RAND Europe to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the Netherlands armed forces, asking RAND to focus on recent deployments of the Netherlands armed forces relative to the deployments of other countries' armed forces. This study is therefore not a root and branch consideration of the Netherlands armed forces, but a comparative study of several different armed forces to illustrate contrasts and similarities with those of the Netherlands. This study was conducted within the context of the NL MOD's Future Policy Survey, which is a review of the Netherlands' future defence ambition, required capabilities and associated levels of defence expenditure. The Future Policy Survey was delivered to the Netherlands Parliament in April 2010. The overarching aim of the Dutch Future Policy Survey is to provide greater insight into how to exploit and enhance the potential contribution of the Netherlands armed forces....
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
September 1, 2004
European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT)
Abstract:
-
September 1, 2004
European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT)
Abstract:
-
Search for all records in "Netherlands Antilles"
-
New Caledonia
-
May 24, 2006
Australian National University // State, Society And Governance In Melanesia Project
Abstract:
The decade since the early 1990s has witnessed the growth of a field of research and practice aimed at resolving and preventing violent conflict. Research on violent conflict has led to a number of different theories on causes of violent conflict, many of them based on the study of large-scale, protracted conflicts in Africa and the Balkans. Advocates of conflict prevention have linked longer-term root causes of violent conflict to aspects of underdevelopment, and tensions inherent in development processes....
-
October 13, 2005
Globalsecurity.org
Abstract:
New Caledonia, a French colonial holding in the south Pacific, has a long history of tension between its European ( largely French) colonists and the indigenous Melanesians, also knows as Kanaks. A notable Kanak revolt that occurred in 1878 claimed over a thousand lives and resulted in increased repression on the part of the French colonizers.
-
March 16, 2005
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
Abstract:
Ante Gotovina, a former French Legionnaire of the rank of Chief Corporal, returned to Croatia in June 1991, whereupon he was appointed Chief of Operations and Training of the 1st Brigade of the Zbor Narodne Garde ("ZNG") (National Guard Corps). From February to April 1992, he was Deputy to the Commander of the Special Unit of the Main Staff of the Croatian army, the Hrvatska Vojska (the "HV"), and from April to October 1992, he was assigned to the Croatian Defence Council, the Hrvatsko Vijece Obrane (the "HVO"). On 9 October 1992, Ante Gotovina, holding the rank of Brigadier, was appointed the Commander of the Split Operative Zone of the HV (which in 1993 was re-named the Split Military District), and held that command until March 1996. On 30 May 1994, he was promoted to the rank of Major General. By early August 1995, he had been promoted to the rank of Colonel General. On 4 August 1995, the Republic of Croatia launched a military offensive known as "Oluja" or "Storm" ("Operation Storm"), with the objective of re-taking the Krajina region. Ante Gotovina was the overall operational commander of the Croatian forces that were deployed as part of Operation Storm in the southern portion of the Krajina region, including the municipalities, in whole or in part, of Benkovac, Gracac, Knin, Obrovac, Sibenik, Sinj and Zadar. On 7 August 1995, the Croatian government announced that the Operation had been successfully completed. Follow-up actions continued until about 15 November 1995. Between 4 August 1995 and 15 November 1995, the accused Ante Gotovina, acting individually and/or in concert with other members of the joint criminal enterprise, planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted in the planning, preparation, or execution of persecutions of the Krajina Serb population in the southern portion of the Krajina region. The crime of persecutions was perpetrated through the following: plunder of public or private property, destruction of property, deportation and forced displacement, murder and other inhumane acts...
-
October 4, 2004
British Broadcasting Corporation
Abstract:
A French overseas territory in the Pacific, New Caledonia has seen profound divisions between its indigenous and European populations, notably over the thorny issue of independence.
-
Search for all records in "New Caledonia"
-
New Zealand
-
November 26, 2009
Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
In July 2009, the UN General Assembly held an Interactive Informal Dialogue and plenary session on the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP). The dialogue provided the first opportunity for the UN membership as a whole to discuss implementation of the 2005 World Summit’s commitment to the RtoP and the UN Secretary-General’s report on the matter. Fifteen governments from the Asia-Pacific region, namely Indonesia, the Philippines, Korea, New Zealand, Australia, Singapore, Japan, China, Vietnam, Solomon Islands, Myanmar, Timor-Leste, DPRK, PNG and Malaysia, participated in the dialogue. This culminated in a resolution co-sponsored by, inter alia, Australia, Fiji, Singapore, Papua New Guinea, Republic of Korea, Timor-Leste and New Zealand that noted the Secretary-General’s report, observed the fruitfulness of the interactive dialogue, and committed the Assembly to further consideration of the RtoP.
According to the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, one of the most significant aspects of the dialogue was the positive transformation of attitudes towards the RtoP within the Asia-Pacific region. Having previously been considered the region most opposed to the RtoP, the region now boasts near unanimity in its endorsement of the principle and the Secretary-General’s efforts towards its implementation (with the exception of North Korea)....
-
July 14, 2009
The Australian National University
Abstract:
Internal conflict has become the predominant threat to the security and stability of many of the small island nations of the Southwest Pacific and particularly in the countries of Melanesia.
Since the late 1980s, conflicts of varying causes and degrees of intensity have occurred in Papua New Guinea (Bougainville secession attempt)i, Fiji (coups and attempted coups), Vanuatu (police rebellion) and Solomon Islands (ethnic conflict and coup).
These events have seriously debilitated the already fragile national economies and polities of all countries, so much so in the Solomon Islands that that country is now being described by many analysts as a “failing”, if not “failed”, state.ii
While most of these countries have so far been able (not without difficulty) to maintain a measure of state integrity, the situation in Solomon Islands has become so precarious that Australia and New Zealand (with the support of most Pacific Island governments and anticipating a request from the Solomons’ parliament) are preparing to intervene in an attempt to restore the rule of law and rebuild administrative institutions. The form of that intervention is not yet clear - it is thought likely to include up to 2,000 armed military and police with a large team of civilian technical personnel – nor has a mandate been determined.
In this context a host of questions arises as to how best to resolve, contain, manage and/or transform these internal conflicts in the interest of the security, stability and well-being of the peoples of the countries concerned and of the region as a whole. The purpose of this paper is to consider one form of conflict management undertaken recently in the region; that is, the peace monitoring interventions by Australia, New Zealand and some Pacific Island Countries (PICs) in Bougainville and Solomon Islands. How useful have these exercises been in assisting peace processes and in conflict management/peace construction, and what lessons can be drawn from them for any future such operations - including perhaps for the more vigorous “co-operative intervention” currently in prospect?...
-
August 26, 2008
Asian Development Bank Institute
Abstract:
This paper quantifies the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth in Asia for 1970–2004. Our panel estimations show that transnational terrorist attacks had a significant growth-limiting effect. Transnational terrorism reduces growth by crowding in government expenditures. An internal conflict has the greatest growth concern, about twice that of transnational terrorism. For developing Asian countries, intrastate and interstate wars have a much greater impact than terrorism does on the crowding-in of government spending.
Policy recommendations indicate the need for rich Asian countries to assist their poorer neighbors in coping with the negative growth consequences of political violence. Failure to assist may result in region-wide repercussions. Conflict and terrorism in one country can create production bottlenecks with region-wide economic consequences. International and nongovernmental organizations as well as developed Western countries and regions could assist at-risk Asian countries with attack prevention and post-attack recovery.
This study has six purposes. First, and foremost, we present panel estimates for a sample of 42 Asian countries to quantify the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth for 1970–2004. Panel estimation methods control for country-specific and timespecific unobserved heterogeneity. Second, we distinguish the influence of terrorism on economic growth from that of internal and external conflicts. Third, these influences are investigated for cohorts of developed and developing countries to ascertain whether development can better allow a country to absorb the impact of political violence. Fourth, econometric estimations relate violence-induced growth reductions to two pathways— reduced investment and increased government expenditures. Fifth, a host of diagnostic and sensitivity tests to support our empirical specifications. Last, we draw some policy conclusions....
-
March 23, 2007
South Asia Analysis Group
Abstract:
Besides imposing smart sanctions, travel advisories to ensure that tourist industry is affected, periodic verbal and economic threats and lobbying international agencies to cut their links with Fiji, both Australia and New Zealand think that by these methods a small country like Fiji could be squeezed into submission. They are mistaken.
-
January 9, 2007
Abstract:
The Kokoda Foundation has been established as an independent, not-for-profit think tank to research, and foster innovative thinking on, Australia's future security challenges. The Foundation's Priorities: To conduct quality research on security issues commissioned by public and private sector organisations; To foster innovative thinking on Australia's future security challenges; To publish quality papers ( The Kokoda Papers ) on issues relevant to Australia's security challenges; To develop Security Challenges as the leading refereed #journal in the field; To encourage and, where appropriate, mentor a new generation of advanced strategic thinkers; and Encourage research contributions by current and retired senior officials, business people and others with relevant expertise....
-
Search for all records in "New Zealand"
-
Nicaragua
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
January 6, 2009
The Heritage Foundation
Abstract:
Because of their growing membership and globalization, urban youth gangs have become a public security threat that must be addressed. Gangs once provided outlets for marginalized youths to socialize, control territory, and release aggression. More recently, some have evolved into informally affiliated international criminal networks. Two predominantly Hispanic gangs -- Calle 18 and Mara Salvatrucha -- began to proliferate in Los Angeles during the 1960s and now have fraternal links to some 130,000 to 300,000 members in Mexico and Central America and have expanded across the United States to major cities and rural communities on the Eastern Seaboard. Gang activities range from defending neighborhood turf to armed robbery, extortion, alien smuggling, and arms and drug trafficking. Gangs provide a handy supply of young collaborators for organized crime. Their transnational nature is facilitated by fluid migration across porous national borders, incarceration with experienced criminals in U.S. prisons, and the weak rule of law in Mexico and Central America. Although no hard evidence links them with terrorist networks, transnational gangs are a potential menace to the stability of North American neighbors of the United States....
-
November 4, 2008
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
The 110th Congress has maintained a keen interest in the effects of crime and
gang violence in Central America and its spillover effects on the United States. Since
February 2005, more than 2,000 alleged members of the violent Mara Salvatrucha
(MS-13) gang have been arrested in cities across the United States. These arrests
have raised concerns about the transnational activities of Central American gangs,
and governments throughout the region are struggling to find the right combination
of suppressive and preventive policies to deal with them. Some analysts assert that
increasing U.S. deportations of individuals with criminal records to Central American
countries may be contributing to the gang problem.
Several U.S. agencies have been actively engaged on both the law enforcement
and preventive side of dealing with Central American gangs. An inter-agency
committee worked together to develop a U.S. Strategy to Combat Criminal Gangs
from Central America and Mexico, which was announced at a July 2007 U.S.-Central
American Integration System (SICA) summit on security issues. The strategy, which
is now being implemented, states that the U.S. government will pursue coordinated
anti-gang activities through five broad areas: diplomacy, repatriation, law
enforcement, capacity enhancement, and prevention.
During the first session of the 110th Congress, several Members introduced
immigration legislation – H.R. 1645 (Gutierrez), S. 330 (Isakson), and S. 1348
(Reid) – that included provisions to increase cooperation among the United States,
Mexico, and Central America in the tracking of gang activity and in the handling of
deported gang members. However, none of those bills were enacted. On October 2,
2007, the House passed H.Res. 564 (Engel) supporting expanded cooperation
between the United States and Central America to combat crime and violence. The
Consolidation Appropriations Act, FY2008 (H.R. 2764/P.L. 110-161), included the
provision of $8 million to the State Department to combat criminal youth gangs, $3
million more than the Administration’s request.
In June 2008, Congress appropriated $60 million for Central America in the
FY2008 Supplemental Appropriations Act, H.R. 2642 (P.L. 110-252). Those funds
will serve as initial funding for the Mérida Initiative, a new anticrime and counterdug
aid package for Mexico and Central America. With that funding, the State
Department reportedly plans to use roughly $13 million to support direct anti-gang
efforts, with another $4 million included for justice sector reform, $8.6 million for
police reform, and $18 million for related development programs.
This report describes the gang problem in Central America, discusses country
and regional approaches to deal with the gangs, and analyzes U.S. policy with respect
to gangs in Central America. It will be updated periodically. For more information
on the Mérida Initiative, see CRS Report RS22837, Merida Initiative: U.S. Anticrime
and Counterdrug Assistance for Mexico and Central America. For information on
the activities of Central American gangs in the United States, see CRS Report
RL34233, The MS-13 and 18th Street Gangs: Emerging Transnational Gang Threats....
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
July 3, 2008
German Institute of Global and Area Studies
Abstract:
Central America has the reputation of being a violent region with high crime rates, youth gangs, drug traffic, and ubiquitous insecurity. Politicians, the media, and social scientists in and outside the region often claim that the societies are in complete agreement with their judgment of the situation and that all society members are calling for law and order and social segregation. Focusing on Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, the paper analyzes the social perception of violence and crime. On the basis of essays written by secondary school students and interviews with citizens from all walks of life in the three countries, the paper points out how elite arguments on violence and crime are translated into
everyday life, and what society members suggest be done to deal with these problems. The sources prove that there are noticeable hegemonic discourses on violence and crime in Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua. Simultaneously, a majority of the respondents call for social and integrative solutions rather than the so-called “iron fist.” The repressive trend in Central American policies therefore does not necessarily receive the presumed affirmation asserted by many authorities on and in the region....
-
Search for all records in "Nicaragua"
-
Niger
-
July 21, 2010
African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // Conflict Trends Issue #1 2010
Abstract:
In a bid to actualise the Niger Delta Peace Plan, in April
2009 the Nigerian President offered amnesty to militants
of the Niger Delta. Whereas this announcement was
seen by some as a route to peace, it is suggested in this
article that an effective solution to a protracted problem is
about tackling the problem with evidence-based models,
and not about making it easier to live with. The Niger
Delta problem, like many other conflicts in developing
countries, has its roots in protracted and intergenerational dispute. It is about fundamentum omnius cultus animae
(“the soul of all improvement is the improvement of the
soul”). One best-practice model to deal with this kind of
problem is the application of the psychology of cognitive
behaviour reversal training (CBrT), aimed at providing
fundamental trainings on alternative dispute resolution,
active citizenship, behaviour modification and victim
empathy to both the militants and the traditional leaders
of the respective communities to which the militants must
eventually return.
This article argues for a constructive community
mentoring and peace education model for ex-militants
in divided communities, in addition to any reintegration
programme. The objective is to help peace practitioners
and advocates transform ex-militants into agents of change
in divided societies. The argument is that any constructive
peace project needs to hold peace and community
reintegration action workshops, in the process training,
organising and mobilising both community leaders and
militants to bring them together, based on Braithwaite’s
theory of “re-integrative shaming” and Collins’s notion of
“interactive ritual”....
-
June 14, 2010
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:
Since its founding in January 2007, al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM)
has continued the jihadi fi ght begun by its predecessor, the Salafi st Group for
Preaching and Combat (GSPC), against the Algerian government. Algeria’s
ability to contain the jihadis has forced AQIM to develop networks in the
Sahara and to cooperate with smuggling rings there. Its mobile commandos,
already active in Mauritania, now represent a serious security threat in northern
parts of Mali and Niger, where they have abducted Westerners and frequently
clashed with government forces.
Osama bin Laden appears to have no grand plans for Africa. But the
Algerian-run AQIM could help al-Qaeda central incorporate a new generation
of recruits from the Sahel. This jihadi progression south of the Sahara is
limited, but troublesome, especially given a recent offer by AQIM’s leader to
train Muslim militias in Nigeria.
However, the ethno-racial divide within al-Qaeda has kept African recruits
out of leadership roles. AQIM cannot prove its commitment to “Africanized”
jihad without Africanizing at least some of its leadership. Also, AQIM has
partnered throughout the Sahel with criminals, not local salafi movements,
limiting its appeal and preventing it from becoming a revolutionary challenger.
This does not mean deterring AQIM will be easy: Mauritania, Mali, and Niger
are among the world’s poorest states and will require international support to
defuse AQIM’s momentum. Algeria is right to push for regional cooperation
to address the threat, and discreet aid from the West is crucial to help the Sahel
countries regain control of their territory from al-Qaeda forces and prevent the
terror group from taking hold in Africa....
-
April 9, 2010
African Journal on Conflict Resolution // African Centre for for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes
Abstract:
What kind of conflict resolution approaches can effectively address intra-state wars
based on identity? Liberal peace models were designed to deal with inter-state
conflicts, and when applied to inter-ethnic conflicts bring limited success and often
disastrous results. This article from the African Journal on Conflict Resolution argues
that identities should be seen as key assets in building sustainable peace, justice and
reconciliation. Regional peace and security mechanisms and traditional justice
approaches should be used and international justice mechanisms approached with
caution. This special issue includes: Identity and Peace: Reconfiguring Conflict Resolution in Africa, by Gerard Hagg and Peter Kagwanja; Tunnel Vision or Kaleidoscope: Competing Concepts on
Sudan Identity and National Integration, by Atta El-Battahani; Identity Politics, Democratisation and State Building
in Ethiopia’s Federal Arrangement, by Kidane Mengisteab; Cultural Diversity and the Somali Conflict: Myth or Reality?, by Abdulahi A. Osman; Political Management of Ethnic Perceptions:
An Assessment of the African National Congress, by Mcebisi Ndletyana; Ethnic Diversity and Conflict in Nigeria:
Lessons from the Niger Delta Crisis, by Wilson Akpan; Cultural Diversity in Conflict and Peace Making in Africa, by Molem C. Sama; The Political Role of the Ethnic Factor around Elections
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, by Hubert Kabungulu Ngoy-Kangoy; Identity and Cultural Diversity in Conflict Resolution and
Democratisation for the African Renaissance: The Case of Burundi, by Philippe Ntahombaye and Gaspard Nduwayo and ‘Echoing Silences’: Ethnicity in post-colonial Zimbabwe, 1980-2007, by James Muzondidya and Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni....
-
February 23, 2010
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
The president of Niger, Mamadou Tandja, was toppled in a military coup d’état on February 18. Soldiers led by a little-known commander, Salou Djibo, pounced as the president held a cabinet meeting and placed him under house arrest in the capital, Niamey. The military junta, which calls itself the Supreme Council for the Restoration of Democracy, said it had been compelled to act because of the president’s unconstitutional rule.
-
February 17, 2010
Committee to Protect Journalists
Abstract:
At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging....
-
Search for all records in "Niger"
-
Nigeria
-
August 17, 2010
Human Rights Watch
Abstract:
Countless ordinary Nigerians attempting to make precarious ends meet as taxi drivers, market traders, and shopkeepers are accosted on a daily basis by armed police officers who demand bribes and commit human rights abuses against them as a means of extorting money. Those who fail to pay are frequently threatened with arrest and physical harm. Far too often these threats are carried out. Meanwhile, victims of crime are obliged to pay the police from the moment they enter a police station to file a complaint until the day their case is brought before a court. In the shadows, high-level police officials embezzle staggering sums of public funds meant to cover basic police operations. Senior police officers also enforce a perverse system of “returns” in which rank-and-file officers are compelled to pay up the chain of command a share of the money they extort from the public. Those charged with police oversight, discipline, and reform have for years failed to take effective action, thereby reinforcing impunity for police officers of all ranks who regularly perpetrate crimes against the citizens they are mandated to protect....
-
July 29, 2010
African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Abstract:
Ethnicity is a prominent feature in Nigeria’s socio-economic environment and
is fervently exhibited within the context of the ‘indigene-settler dichotomy’. As
this encourages exclusivism, it has been a major factor responsible for violent
conflicts across the country. While many urban spaces in the country have
witnessed such conflicts, a few have not. This study examines the indigene-settler
inter-relations in Enugu to determine why and how the city sustained ethnic
coexistence, cooperation and harmony since the end of the civil war (1967–
1970). It demonstrates how, while ethnic attachment appeared to be strong,
and while conflicts and occasional tensions did occur in the city, inter-ethnic
relationships were cordial and symbiotic. It further identifies and interrogates
cogent factors responsible for this trend. The paper argues that the constructive management of ethnic conflicts, as demonstrated in the city, could be efficient
and productive. Despite optimism in Enugu’s peaceful condition, however, it
concludes that potential complications could emanate, as the factors responsible
for Enugu’s condition are amenable to change. Both primary and secondary
sources (eighty-six in-person interviews, twelve focus group discussions, archival
and secondary materials) were used within a multi-disciplinary framework....
-
July 28, 2010
African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Abstract:
This paper sketches a conceptual framework of international conflict dynamics
and resolution, examines the geopolitics of the Bakassi dispute between Nigeria
and Cameroon, and outlines socio-economic implications of its peaceful
settlement. Neglect and subsequent discovery of oil deposits subjected the
Bakassi Peninsula to claims and counter-claims for sovereignty, military
occupation and recourse to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). The ICJ’s
ruling in 2002 in favour of Cameroon, although based on sound historical
evidence, faced implementation difficulties. However, following mediation by
the United Nations (UN) Secretary-General, good faith by protagonists, the
Green-tree Agreement and subsequent instruments, Nigeria completed the
withdrawal of its military, police and administration from the Bakassi Peninsula
by 14 August 2008. Putting aside disruptive activities by social movements,
the entire process could be viewed as a model in peaceful resolution of border
conflicts. Implications of the settlement anchor on expenditure-reducing
and expenditure-switching effects, wealth-generating effects, and enhanced cross-border activities. Infrastructural developments and effective presence are
considered essential elements in border management policies....
-
July 21, 2010
African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // Conflict Trends Issue #1 2010
Abstract:
In a bid to actualise the Niger Delta Peace Plan, in April
2009 the Nigerian President offered amnesty to militants
of the Niger Delta. Whereas this announcement was
seen by some as a route to peace, it is suggested in this
article that an effective solution to a protracted problem is
about tackling the problem with evidence-based models,
and not about making it easier to live with. The Niger
Delta problem, like many other conflicts in developing
countries, has its roots in protracted and intergenerational dispute. It is about fundamentum omnius cultus animae
(“the soul of all improvement is the improvement of the
soul”). One best-practice model to deal with this kind of
problem is the application of the psychology of cognitive
behaviour reversal training (CBrT), aimed at providing
fundamental trainings on alternative dispute resolution,
active citizenship, behaviour modification and victim
empathy to both the militants and the traditional leaders
of the respective communities to which the militants must
eventually return.
This article argues for a constructive community
mentoring and peace education model for ex-militants
in divided communities, in addition to any reintegration
programme. The objective is to help peace practitioners
and advocates transform ex-militants into agents of change
in divided societies. The argument is that any constructive
peace project needs to hold peace and community
reintegration action workshops, in the process training,
organising and mobilising both community leaders and
militants to bring them together, based on Braithwaite’s
theory of “re-integrative shaming” and Collins’s notion of
“interactive ritual”....
-
July 21, 2010
African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // Conflict Trends Issue #1 2010
Abstract:
An intriguing factor in regard to the crisis in the Niger Delta
lies in the fact that there seem to be as many small arms as
there are militant groups. Although uncertainty surrounds
the actual number of such groups that unleash terror in
the region, as a result of a constant mutation in their ranks,
what is certain is the negative effect of their collective
terror on the Nigerian economy. These groups, individually
and collectively, sustained attacks on oil installations that adversely affected oil production outputs, and Nigeria’s
earnings. Often erroneously popularised in the local and
international media as one umbrella group, the Movement
for the emancipation of the Niger Delta (MeND) has never
been a cohesive entity; in fact, it derives its essence from the
shifting alliances of other groups and its legendary access to
the world’s media. What is not in doubt, is that these militant groups have
been in a prolonged war with the Nigerian state, operating
under the auspices of the Joint Military Task Force (JTF),
with casualties on all sides. The militants employ a guerrilla
strategy in most of their attacks, targeting oil installations
and foreign oil workers. Their tactics consist of kidnapping,
hostage-taking of both local and foreign employees of
oil companies, and arson against vital oil installations
and pipelines. Their activities have made oil production
dangerous and, as such, have affected Nigeria’s output to the
point where Nigeria is increasingly unable to meet its OPeC
production quota.
The amnesty package of the Nigerian government is a
sleight of hand. Although the injustice in the revenue-sharing
formula and the environmental degradation that has eroded
the traditional means of livelihood in the Niger Delta had
spawned unrest across the region, some analysts suggest
that the upsurge in the activities of militants in the last five
years is traceable to two factors: inter-ethnic wars and the
massive build-up of arms by politicians during the 2003
re-election bid of the Niger Delta governors. It was after these
“empowerments” that the militants became emboldened to
take on the state....
-
Search for all records in "Nigeria"
-
North Africa
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Building a Strategic U.S.-Pakistan
Nuclear Relationship, by Rolf Mowatt-Larssen; Beyond the Moscow Bombings: Islamic
Militancy in the North Caucasus, by Christopher Swift; After Pune, Details Emerge on the
Karachi Project and its Threat to India ,by Animesh Roul; Assessing the Recent Terrorist Threat
to the Malacca Strait, by Peter Chalk; The Philippines Chips Away at the Abu
Sayyaf Group’s Strength, by Zachary Abuza; Al-Qa`ida in the Islamic Maghreb:
A Case Study in the Opportunism of Global Jihad, by Jean-Pierre Filiu; No Silver Bullets: Explaining Research
on How Terrorism Ends, by Audrey Kurth Cronin;...
-
August 23, 2010
Danish Institute for International Studies
Abstract:
The purpose of the present report is to provide easily accessible background information
about the main Islamist organizations in Morocco and about recent trends in
regime responses to them. Islamist organizations are here defined as organizations
and actors distinct from the wider Islamic community or umma by their seeking to
create a political order defined in terms of Islam (Mandaville, 2007: 20).
Morocco hosts a profusion of Islamist organizations. Among these are a number
of radical organizations which do not shy away from using violence to obtain their
goals. Such organizations were behind the terrorist attacks in Casablanca of 16 May
2003, were involved in the Madrid bombings in 2004 and have also been behind a
number of small-scale events, such as an unsuccessful bombing attempt in Casablanca
in 2007.
However, the present report focuses predominantly on the two main and non-violent
Islamist organizations in Morocco; namely Harakat al-Islâh wa at-Tawhid (Movement
for Reform and Unity, MUR) and its related political party, Hizb al Adala wal Tanmia
(Party of Justice and Development, PJD); and Al Jama’a al Adl wal Ihsan ( Justice and
Spirituality Organisation).
The report has been prepared on the basis of existing literature and on insights gathered
during a field visit to Morocco in November 2009. Merieme Yafout (doctoral
student at the University of Hassan II in Casablanca) has contributed with important
research input in Morocco....
-
August 12, 2010
Norwegian Peacebuilding Centre // Noref
Abstract:
The conflict in Sudan’s western province of
Darfur has revived even as the peace talks in
Qatar between Sudan’s government and the
rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM)
seem to have collapsed. Egypt has hitherto
refrained from involvement in negotiations to
end the conflict, a strategy that has contributed
to further diminishing Cairo’s already weakened
status as a major player in regional politics and
diplomacy.
Now, however, several developments present
Egypt with an opportunity to assume a more
active mediating role. Among these is a direct
invitation to Egypt from the JEM leader Khalil
Ibrahim. Egypt’s position is complicated by its
need to balance its relations with Sudan and
those of other Sudanese political actors, and
inhibited by narrow security calculations – chief
among which is ensuring a stable government
in Khartoum.
But Egypt still has the political stature and
regional influence to impel the parties to
the conflict to negotiate in earnest. Such an
effort would carry risks for Cairo, not least the
possibility of damaging its relationship with
both Khartoum and the rebel groups. However,
a more active contribution to peace diplomacy
over Darfur would restore Egypt’s position as
a regional heavyweight and could help resolve
one of the most intractable disputes of the past
decade....
-
August 10, 2010
Foreign Policy
Abstract:
Marc Lynch is associate professor of political science and international affairs at George Washington University, where he is the director of the Institute for Middle East Studies. He is also a non-resident senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security. He publishes frequently on the politics of the Middle East, with a particular focus on the Arab media and information technology, Iraq, Jordan, Egypt, and Islamist movements. He also works on public diplomacy and strategic communications. His most recent book, Voices of the New Arab Public: Al-Jazeera, Iraq, and Middle East Politics Today, was selected as a Choice Outstanding Academic Book. Lynch began writing his influential Middle East politics blog Abu Aardvark under a pseudonym in 2002, and began blogging under his own name in the spring of 2005. Despite (or perhaps because of) the quirky name, Abu Aardvark gained a wide following among Middle East policy professionals, journalists, and academics....
-
July 8, 2010
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
The Arab-Israeli military balance has steadily evolved in recent years to put more and
more emphasis on irregular or asymmetric warfare, and the use of military force for
political and ideological leverage – both inside the countries involved and in dealing with
their neighbors. Most of this focus is driven by the steady strengthening of Hezbollah,
and Hamas in Gaza, but it also includes a nascent nuclear arms race between Israel and
Iran in which Israel seems to be strengthening both its long-range nuclear and
conventional attack capabilities and is clearly strengthening its missile defense
capabilities.
At the same time, the conventional arms race has continued to narrow down to two
countries. While Egyptian, Jordanian and Lebanese military development should not be
ignored, the overall balance continues to center on evolving Israeli-Syrian confrontation
and brinksmanship in the region.
These shifts do not mean the conventional balance has lost its importance. The fact that
Israel is at peace with Egypt and Jordan, and has a significant conventional superiority
over Syria, has both been a major factor in stabilizing the peace process and deterring
conventional clashes and wars. Yet, it also means that the regional military balance must
increasingly be assessed in new ways, and kept in careful perspective....
-
Search for all records in "North Africa"
-
North America
-
September 2, 2010
Council on Foreign Relations
Abstract:
Pakistan's floods have affected twenty million people and killed nearly sixteen hundred so far, according to the United Nations. The United States has been rallying international assistance for Pakistan; on Thursday, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton pledged additional aid at a UN meeting (BBC) boosting total U.S. flood aid to $150 million, and Senator John Kerry (D-MA) visited flood-ravaged areas in Pakistan to assess ongoing relief efforts. CFR Senior Fellow Daniel Markey says the floods have compounded Pakistan's challenges and made Washington's efforts in the fight against extremism more difficult. The floods are a huge setback to the Pakistani military's recent successes in the tribal areas along the Afghan border, and to the U.S. war effort in Afghanistan, he says. At the same time, Markey adds, they are an opportunity for Washington to show its commitment to Pakistan. Beyond offering humanitarian relief aid, Markey recommends that the United States open its markets to Pakistani textiles, an industry expected to suffer due to cotton crops' flood damage....
-
September 2, 2010
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
The US may be announcing the “withdrawal” of its combat forces – although six Advisory and Assistance brigade and ~ 50,000 men may remain up to the end of 2011. The fact is, however, that the US withdrawal is far from over, the Iraq War is not over, it is not “won,” and any form of stable end state in Iraq is probably impossible before 2020.
In fact, Iraq is at as critical a stage as at any time since 2003. Regardless of the reasons for going to war, everything now depends on a successful transition to an effective and unified Iraqi government, and Iraqi security forces that can bring both security and stability to the average Iraqi. The creation of such an “end state” will take a minimum of another five years, and probably ten....
-
September 2, 2010
Social Science Research Network
Abstract:
There are an estimated 250,000 child soldiers - boys and girls under the age of 18- who are being compelled to serve in more than 15 conflicts worldwide. Child soldiers are forcibly recruited or abducted and are used as combatants, messengers, porters, cooks and to provide sexual services. International Law now recognizes child soldiers as victims of war crimes. The U.S. Department of Homeland Security, however, has opposed asylum to child soldiers on the grounds that their military service subjects them to the “persecutor bar.” This article argues that a per se bar of child soldiers from asylum contradicts the U.S.’s adherence to the international view that the use of child soldiers constitutes a violation of human rights, domestic laws declaring recruitment of child soldiers a crime, and active support of the eradication of the use of child soldiers. The article concludes by offering an approach to determining when a child soldier should be subjected to the persecutor bar that balances the seriousness of the child soldier’s actions against the circumstances under which s/he was recruited....
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Evaluating the Al-Qa`ida Threat to the U.S. Homeland by Philip Mudd; The Growing Danger from Radical Islamist Groups in the United States, by Paul Cruickshank; Manchester, New York and Oslo: Three Centrally Directed Al-Qa`ida Plots, by Raffaello Pantucci; Lessons Learned from the July 2010 Norwegian Terrorist Plot, by Petter Nesser and Brynjar Lia; American Journeys to Jihad:
U.S. Extremists and Foreign Conflicts During the 1980s and 1990s, by William Rosenau and Sara Daly; American Journeys to Jihad: U.S. Extremists and Foreign Conflicts During the 1980s and 1990s, by William Rosenau and Sara Daly....
-
August 26, 2010
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars // Mexico Institute // University of San Diego // Trans-border Institute
Abstract:
This essay proposes to briefly describe and analyze the evolution of the Army and Navy’s role in
drug interdiction, focusing on the patterns that have emerged since 1995, when the Army
accepted responsibility for that task without any internal opposition. I will argue that Mexican
national security priorities have shifted significantly, focusing on domestic security issues,
specifically drug-related criminal activity and violence. In response to the government’s
emphasis on drug-related crime, civil authorities have relied increasingly on the armed forces to
carry out an aggressive anti-drug mission. The increased role of the military in carrying out these
assignments has produced significant changes within the Mexican Navy and the Army, and in
their relationship with the American armed forces. Citizen views of the Mexican armed forces as
an institution, its performance of the anti-drug mission, and its reactions to increased levels of
personal insecurity, have altered Mexican perceptions of national sovereignty and the United
States’ role in their country. Finally, the role of the Catholic Church as an increasingly influential
actor in government attempts to curb the drug cartels, as well as the source of potential conflict
with the armed forces over growing numbers of human rights abuses, are essential to
understanding the consequences of the military’s anti-drug mission....
-
Search for all records in "North America"
-
North Korea
-
July 19, 2010
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
Whether North Korea should be included on the U.S. list of terrorism-supporting countries has
been a major issue in U.S.-North Korean diplomacy since 2000, particularly in connection with
negotiations over North Korea’s nuclear program. North Korea demanded that the Clinton and
Bush Administrations remove it from the terrorism support list. On October 11, 2008, the Bush
Administration removed North Korea from the terrorism list.
This move was one of the measures the Bush Administration took to implement a nuclear
agreement that it negotiated with North Korea in September 2007 and finalized details of in April
2008. The agreement was reached under the format of the six party talks, which involve the
United States, North Korea, South Korea, China, Japan, and Russia. The President also
announced that he was immediately lifting sanctions on North Korea under the U.S. Trading with
the Enemy Act. North Korea’s obligations under this nuclear agreement were to allow the
disabling of its plutonium facility at Yongbyon and present to the United States and other
government in the six party talks a declaration of its nuclear programs. North Korea submitted its
declaration in June 2008.
The removal of North Korea from the terrorism list, however, did not result in an early conclusion
of the February 2007 six party nuclear agreement. The North Korean government and the Bush
Administration disagreed over the content of an October 2008 agreement on verification,
particularly over whether it allowed inspectors to take samples of nuclear materials from the
Yongbyon installations. The other parties to the talks also had not completed the delivery of 1
million tons of heavy oil that they had promised in the February 2007 agreement. Against this
backdrop, along with an apparent stroke suffered by North Korean leader Kim Jong-il, the six
party process broke down....
-
June 9, 2010
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The Security Council today voted unanimously to extend for another year the mandate of the expert body dealing with United Nations sanctions on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK).
The Council also urged all States, relevant UN bodies and other interested parties to furnish the relevant committee with “any information at their disposal on the implementation of the measures imposed by resolution 1718 (2006) and resolution 1874 (2009).”
Resolution 1718, adopted by the Council following Pyongyang’s claims to have conducted a nuclear test in October 2006, imposed sanctions against the country as well as individuals supporting its military programme. It also demanded that DPRK cease its pursuit of weapons of mass destruction.
The Council adopted resolution 1874 in June of last year, imposing a series of measures on the DPRK that include tougher inspections of cargo suspected of containing banned items related to the country’s nuclear and ballistic missile activities, a tighter arms embargo with the exception of light weapons and new financial restrictions.
The 15-member body took this action in the wake of the 25 May 2009 nuclear test conducted in “violation and flagrant disregard” of relevant Council resolutions. The Council condemned that test and demanded that the DPRK “not conduct any further nuclear test or any launch using ballistic missile technology.”...
-
June 2, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Four actual or potential conflict situations around the world deteriorated and none improved in May 2010. Israeli commandos killed at least nine people when they raided a flotilla of ships carrying humanitarian aid to Gaza on 31 May. Full details are not yet clear but the incident has already thrown into question recently launched proximity talks between the Palestinians and Israel. May also saw renewed violence in the streets of Bangkok. Clashes between anti-government Red Shirt protesters and security forces that resulted in scores of deaths in April escalated this month, leaving at least 54 people dead. Soldiers removed the Red Shirts from the capital on 19 May and the government has since lifted a curfew imposed on Bangkok and 28 other provinces. Tensions continued to mount on the Korean Peninsula after investigators announced that a South Korean ship that sunk in March had been hit by a North Korean torpedo. Pyongyang continues to deny responsibility for the sinking which killed 46 people. Security also deteriorated in India, where suspected Maoist rebels derailed a train on 28 May leaving at least 147 civilians dead. The Maoists have denied responsibility, but the incident has once again underlined the government's failure to curb escalating insurgent violence that has become increasingly deadly in recent months....
-
May 21, 2010
Joint Civilian-Military Investigation Group
Abstract:
The Joint Civilian-Military Investigation Group(JIG) conducted its investigation
with 25 experts from 10 top Korean expert agencies, 22 military experts, 3
experts recommended by the National Assembly, and 24 foreign experts
constituting 4 support teams from the United States, Australia, the United Kingdom
and the Kingdom of Sweden. The JIG is composed of four teams--Scientific
Investigation Team, Explosive Analysis Team, Ship Structure Management Team,
and Intelligence Analysis Team. In our statement today, we will provide the results attained by Korean and
foreign experts through an investigation and validation process undertaken with a
scientific and objective approach. The report states, "Based on all such relevant facts and classified analysis, we have reached the clear conclusion that ROKS "Cheonan" was sunk as the result of an external underwater explosion caused by a torpedo made in North Korea. The evidence points overwhelmingly to the conclusion that the torpedo was fired by a North Korean submarine. There is no other plausible explanation."...
-
May 13, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Five actual or potential conflict situations around the world deteriorated and none improved in April 2010. Soldiers and protesters clashed in Bangkok in the worst violence to hit the Thai capital in almost two decades. Turmoil also shook Kyrgyzstan where President Kurmanbek Bakiyev was ousted in a violent rebellion. Unrest grew amid weeks of protests against painful utility price increases and popular discontent with the corruption that characterised Bakiyev’s rule. April also saw heightened tensions on the Korean Peninsula after the sinking of a South Korean ship in late March. 46 people were killed when the ship was hit by what investigators now say was most likely an external explosion. North Korea has denied involvement and South Korea has so far avoided directly blaming its neighbour. The security situation also deteriorated in India, where Maoist insurgents killed 76 paramilitary troops in their most deadly attack in decades, and in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where rebel activity and clashes with government soldiers destablised several provinces across the country’s east and north west. CrisisWatch identifies a Conflict Risk Alert for Sudan after flawed elections which returned President Omar al-Bashir to power. With opposition parties contesting the results, and signs of increased violence in both the South and Darfur, there is now a heightened risk that the situation could worsen ahead of next year’s planned referendum on the South’s independence.
CrisisWatch also warns that mounting political tensions in Nepal could lead to new confrontation between the Maoists and the government....
-
Search for all records in "North Korea"
-
Northeast Asia
-
July 23, 2010
Human Rights Watch
Abstract:
More than two years after protests—the largest and most sustained in decades—erupted
across the Tibetan plateau in March 2008, the Chinese government has yet to explain
the circumstances that led to dozens of clashes between protesters and police. This report, the first comprehensive examination of the crackdown, is based solely on official
Chinese sources and eyewitness accounts that Human Rights Watch gathered in more than
200 interviews with Tibetans between March 2008 and April 2010. It finds that the scale of
human rights violations related to suppressing the protests was far greater than previously
believed, and that Chinese forces broke international law—including prohibitions against
disproportionate use of force, torture and arbitrary detention, as well as the right to peaceful
assembly—despite government claims to the contrary. It also reveals that violations
continue, including disappearances, wrongful convictions and imprisonment, persecution of
families, and the targeting people suspected of sympathizing with the protest movement....
-
July 19, 2010
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
Whether North Korea should be included on the U.S. list of terrorism-supporting countries has
been a major issue in U.S.-North Korean diplomacy since 2000, particularly in connection with
negotiations over North Korea’s nuclear program. North Korea demanded that the Clinton and
Bush Administrations remove it from the terrorism support list. On October 11, 2008, the Bush
Administration removed North Korea from the terrorism list.
This move was one of the measures the Bush Administration took to implement a nuclear
agreement that it negotiated with North Korea in September 2007 and finalized details of in April
2008. The agreement was reached under the format of the six party talks, which involve the
United States, North Korea, South Korea, China, Japan, and Russia. The President also
announced that he was immediately lifting sanctions on North Korea under the U.S. Trading with
the Enemy Act. North Korea’s obligations under this nuclear agreement were to allow the
disabling of its plutonium facility at Yongbyon and present to the United States and other
government in the six party talks a declaration of its nuclear programs. North Korea submitted its
declaration in June 2008.
The removal of North Korea from the terrorism list, however, did not result in an early conclusion
of the February 2007 six party nuclear agreement. The North Korean government and the Bush
Administration disagreed over the content of an October 2008 agreement on verification,
particularly over whether it allowed inspectors to take samples of nuclear materials from the
Yongbyon installations. The other parties to the talks also had not completed the delivery of 1
million tons of heavy oil that they had promised in the February 2007 agreement. Against this
backdrop, along with an apparent stroke suffered by North Korean leader Kim Jong-il, the six
party process broke down....
-
July 7, 2010
Amnesty International
Abstract:
One year ago in the afternoon of 5 July 2009 hundreds of Chinese of Uighur ethnicity
gathered to demonstrate at the People’s Square in Urumqi (in Chinese: Wulumuqi), the
regional capital of the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR) in northwest China. The
demonstrators were protesting the authorities’ perceived inaction following the death of at
least two Uighur workers after a factory brawl in Shaoguan, in China’s southern province of
Guangdong, on 26 June. This report is based on detailed, recent interviews conducted by Amnesty International with
over thirty Uighur eyewitnesses, numerous individual testimonies collected by the
organization as well as monitoring of media and official accounts. For the security of those
who provided testimonies, Amnesty International has omitted names and excluded other
information that could be used to identify them. As Amnesty International does not have
access to do independent research in China, all interviews were conducted outside China,
and the organization was unable to conduct detailed interviews with Han Chinese
eyewitnesses.
The sweeping arrests, arbitrary detentions and unfair trials in the wake of the unrest continue
to impose an atmosphere of fear amongst Uighurs that extends to those who took no part in
the demonstration or the violence, a year after the protests.
Many eyewitnesses, including Uighurs who have fled abroad, remain fearful of recounting
their experiences or providing other information. Many Uighurs are aware of prominent
individuals who have been imprisoned for “leaking state secrets” or “endangering state
security”. They are aware of the risk of arbitrary arrest, enforced disappearances, torture and
other ill-treatment. They fear betrayal by those seeking the rewards promised by the
government after the crackdown of 5 July 2009....
-
June 9, 2010
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The Security Council today voted unanimously to extend for another year the mandate of the expert body dealing with United Nations sanctions on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK).
The Council also urged all States, relevant UN bodies and other interested parties to furnish the relevant committee with “any information at their disposal on the implementation of the measures imposed by resolution 1718 (2006) and resolution 1874 (2009).”
Resolution 1718, adopted by the Council following Pyongyang’s claims to have conducted a nuclear test in October 2006, imposed sanctions against the country as well as individuals supporting its military programme. It also demanded that DPRK cease its pursuit of weapons of mass destruction.
The Council adopted resolution 1874 in June of last year, imposing a series of measures on the DPRK that include tougher inspections of cargo suspected of containing banned items related to the country’s nuclear and ballistic missile activities, a tighter arms embargo with the exception of light weapons and new financial restrictions.
The 15-member body took this action in the wake of the 25 May 2009 nuclear test conducted in “violation and flagrant disregard” of relevant Council resolutions. The Council condemned that test and demanded that the DPRK “not conduct any further nuclear test or any launch using ballistic missile technology.”...
-
June 2, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Four actual or potential conflict situations around the world deteriorated and none improved in May 2010. Israeli commandos killed at least nine people when they raided a flotilla of ships carrying humanitarian aid to Gaza on 31 May. Full details are not yet clear but the incident has already thrown into question recently launched proximity talks between the Palestinians and Israel. May also saw renewed violence in the streets of Bangkok. Clashes between anti-government Red Shirt protesters and security forces that resulted in scores of deaths in April escalated this month, leaving at least 54 people dead. Soldiers removed the Red Shirts from the capital on 19 May and the government has since lifted a curfew imposed on Bangkok and 28 other provinces. Tensions continued to mount on the Korean Peninsula after investigators announced that a South Korean ship that sunk in March had been hit by a North Korean torpedo. Pyongyang continues to deny responsibility for the sinking which killed 46 people. Security also deteriorated in India, where suspected Maoist rebels derailed a train on 28 May leaving at least 147 civilians dead. The Maoists have denied responsibility, but the incident has once again underlined the government's failure to curb escalating insurgent violence that has become increasingly deadly in recent months....
-
Search for all records in "Northeast Asia"
-
Norway
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Evaluating the Al-Qa`ida Threat to the U.S. Homeland by Philip Mudd; The Growing Danger from Radical Islamist Groups in the United States, by Paul Cruickshank; Manchester, New York and Oslo: Three Centrally Directed Al-Qa`ida Plots, by Raffaello Pantucci; Lessons Learned from the July 2010 Norwegian Terrorist Plot, by Petter Nesser and Brynjar Lia; American Journeys to Jihad:
U.S. Extremists and Foreign Conflicts During the 1980s and 1990s, by William Rosenau and Sara Daly; American Journeys to Jihad: U.S. Extremists and Foreign Conflicts During the 1980s and 1990s, by William Rosenau and Sara Daly....
-
August 13, 2010
Chr. Michelsen Institute
Abstract:
The Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad) has been engaged in capacity
building and provision of technical support to the Afghan Ministry of Mines since 2007. A part of
this engagement relates to the development of the Afghan Hydrocarbons Law, and
commercialization of gas and oil reserves of the northern Jowzjan province through an international
bidding process.
The Terms of Reference request a conflict study in relation to oil and gas exploration in northern
Afghanistan, including an assessment of the relations between the northern areas and the central
administration, internal relations between northern based ethnic and military organisations and the
role of regional actors. Income division between central and province authorities is to be examined,
as is the view of local authorities on oil and gas extraction and ways to attract local interest; ways to
secure greater focus on the gender dimension; the security situation and potential consequences for
industrial development;
This report is based on three primary sources of information. One is a literature review on issues
relating to governance and income division of natural resources and potential for corruption in such
management. The second is information on the security situation in Afghanistan in general and
north Afghanistan in particular, and the process that is underway for exploring and utilizing Afghan
and regional oil and gas resources. The third source is a series of semi structured interviews with a
wide range of informant conducted in Kabul, Maymane, Saripul and Mazar-e Sharif....
-
April 23, 2010
International Peace Research Institute, Oslo // Institutt For Fredsforskning // Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers
Abstract:
The Oslo International Workshop was organized into five panel
sessions, each structured around the presentation and discussion of two
working papers. This report presents a
summary of the panel presentations. In addition, participants at the workshop made a
number of proposals that were subsequently developed by the organizers into a list of
recommendations. The recommendations are intended to feed into the existing set of tools available to donor governments, partner countries, and international and nongovernmental
organizations for addressing the issue of small arms violence at various stages of the
standard development project cycle – notably when assessing needs, risks and
vulnerabilities; planning and matching resources with needs, evaluating progress and
results; and disseminating lessons learned and best practices. There exist a number of development cooperation instruments and mechanisms that
could serve as channels for integrating small arms violence reduction into both
national development planning and international development cooperation. Among
others, these include Common Country Assessments (CCA) and UN Development
Assistance Frameworks (UNDAF), as well as Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers
(PRSPs) designed by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.
Participants at the workshop called for continuing the integration of the issue of
small arms violence into the realm of international assistance. At the same time,
however, they stressed the need for pragmatism, as many states are reluctant to include
references to small arms violence in their national development planning frameworks.
Participants also underlined the role of regional and subregional organizations in
ensuring the integration of armed violence reduction measures into regional
development programmes, such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development
(NEPAD). Further, all participants placed considerable emphasis on the need for
international financial institutions to engage with states and civil society in reducing
small arms violence....
-
April 13, 2010
Campaign for Innocent Victims in Conflict
Abstract:
Afghan civilians deserve amends from warring parties for deaths, injuries, and property
losses—that is, some form of recognition and monetary compensation. Under international
law and agreements signed with the Afghan government, the troop contributing nations
(TCNs) of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) are not liable for damage to
civilian property or civilian injury or death as a result of lawful operations. However, most
ISAF members now offer payments when such losses occur. This is a marked improvement
from the early days of the conflict when the US and its NATO allies declined to address civilian
harm. CIVIC’s research into the experiences of ISAF troops and Afghan civilians demonstrates that
when international military forces provide payment (henceforth called “compensation” to
indicate both monetary and in-kind help), especially combined with an apology for harm,
civilian hostility toward international forces decreases. However, the effectiveness of these
payments has been limited by the lack of uniform policies across ISAF nations, limited information
gathering about civilian harm generally and, in many cases, insensitive requirements
that civilians suffering losses take the initiative to file claims.
This report describes the policies and practices of major ISAF TCNs. It finds that soldiers as
well as civilians view amends for harm favorably. The process of investigation, negotiation
of payment, and offers of formal compensation are opportunities to strengthen relationships
with local leaders and communities, to explain what happened, and acknowledge loss....
-
January 8, 2010
Norsk Utenrikspolitisk Institutt // Norwegian Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:
Norway has been a prominent supporter of the UN’s Integrated Approach and has actively contributed to the development of NATO’s Comprehensive Approach. Norway’s own whole-of-government approach has, however, been limited to its engagement with Afghanistan. There is already a growing body of literature on the whole-of-government approach. Surprisingly little has been written about Norway in this context. This report represents a first attempt at comprehensively explaining the Norwegian whole-of-government approach, as well as and analyzing its effectiveness to date.
The authors of the report conclude that Norway lacks a comprehensive strategy for engaging in fragile states in general, as well as a whole-of-government strategy for any particular country, including Afghanistan....
-
Search for all records in "Norway"
-
Oceania
-
July 8, 2010
Strategic Studies Institute // United States Army War College
Abstract:
Domestic public opinion is frequently and correctly described as a crucial battlefront in the war in Afghanistan. Commentary by media and political figures currently notes not only the falling support for the war in the United States but also in many of its key allies in Europe and elsewhere, making it all the more difficult for the Obama administration to secure the help it believes it needs to bring the war to a successful conclusion. This study is an extensive examination of the determinants of domestic support for and opposition to the war in Afghanistan in the United States and in five of its key allies--the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Canada, and Australia. Tracing the trajectory of public opinion on the war from the original invasion in 2001 to the fall of 2009, this paper concludes that the combination of mounting casualties with a declining belief that the war could be won by the Coalition is the key factor driving the drop in support. Other factors, such as the deployment of numerous and shifting rationales by the political leadership in various countries, and the breakdown of elite consensus have played important but secondary roles in this process....
-
April 28, 2010
Lowy Institute for International Policy
Abstract:
In a new Lowy Institute Perspective, West Asia Program Director Anthony Bubalo explores two major changes that are creating a new Middle East: the end of American hegemony; and the economic and strategic reconnection of the Middle East to Asia. Bubalo explores some of the implications of this shift for Australian international policy, against the background of continuing community ambivalence toward the Middle East and to those issues that are part of the Middle East security equation, most notably, Afghanistan. The ‘New Middle East’ is a title with an unhappy history.
In 1993, Shimon Peres, then Israeli Foreign Minister and now Israeli President, declared that
IsraeliArab
peace would be the foundation for a dramatic regional transformation. A ‘New
Middle East’, he argued, could be built upon a web of economic, cultural and scientific links
spun across the region.
His vision barely survived the scepticism of his fellow Israelis and the suspicions of the
Arabs. Ultimately, Peres’ vision of a ‘New Middle East’ perished where it began. The
demise of IsraeliPalestinian
peacemaking
put an end to any dreams of IsraeliArab
moneymaking.
In 2006, then US Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, used the term in reference to another
project for regional transformation. Defending charges of American inaction in the IsraeliLebanon
war of that year, she argued that the United States was not interested preserving an
unhappy status quo. What the world was witnessing in the Lebanon war, Rice promised, was
‘the birth pangs of a New Middle East’. She was, of course, referring to the Bush Administration’s ambitious project for a democratic
revolution in the region, which it kicked off by invading Iraq. But Bush’s vision proved as
stillborn as Peres’. In coming years Iraq may well emerge as a reasonably stable and
relatively democratic state, but not in any way that people in the region will be clamouring to
emulate. Even if one does not have a grand scheme of change in mind it is wise, therefore, to be
cautious about predicting change in the Middle East. Nevertheless, I do believe we are on the
threshold of two major, closely related changes in the region: the end of US hegemony and
the Middle East’s reconnection with the rest of Asia....
-
April 28, 2010
RAND Corporation
Abstract:
The Netherlands Ministry of Defence (NL MOD) commissioned RAND Europe to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the Netherlands armed forces, asking RAND to focus on recent deployments of the Netherlands armed forces relative to the deployments of other countries' armed forces. This study is therefore not a root and branch consideration of the Netherlands armed forces, but a comparative study of several different armed forces to illustrate contrasts and similarities with those of the Netherlands. This study was conducted within the context of the NL MOD's Future Policy Survey, which is a review of the Netherlands' future defence ambition, required capabilities and associated levels of defence expenditure. The Future Policy Survey was delivered to the Netherlands Parliament in April 2010. The overarching aim of the Dutch Future Policy Survey is to provide greater insight into how to exploit and enhance the potential contribution of the Netherlands armed forces....
-
April 27, 2010
Center on International Cooperation // New York University
Abstract:
The Asia Pacific has experienced thirty years without interstate
conflict, but a number of long-running, low-level
internal conflicts continue in Southeast Asia, and several
South Pacific states have recent experience of instability.
Tensions also remain at the inter-state level, and shifting
power dynamics between the US, China, and other Asian
states have the potential to foster regional instability. In
addition, a raft of transnational threats, such as resource
scarcity and climate change, are creating new uncertainty. Given the host of challenges, the limited conflict
prevention role played by international and regional
institutions in Southeast Asia and the South Pacific is at
first glance surprising. A review of operational conflict
prevention efforts in Southeast Asia and the South Pacific
shows that while international organizations – particularly
the United Nations – and regional organizations perform
some conflict prevention roles in the region, these remain
circumscribed. The constraints upon them stem from the
importance of sovereignty in the region, but they also have
historical, institutional, and political underpinnings. As a
result, regional crisis management has involved a variety
of other actors, including states and NGOs, and multiactor
mechanisms have assumed a particular prominence. Structural prevention initiatives have been less constrained
in the Asia Pacific, with a plethora of actors, again including
the UN, using statebuilding and development tools to
build state resilience, manage transnational threats, and
avert violence.2 The region also has a number of networks
and confidence-building processes, which round out its
conflict prevention framework....
-
April 13, 2010
Campaign for Innocent Victims in Conflict
Abstract:
Afghan civilians deserve amends from warring parties for deaths, injuries, and property
losses—that is, some form of recognition and monetary compensation. Under international
law and agreements signed with the Afghan government, the troop contributing nations
(TCNs) of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) are not liable for damage to
civilian property or civilian injury or death as a result of lawful operations. However, most
ISAF members now offer payments when such losses occur. This is a marked improvement
from the early days of the conflict when the US and its NATO allies declined to address civilian
harm. CIVIC’s research into the experiences of ISAF troops and Afghan civilians demonstrates that
when international military forces provide payment (henceforth called “compensation” to
indicate both monetary and in-kind help), especially combined with an apology for harm,
civilian hostility toward international forces decreases. However, the effectiveness of these
payments has been limited by the lack of uniform policies across ISAF nations, limited information
gathering about civilian harm generally and, in many cases, insensitive requirements
that civilians suffering losses take the initiative to file claims.
This report describes the policies and practices of major ISAF TCNs. It finds that soldiers as
well as civilians view amends for harm favorably. The process of investigation, negotiation
of payment, and offers of formal compensation are opportunities to strengthen relationships
with local leaders and communities, to explain what happened, and acknowledge loss....
-
Search for all records in "Oceania"
-
Oman
-
April 23, 2010
The Finnish Institute of International Affairs // Ulkopoliittinen Instituutti
Abstract:
This paper discusses the diverging perceptions
and responses of Middle Eastern Arab states to the
issue of climate change. It shows how these states’
policies at the regional and international level have
been shaped, even conditioned, by motivations of
economic security of the oil revenue-dependent
states in the region. It also points out the problems
of this kind of an approach and gives suggestions and
justifications for a more balanced policy approach to
climate change. It is argued that the Gulf oil exporting
monarchies need to take a more constructive and
balanced approach to international climate change
mitigation, as this is the precondition for achieving
functional regional cooperation in this area. In the
future, failing to cooperate regionally will exacerbate
climate change-induced problems and instability in
the entire region. Climate change is by its nature a transboundary
problem. The Middle East is considered to be one
of the most vulnerable regions in the world to its
negative impacts. This is even more significant given
that the Middle East is also one of the most volatile
regions in the world in terms of inter- and intrastate
conflict and instability....
-
August 27, 2009
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
While much of the world has focused on Iran’s missile developments, and possible nuclear capabilities, this is only one of the risks that threaten the flow of petroleum products from the Gulf – a region with some 60% of the world’s proven conventional oil reserves and 40% of its natural gas. Far more immediate threats have emerged in terms of asymmetric warfare, terrorism, piracy, non-state actors, and other threats.
The Burke Chair at CSIS has developed a new briefing that provides an overview of these threats, showing current trends and highlighting the strategic geography involved. This brief looks beyond Gulf waters and examines the problems created by Iran’s ties to other states and non-state actors throughout the region. It highlights Iran’s capabilities for asymmetric warfare, but it also examines the threat from terrorism and the role it can play in nations like Yemen. It looks at the trends in piracy and in the threat in the Gulf of Aden, Red Sea, and Indian Ocean.
The key issues addressed are: Terrorism, asymmetric Warfare, maritime and Border Security, combating piracy, critical facilities and infrastructure, role of chokepoints, and role of State and non-state actors....
-
April 29, 2009
United Nations Economic and Social Council // United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia
Abstract:
A brainstorming session on the impact of conflict-driven displacement in the ESCWA region was
held at UN House, Beirut on 9 February 2009. The session was organized by the Section for Emerging
and Conflict Related Issues (ECRI) in order to discuss and solicit inputs and comments on a
forthcoming ESCWA study on the socio-economic impact of displacement in the ESCWA region. The
session provided an opportunity to discuss the challenges posed by displaced populations on host
countries in the region, as well as possible solutions to these challenges. Other topics covered during
the session included the need to formulate clear policy recommendations for ESCWA member countries
and future collaboration between ECRI and United Nations agencies on regional responses to the
problem of displacement....
-
December 10, 2008
New America Foundation
Abstract:
This table is part of the larger "U.S. Weapons at War 2008" report. For the full document, please see http://www.humansecuritygateway.info/showRecord.php?RecordId=27517
-
September 16, 2008
Gulf Research Center // Geneva Center for Security Policy // RAND Corporation // Crown Center for Middle East Studies at Brandeis University
Abstract:
Once a year, the Gulf Research Center (GRC), the Geneva Center for Security Policy (GCSP), the RAND Corporation and the Crown Center for Middle East Studies at Brandeis University gather in Gstaad, Switzerland, to analyze and take stock of the strategic situation of the Middle East Region. The 2008 conference focused on the various geopolitical and regional dynamics including the emergence of the Arab Gulf States as significant factors in regional relations; the changing priorities vis-à-vis the Middle East from external actors such as Europe, Asia and Russia; the evolving priorities of the United States as it deals with the continuing challenges of Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, and the Arab-Israeli conflict; the economic consequences as a result of the rising price of oil; and the broader transition taking place with the rise of non-state actors, the erosion of state power and the emergence of sub-regional dynamics. Within the context, the conference also took an issue-specific view that included the Arab-Israeli Conflict, Lebanon, Iraq, Turkey and its relationship with the Middle East, and Iran and the Arab Gulf States. The central themes that ran through this conference included the growing interconnection between problems in the region, therefore making it more difficult to articulate an analysis along national lines; the emergence of ‘bottom-up’ or ‘micro’ politics in Lebanon, Israel (among the Arab population), and the Kurds in Northern Iraq and Turkey; the continuing need for the US in the Middle East; the confusion between transactional and transformational policies; and, finally, the idea of “wildcards”, i.e. unpredictable events which could change the dynamics of the region. The conference concluded with the following assessment: “Regardless of the uncertainty surrounding what the future holds for the Middle East, one thing is certain. We are living a transitional period. In the past, outside powers dealt with one leader, who assumed control over all coercive parts of the states (the security state). This was easier to a certain extent, though the West bemoaned the lack of democracy. Now, the West is regretting the weakness of states and the often --too- lively, and unpredictable politics. Iraq and Lebanon appear to be losing control, but perhaps because a different political culture is emerging. We are experiencing the end of the autocratic, authoritarian period, and heading towards a new era. In the meantime, however, we see something stirring and unpredictable taking place. Perhaps, we should therefore look at it without judgment?”...
-
Search for all records in "Oman"
-
Pakistan
-
September 2, 2010
Council on Foreign Relations
Abstract:
Pakistan's floods have affected twenty million people and killed nearly sixteen hundred so far, according to the United Nations. The United States has been rallying international assistance for Pakistan; on Thursday, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton pledged additional aid at a UN meeting (BBC) boosting total U.S. flood aid to $150 million, and Senator John Kerry (D-MA) visited flood-ravaged areas in Pakistan to assess ongoing relief efforts. CFR Senior Fellow Daniel Markey says the floods have compounded Pakistan's challenges and made Washington's efforts in the fight against extremism more difficult. The floods are a huge setback to the Pakistani military's recent successes in the tribal areas along the Afghan border, and to the U.S. war effort in Afghanistan, he says. At the same time, Markey adds, they are an opportunity for Washington to show its commitment to Pakistan. Beyond offering humanitarian relief aid, Markey recommends that the United States open its markets to Pakistani textiles, an industry expected to suffer due to cotton crops' flood damage....
-
August 31, 2010
Naval Postgraduate School // Program for Culture and Conflict Studies
Abstract:
Following the U.S.-led attack against Afghanistan in October 2001, Taliban sympathizers in Pakistan’s western tribal areas quickly pledged support and provided additional manpower and resources to help the Afghan Taliban resistance. The Pashtun tribes who dominate the western tribal agencies of Pakistan share ancestral lineages with many of Afghanistan’s Pashtun tribesman and both have long resisted colonial attempts of occupation. Even in a modern context, the core of the Afghan resistance movement against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan was based in these same areas, using Peshawar as a de facto capital and the tribal agency’s of North and South Waziristan as training areas and key junctions for transiting personnel and weapons into Afghanistan. Presented in this overview is an operational snapshot of the TTP and its influential leaders throughout eight tribal regions in located in western Pakistan: North and South Waziristan, Bajaur Agency, Mohmand Agency, Orakzai Agency, Kurram Agency Khyber Agency and Darra
Adamkhel....
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Evaluating the Al-Qa`ida Threat to the U.S. Homeland by Philip Mudd; The Growing Danger from Radical Islamist Groups in the United States, by Paul Cruickshank; Manchester, New York and Oslo: Three Centrally Directed Al-Qa`ida Plots, by Raffaello Pantucci; Lessons Learned from the July 2010 Norwegian Terrorist Plot, by Petter Nesser and Brynjar Lia; American Journeys to Jihad:
U.S. Extremists and Foreign Conflicts During the 1980s and 1990s, by William Rosenau and Sara Daly; American Journeys to Jihad: U.S. Extremists and Foreign Conflicts During the 1980s and 1990s, by William Rosenau and Sara Daly....
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: The Mysterious Relationship Between
Al-Qa`ida and Iran, by Bruce Riedel; Al-Shabab’s Agenda in the Wake of the Kampala Suicide Attacks, by Tim Pippard; The Punjabi Taliban: Causes and Consequences of Turning Against the State, by Ben Brandt; The Ghazi Force: A Threat to Pakistan’s
Urban Centers, by Syed Manzar Abbas Zaidi; Pakistan’s Challenges in Orakzai
Agency, by Tayyab Ali Shah; The Growing Threat of Female Suicide
Attacks in Western Countries, by Houriya Ahmed; Countering Terrorist Financing:
Successes and Setbacks in the Years
Since 9/11, by Michael Jonsson....
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: AQAP’s Growing Security Threat to
Saudi Arabia, by Caryle Murphy; Assessing AQI’s Resilience After April’s Leadership Decapitations, by Myriam Benraad; The Return of Moqtada al-Sadr and the Revival of the Mahdi Army, by Babak Rahimi; Indoctrinating Children: The Making of Pakistan’s Suicide Bombers, by Kalsoom Lakhani; The Third Way: A Paradigm for
Influence in the Marketplace of Ideas, by Scott Helfstein; Still Fighting for Revolution:
Greece’s New Generation of Terrorists, by George Kassimeris;...
-
Search for all records in "Pakistan"
-
Palau
-
August 26, 2008
Asian Development Bank Institute
Abstract:
This paper quantifies the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth in Asia for 1970–2004. Our panel estimations show that transnational terrorist attacks had a significant growth-limiting effect. Transnational terrorism reduces growth by crowding in government expenditures. An internal conflict has the greatest growth concern, about twice that of transnational terrorism. For developing Asian countries, intrastate and interstate wars have a much greater impact than terrorism does on the crowding-in of government spending.
Policy recommendations indicate the need for rich Asian countries to assist their poorer neighbors in coping with the negative growth consequences of political violence. Failure to assist may result in region-wide repercussions. Conflict and terrorism in one country can create production bottlenecks with region-wide economic consequences. International and nongovernmental organizations as well as developed Western countries and regions could assist at-risk Asian countries with attack prevention and post-attack recovery.
This study has six purposes. First, and foremost, we present panel estimates for a sample of 42 Asian countries to quantify the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth for 1970–2004. Panel estimation methods control for country-specific and timespecific unobserved heterogeneity. Second, we distinguish the influence of terrorism on economic growth from that of internal and external conflicts. Third, these influences are investigated for cohorts of developed and developing countries to ascertain whether development can better allow a country to absorb the impact of political violence. Fourth, econometric estimations relate violence-induced growth reductions to two pathways— reduced investment and increased government expenditures. Fifth, a host of diagnostic and sensitivity tests to support our empirical specifications. Last, we draw some policy conclusions....
-
May 14, 2007
Government Accountability Office
Abstract:
In March 2003, a U.S.-led multinational force began operations in Iraq. At that time, 48 nations, identified as a "coalition of the willing," offered political, military, and financial support for U.S. efforts in Iraq, with 38 nations other than the United States providing troops. In addition, international donors met in Madrid in October 2003 to pledge funding for the reconstru#ction of Iraq's infrastructure, which had deteriorated after multiple wars and decades of neglect under the previous regime.
This testimony discusses (1) the troop commitments other countries have made to operations in Iraq, (2) the funding the United States has provided to support other countries' participation in the multinational force, and (3) the financial support international donors have provided to Iraq reconstruction efforts....
-
May 24, 2006
Australian National University // State, Society And Governance In Melanesia Project
Abstract:
The decade since the early 1990s has witnessed the growth of a field of research and practice aimed at resolving and preventing violent conflict. Research on violent conflict has led to a number of different theories on causes of violent conflict, many of them based on the study of large-scale, protracted conflicts in Africa and the Balkans. Advocates of conflict prevention have linked longer-term root causes of violent conflict to aspects of underdevelopment, and tensions inherent in development processes....
-
October 19, 2004
HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco
Abstract:
-
September 20, 2004
Protection Project // School of Advanced International Studies // Johns Hopkins University
Abstract:
-
Search for all records in "Palau"
-
Panama
-
February 3, 2009
Center for Strategic and International Studies // Human Rights and Security Initiative
Abstract:
Throughout the 1980s, the United States assisted the Salvadoran government in keeping the leftist FMLN insurgency under control. A U.S. military advisory group comprised primarily of Special Forces troops advised and trained the Salvadoran military to reach hearts and minds through civil defense and civic action campaigns.
On October 12, 1983, militant Marxists carried out a violent coup against the moderate Marxist government. The United States resolved to rescue six hundred American medical students, restore popular government, and deny Cuba greater involvement in Grenada.
There was no Civil Affairs planning prior to the invasion of Grenada, but the Civil Affairs teams that were deployed improvised with reasonable success. The U.S. military focused on rebuilding Grenadian infrastructure that had fallen into disrepair under the Bishop regime of 1979-1983.
When General Manuel Noriega of Panama lost the 1989 election, he installed himself as head of government. Following the death of a U.S. marine, President George H.W. Bush ordered the invasion of Panama to protect U.S. interests and remove Noriega from power. Civil-military objectives in Panama were to support U.S. military forces in establishing law and order, to support to the new central government and city governments, to manage a refugee camp, and to assist in nation building programs. CA units successfully carried out several missions despite imperfections in civil-military planning....
-
November 24, 2008
University of Pittsburgh // Ford Institute for Human Security
Abstract:
Human security is emerging as a sophisticated and compelling strategy to address the extreme problems of children in contemporary wars. The child soldier is increasingly seen as an icon of ‘new’ wars – transformed from a young person into a weapon. Whether as members of local militias or as suicide bombers, child soldiers are children growing up among failed adults in failed communities. Some not only fail to learn to read or write, they also fail to learn the humanity they need to be successful neighbors and parents.
Turning children into weapons is an act of generational destruction. Failed adults are more likely to make failed neighbors and failed parents. The cycle can continue for generations. Thus the real costs of war cannot be tallied for years, for decades, for generations….
Child soldiers reveal the genocidal aspects of contemporary wars. Child soldiers are, explicitly or tacitly, direct attacks on the generational transitions of communities. The cruelty of new wars reveals major gaps in educational policy frameworks currently in use by the international community. Education policy today focuses thinking about education as a civil rights problem. This leads to concerns for access to the ‘provision’ of institutional services. Developed during the post World War II period, education was constructed as a neutral, technical process complete with generic experts who taught and generic students who learned. Their classrooms were ordered around literacy and numeracy. Their ends were national economic growth. Little attention was paid to security issues and their consequences, either shorter or longer term.
This approach to development, while admirable, is insufficiently compelling to drive today’s strategic operations in the brutal, even genocidal face of ‘cultural identity’ wars and their aftermath. Under these conditions, when civil societies are threatened to their generational core, traditional classrooms and curriculum are no longer sufficient. The problem is no longer one of civil rights. It has become a much larger problem of generational survival.
This paper suggests that the emerging human security frameworks, while still mired globally in failing narratives, may offer the best direction for future work. Emerging human security narratives focus on the protection of local populations, especially children. They require defense against the forced recruitment of child soldiers. These new narratives center on the protection of generational agency. They mobilize local and external communities to actively secure safe places for children to grow and develop as normally as possible.
How then should scholars and strategists examine the practical questions of deterrence? What appears to be working on the ground in new wars? Against the allure of muscular and violent warriors stands a small group of internationals working side by side with caring local parents and neighbors desperate to defend their children. Together they have constructed an emerging strategy of local community protection that places at its center, the protection of children’s agency in the face of those who seek its annihilation. This paper examines the problems of research and data collection under these conditions, turning to ‘fugitive literature’ and strategic desk reviews. It briefly surveys general, large-scale responses to recruitment deterrence in Bosnia, Albania, Ingushetia, Sierra Leone, Colombia and Panama. It concludes that while causal claims may not be advisable, scholars can at least begin to map the strategic intent of the institutions involved. Beyond that, more work is needed to map the political and cultural economies that either threaten or defend children....
-
November 4, 2008
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
The 110th Congress has maintained a keen interest in the effects of crime and
gang violence in Central America and its spillover effects on the United States. Since
February 2005, more than 2,000 alleged members of the violent Mara Salvatrucha
(MS-13) gang have been arrested in cities across the United States. These arrests
have raised concerns about the transnational activities of Central American gangs,
and governments throughout the region are struggling to find the right combination
of suppressive and preventive policies to deal with them. Some analysts assert that
increasing U.S. deportations of individuals with criminal records to Central American
countries may be contributing to the gang problem.
Several U.S. agencies have been actively engaged on both the law enforcement
and preventive side of dealing with Central American gangs. An inter-agency
committee worked together to develop a U.S. Strategy to Combat Criminal Gangs
from Central America and Mexico, which was announced at a July 2007 U.S.-Central
American Integration System (SICA) summit on security issues. The strategy, which
is now being implemented, states that the U.S. government will pursue coordinated
anti-gang activities through five broad areas: diplomacy, repatriation, law
enforcement, capacity enhancement, and prevention.
During the first session of the 110th Congress, several Members introduced
immigration legislation – H.R. 1645 (Gutierrez), S. 330 (Isakson), and S. 1348
(Reid) – that included provisions to increase cooperation among the United States,
Mexico, and Central America in the tracking of gang activity and in the handling of
deported gang members. However, none of those bills were enacted. On October 2,
2007, the House passed H.Res. 564 (Engel) supporting expanded cooperation
between the United States and Central America to combat crime and violence. The
Consolidation Appropriations Act, FY2008 (H.R. 2764/P.L. 110-161), included the
provision of $8 million to the State Department to combat criminal youth gangs, $3
million more than the Administration’s request.
In June 2008, Congress appropriated $60 million for Central America in the
FY2008 Supplemental Appropriations Act, H.R. 2642 (P.L. 110-252). Those funds
will serve as initial funding for the Mérida Initiative, a new anticrime and counterdug
aid package for Mexico and Central America. With that funding, the State
Department reportedly plans to use roughly $13 million to support direct anti-gang
efforts, with another $4 million included for justice sector reform, $8.6 million for
police reform, and $18 million for related development programs.
This report describes the gang problem in Central America, discusses country
and regional approaches to deal with the gangs, and analyzes U.S. policy with respect
to gangs in Central America. It will be updated periodically. For more information
on the Mérida Initiative, see CRS Report RS22837, Merida Initiative: U.S. Anticrime
and Counterdrug Assistance for Mexico and Central America. For information on
the activities of Central American gangs in the United States, see CRS Report
RL34233, The MS-13 and 18th Street Gangs: Emerging Transnational Gang Threats....
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
May 28, 2007
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
Abstract:
The world is coming to recognise the interdependence of security and development issues. Moral imperatives
aside, poverty is no longer acceptable for reasons of simple common safety. Technology and globalisation
have made it possible for even the most marginalized groups to pose a threat to the most powerful.
Areas allowed to descend into social disarray generate, and provide refuge for, organised criminals and political
militants. Global security requires global development.
The problem is that the opposite is also true: development requires security. Investors do not put their
money in places where the rule of law does not prevail. Skilled labour does not reside in countries where
personal safety is at risk. Crime and corruption are derailing attempts to address the global polarisation of
wealth, as people choose not to invest their lives or their money where they are insecure. For the poor that
remain, the threat of crime retards their efforts to better themselves, as they structure their activities around
avoiding victimisation. Trust among countrymen is lost, and with it goes social cohesion. Cynicism about
the ability to succeed within the law breeds further insecurity, and whole regions can find themselves locked
into a downward spiral of victimisation and social disinvestment.
Further, crime and corruption undermine democracy itself. The primary responsibility of the state is to
ensure citizen security, and when it fails to establish basic internal order, it loses the confidence of the
people. When civil servants and elected officials come to be viewed as part of the crime problem, citizens
effectively disown their government. They become subjects rather than citizens. Whatever role the state
might play in development is seriously challenged by the loss of popular support.
It is therefore imperative that crime be addressed as a key development issue. Until threats to life and property
can be brought to acceptable levels, developing countries with serious crime problems will struggle to
gain the public confidence needed for forward progress. A foundational level of order must be established
before development objectives can be realised.
Due to its geographic location between the world's cocaine suppliers and its main consumers, Central
America has been exposed to exogenous organised crime pressures that would be challenging for countries
many times as large. Unfortunately, the region is particularly vulnerable to incursion by organised crime
due to a range of domestic factors, and this report opens by considering several of these, including social
and economic pressures, lack of law enforcement capacity, and a history of conflict or authoritarian rule. It
then looks at the nature of organised crime and violence in the region in some detail. Finally#, it considers
how the crime problem is undermining development efforts....
-
Search for all records in "Panama"
-
Papua New Guinea
-
March 23, 2010
Accord International Review of Peace Processes // Conciliation Resources
Abstract:
Do sanctions, incentives and conditionality support or undermine the peace process?
This edition of Accord assesses whether these instruments can persuade conflict
parties to engage in peacemaking. Used effectively, these tools can tip the balance
towards a settlement by increasing the costs of fighting and rewarding peace. But
unless developed as part of a coherent and strategic approach to peacemaking they
can be ineffective and have sometimes exacerbated tensions and fuelled conflict.
Sanctions, incentives and conditionality must be responsive to parties’ own
motivations and support pre-existing conditions for conflict resolution. Four overriding conclusions can be drawn from this
study for how to enhance the effectiveness of external
influence in support of peacemaking. (1) External actors
need to prioritize support for sustainable peace as their
primary goal in a conflict situation and craft their
strategy to help achieve it – recognizing that this may, in
turn, create the enabling conditions for achieving other
foreign policy goals. (2) Sanctions, incentives and
conditionality are most likely to be effective when they
are responsive to the parties’ own motivational
structures and support a pre-existing societal dynamic
for conflict resolution. (3) They need to be designed and
implemented in ways that help to create momentum in
the resolution process, which (4) typically requires a degree of strategic coherence amongst external actors,
necessitating mechanisms for coordination....
-
February 24, 2010
United Nations Development Programme Pacific Centre // Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat
Abstract:
In the last couple of decades, debate within the international community and the Pacific has centred on the challenges posed to socio-economic and political development by insecurity and conflict. This focus has also resulted in a shifting understanding of security, which now includes the safety and well-being of people and communities as well as the security of the state.
The Pacific, like other regions, is dealing with a difficult and diverse set of law enforcement, governance and security challenges. The region has witnessed violent conflict, civil unrest and political crises. This has led to a growing recognition of the critical role of law enforcement agencies and security institutions. However, in recent years, there have been concerns that these institutions lack capacity to meet the challenge of providing security to the general public; that governments do not have the necessary civilian security expertise to manage them; that legislatures are not empowered to oversee them; and that security forces are not held accountable under the law for their actions. Effective governance of security institutions is vital for the Pacific region. In the context of conflict and violence, it supports the efforts of state institutions to stabilize the security situation, begin the road to recovery and reduce the potential of relapse. In non-conflict contexts, it ensures security institutions fulfil their mandate to combat insecurity. This creates an enabling environment for poverty reduction and sustainable development....
-
February 2, 2010
Amnesty International
Abstract:
Between April and July 2009, police officers
raided villages in the highlands of Papua
New Guinea, forcibly evicting people from
their homes, burning down houses and
destroying their belongings, gardens and
livestock. These incidents took place in the
“special mining lease” (SML) area within
which the Porgera Joint Venture (PJV)
operates one of the largest mines in the
country.
The area most affected by the police raids
was Wuangima, which is situated next to
the underground mining operations of the
Porgera mine. Wuangima had long been
occupied by families from three sub-clans –
the Uape, Lakima and Wangalo sub-clans.
Adult residents had been born and raised in
the area and had been raising their own
families in houses in Wuangima at the time
of the police raids. Those who lost their
homes included families with young
children, pregnant women, elderly people
and employees of PJV. Other villages within
the SML area also faced violence, including
Kulapi and Mungalep.
On 11 May 2009, Amnesty International
issued a public statement expressing
concern for the human rights of those
affected by the police activity. It called for
immediate action to stop the forced
evictions, remedy the violations that had
occurred and prevent further human rights
abuses. Between 18 August 2009 and
2 October 2009, Amnesty International
conducted further investigations into the
human rights situation of those affected by
the police brutality. Amnesty International
visited Porgera, inspected the burned
remains of houses and spoke to many of
the people directly affected by the forced
evictions, including villagers who had
previously occupied the area. Amnesty
International also interviewed police
officials, other government officers,
medical personnel, politicians, religious
leaders, landowners, women leaders, and
other community members....
-
December 17, 2009
Oxfam International
Abstract:
There has been a shift in discussions about security, away
from national security and towards greater emphasis on human
security. This shift requires governments to recognise the
importance of placing human beings and not states, at the
centre of security concerns. In recent years the links between
development, human security and armed violence have been
explored actively by national and international agencies, non
government organisations and the United Nations. The interest
has been driven, on the one hand, by the need to ensure
sustainable development programmes in areas threatened by
armed violence, and, on the other hand, by the realisation that
effective control of armed violence depends, in part, on
supportive development programming.
Armed violence has a deleterious effect on development and is
a core source of instability and human security. Where gun
violence is a daily reality, policymakers, bureaucrats and
analysts often fail to understand precisely how men, women
and children are differently affected, the multiplier effects of
insecurity on the wider community and how individuals
develop local solutions to their problems. Many countries are
already saturated with weapons and ammunition, and
controlling new transfers of weapons is not enough. Arms
work should be concerned not only with the weapons
themselves, but with structural factors, such as the socioeconomic
root causes of armed violence and the need for nonviolent
alternatives to gun-based livelihoods....
-
November 26, 2009
Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
In July 2009, the UN General Assembly held an Interactive Informal Dialogue and plenary session on the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP). The dialogue provided the first opportunity for the UN membership as a whole to discuss implementation of the 2005 World Summit’s commitment to the RtoP and the UN Secretary-General’s report on the matter. Fifteen governments from the Asia-Pacific region, namely Indonesia, the Philippines, Korea, New Zealand, Australia, Singapore, Japan, China, Vietnam, Solomon Islands, Myanmar, Timor-Leste, DPRK, PNG and Malaysia, participated in the dialogue. This culminated in a resolution co-sponsored by, inter alia, Australia, Fiji, Singapore, Papua New Guinea, Republic of Korea, Timor-Leste and New Zealand that noted the Secretary-General’s report, observed the fruitfulness of the interactive dialogue, and committed the Assembly to further consideration of the RtoP.
According to the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, one of the most significant aspects of the dialogue was the positive transformation of attitudes towards the RtoP within the Asia-Pacific region. Having previously been considered the region most opposed to the RtoP, the region now boasts near unanimity in its endorsement of the principle and the Secretary-General’s efforts towards its implementation (with the exception of North Korea)....
-
Search for all records in "Papua New Guinea"
-
Paraguay
-
March 15, 2010
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
This report updates the topic of Iran’s Growing Relations with Latin America [page 5]. Over the past several years, U.S. officials and other observers have expressed concerns about
Iran’s increasing activities in Latin America, particularly under the government of President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. For example, in January 2009 congressional testimony, Secretary of
Defense Robert Gates maintained that he was concerned about the level of “subversive activity
that the Iranians are carrying on in a number of places in Latin America, particularly South
America and Central America.” There has been some contention, however, over the level and significance of Iran’s linkages with
the region. One view emphasizes that Iran’s relations with several Latin American leaders who
have employed strong anti-U.S. rhetoric and its past support for terrorist activities in the region
are reasons why its presence should be considered a potential destabilizing threat to the region.
Another school of thought emphasizes that Iran’s domestic politics and strategic orientation
toward the Middle East and Persian Gulf region will preclude the country from sustaining a focus
on Latin America. Adherents of this view assert that Iran’s promised aid and investment to Latin
America have not materialized. Some observers holding both of these views contend that while Iran’s activities in Latin America do not currently constitute a major threat to U.S. national
security, there is enough to be concerned about to keep a watchful eye on developments in case it
becomes a more serious threat. On October 27, 2009, the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on
the Western Hemisphere held a hearing on “Iran in the Western Hemisphere” that reflected these
range of views....
-
November 24, 2009
openDemocracy
Abstract:
Border zones are incubators of criminal instability and violence. Weak state presence and the lucrative drugs trade is combining to challenge state sovereignty in acute ways. Consider Mexico, where the northern frontier with the US and southern border with Guatemala are contested zones. The bloody center of gravity of Mexico’s drug cartels is the ‘plazas’, the drug smuggling corridors that link the borders. When most think of conflict and border zones, they imagine territorial disputes such as India and Pakistan’s recurring battles over Kashmir or less serious tug-of-wars such as Japan and South Korea’s contestation of the Liancourt Rocks. To be sure, there have been territorial disputes, such as Nicaragua’s dispute with Colombia over several islands, or Colombia’s conflicts with Venezuela and Ecuador over narco-guerrillas operating from their territory. Yet, as former FRIDE researcher Ivan Briscoe argues, the biggest sources of violent conflict has been the erosion of government control over border zones and the rise of criminal groups, gangs, and cartels in loosely governed zones. As Briscoe argues, "violence and institutional corrosion have plagued as never before the frontier between Mexico and the United States, while Guatemala’s eastern border region and Colombia’s frontiers with Ecuador, Venezuela and Brazil witness these countries’ highest murder rates, as well as territorial capture by armed groups and narco-trafficking networks."...
-
October 7, 2009
Small Arms Survey // Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva // Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Abstract:
The data in this report is derived from country submissions when possible,
and estimates when necessary. Estimates are extrapolated from each country’s
identified procurement, highest modern personnel totals, and strategic doctrine.
Except where noted, the military small arms and light weapons data
presented here is not official, comprehensive, or conclusive; it is for general
evaluation and comparison only. The complete methodology used here is described
in Chapter 2 of the Small Arms Survey 2006.
Small arms are state-owned handguns, submachine guns, rifles, shotguns,
and light and medium machine guns. Firearms are civilian-owned handguns,
submachine guns, rifles, and shotguns. Long at the forefront of international small arms issues, public debate and
activism in South America have largely focused on matters surrounding civilian
firearms, estimated here to total between 21.7 and 26.8 million. The reasons
for this civilian preoccupation are principally linked to chronic gun violence.
South America has 14 per cent of the global population, and roughly 3.5 to 4 per
cent of the world’s civilian firearms, but it suffers from roughly 40 per cent of
all homicides committed with firearms.
Military small arms are rarely part of public debate, largely because of a
strong culture of national security secrecy in South America. But military
small arms policy has attracted much closer scrutiny in recent years, especially
as military small arms and light weapons are diverted to criminals and
guerrillas, fuelling insurgencies and civil violence. This report focuses primarily
on issues surrounding surplus military small arms and light weapons in
the region. Law enforcement and civilian firearms inventories and issues are
recognized here as well, to ensure a balanced overall perspective.
The region’s military establishments do not have a strong record of identifying
or eliminating their surplus small arms, light weapons, or ammunition.
South America holds some of the world’s largest military small arms and
light weapons surpluses. Military inventories are not exceptionally large in
absolute terms, but they are a major element in global surplus problems. Among
the 12 independent countries of South America, there are an estimated 3.6
million military small arms as of 2007, 1.5 per cent of the global total. Of these,
approximately 1.3 million, more than one-third, are surplus....
-
March 23, 2009
Global Terrorism Analysis // The Jamestown Foundation
Abstract:
The international terrorist presence in Latin America is concentrated in several "hotspots" where terrorist organizations have found financial and logistic support, as well as a supporting base. Among these areas are Venezuela and its Margarita Island, Trinidad and Tobago, the Iquique area in Chile, and the Tri-Border Area (TBA, or Triple Frontera) in South America. The TBA, which includes the Brazilian city of Foz de Iguazú, the Argentinean Puerto Iguazú, and Ciudad del Este in Paraguay, has served in the past twenty years as an operational and logistic center for international terrorist groups, such as the Lebanese Hezbollah, as well as transnational criminal organizations. This area has a population of approximately 700,000 people; including roughly 30,000 inhabitants of Arab descent. The Arab community, which constitutes one of the largest immigrant groups in the region, is predominantly Lebanese, especially in Ciudad del Este and Foz de Iguazú. The local Lebanese population is largely Shia. The Triple Frontera is one of the most important commercial centers of South America, with approximately 20 thousand people transiting on a daily basis from the neighboring states to the free-trade area of Ciudad del Este in Paraguay. The intense volume of people and goods entering the TBA, together with its porous borders, are two important factors that originally attracted criminal and armed groups to this area. Additionally, the relative ease with which money is locally laundered and transferred to and from regions overseas constitutes a very powerful incentive to maintain a base of operations in the TBA. Therefore, transnational criminal groups such as the Mexican and Colombian drug cartels, Chinese and Russian mafias, and the Japanese Yakuza all appear to have a strongly rooted presence in this South American region. Within the TBA, the epicenter of organized crime is Ciudad del Este - an important hub of drug and human trafficking, and the smuggling of goods, weapons, contraband and counterfeit products....
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
Search for all records in "Paraguay"
-
Peru
-
July 15, 2010
Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity
Abstract:
This Overview summarises the key findings and policy challenges identified by the CRISE
research programme in its evaluation of three Latin American countries. The case studies
selected were the three countries with the largest indigenous populations in proportionate
terms: Bolivia, Guatemala and Peru. The underlying research challenge was to understand
the role of horizontal or group inequality in overall acute inequality in the countries studied,
and the relevance of group inequality to political violence.
The paper shows that horizontal inequalities (HIs)—political, social, economic and cultural—
are deeply embedded in two of these countries, Guatemala and Peru, and have played a significant
role in terrible political violence. They remain severe; indeed, political HIs have worsened
in some respects with the legacy of violence and repression. In Guatemala and Peru, the pervasiveness
of embedded prejudice and ways of thinking make even good policy initiatives
non-functional. In Bolivia, meanwhile, an exceptional set of political and geographical circumstances has,
over many decades, resulted in political accommodation mechanisms that have avoided
widespread violence and led to a genuine improvement in political HIs....
-
March 16, 2010
Governance and Social Development Resource Centre
Abstract:
This study is concerned with analysing the routes in and out of political violence in selected
countries – Bolivia and Peru, Tajikistan and Yemen - within Latin America, the Caribbean,
Middle East and North Africa, Eastern Europe and Central Asia (EMAD) regions. The study
explores the following key issues: the importance of multiple and hybrid identities as the basis of claims, forms of empowerment and supporting citizenship; the extent to which tendencies to violence around these claims are rooted in processes of exclusion and identity with deepening economic, social and political
inequalities; pathways to dialogue and the political space within which both political violence and
ways forward emerge; and the links between social cohesion, identity politics and pathways out of political
violence.
The study cautions against the tendency to identify particular identity groups with extremist or
terrorist violence....
-
March 15, 2010
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
This report updates the topic of Iran’s Growing Relations with Latin America [page 5]. Over the past several years, U.S. officials and other observers have expressed concerns about
Iran’s increasing activities in Latin America, particularly under the government of President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. For example, in January 2009 congressional testimony, Secretary of
Defense Robert Gates maintained that he was concerned about the level of “subversive activity
that the Iranians are carrying on in a number of places in Latin America, particularly South
America and Central America.” There has been some contention, however, over the level and significance of Iran’s linkages with
the region. One view emphasizes that Iran’s relations with several Latin American leaders who
have employed strong anti-U.S. rhetoric and its past support for terrorist activities in the region
are reasons why its presence should be considered a potential destabilizing threat to the region.
Another school of thought emphasizes that Iran’s domestic politics and strategic orientation
toward the Middle East and Persian Gulf region will preclude the country from sustaining a focus
on Latin America. Adherents of this view assert that Iran’s promised aid and investment to Latin
America have not materialized. Some observers holding both of these views contend that while Iran’s activities in Latin America do not currently constitute a major threat to U.S. national
security, there is enough to be concerned about to keep a watchful eye on developments in case it
becomes a more serious threat. On October 27, 2009, the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on
the Western Hemisphere held a hearing on “Iran in the Western Hemisphere” that reflected these
range of views....
-
March 11, 2010
United Nations Children's Fund // Innocenti Research Centre // Human Rights Program at Harvard Law School
Abstract:
As targets of grave violations of human rights and forced participation in violence, children are among those most affected by conflict. The physical, psychological, social and emotional impacts that conflict has on children have increasingly become a focus of international and national peacebuilding measures, truth commissions, and courts. Children and Transitional Justice: Truth-Telling, Accountability, and Reconciliation explores questions raised when children's issues -- and children themselves -- are prioritized in transitional justice processes. It analyzes practical experiences to determine how the range of international courts, truth commissions and traditional processes can be applied, both to improve accountability for crimes perpetrated against children and to protect the rights of children involved. The chapters of the book include: Chapter 1: Child Rights and Transitional Justice, by Saudamini Siegrist; Chapter 2: Basic Assumptions of Transitional Justice and Children, by Alison Smith; Chapter 3: International Criminal Justice and Child Protection, by Cécile Aptel; Chapter 4: Children and the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, by Piers Pigou; Chapter 5: Child Participation in the Sierra Leonean Truth and Reconciliation Commission, by Philip Cook and Cheryl Heykoop; Chapter 6: Children and the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission, by Theo Sowa; Chapter 7: Accountability and Reconciliation in Northern Uganda Accountability for Sexual and Gender-Based Crimes by the Lord’s Resistance Army, by Kristopher Carlson and Dyan Mazurana; The Potential and Limits of Mato Oput as a Tool for Reconciliation and Justice, Prudence Acirokop; Chapter 8: Disappeared Children, Genetic Tracing and Justice, by Michele Harvey-Blankenship and Rachel Shigekane; Chapter 9: Truth Commissions and National Curricula: The Case of Recordándonos in Peru, by Julia Paulson; and Chapter 10: Realizing Economic Justice for Children: The Role of Transitional Justice in Post-Conflict Societies, by Sharanjeet Parmar....
-
October 7, 2009
Small Arms Survey // Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva // Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Abstract:
The data in this report is derived from country submissions when possible,
and estimates when necessary. Estimates are extrapolated from each country’s
identified procurement, highest modern personnel totals, and strategic doctrine.
Except where noted, the military small arms and light weapons data
presented here is not official, comprehensive, or conclusive; it is for general
evaluation and comparison only. The complete methodology used here is described
in Chapter 2 of the Small Arms Survey 2006.
Small arms are state-owned handguns, submachine guns, rifles, shotguns,
and light and medium machine guns. Firearms are civilian-owned handguns,
submachine guns, rifles, and shotguns. Long at the forefront of international small arms issues, public debate and
activism in South America have largely focused on matters surrounding civilian
firearms, estimated here to total between 21.7 and 26.8 million. The reasons
for this civilian preoccupation are principally linked to chronic gun violence.
South America has 14 per cent of the global population, and roughly 3.5 to 4 per
cent of the world’s civilian firearms, but it suffers from roughly 40 per cent of
all homicides committed with firearms.
Military small arms are rarely part of public debate, largely because of a
strong culture of national security secrecy in South America. But military
small arms policy has attracted much closer scrutiny in recent years, especially
as military small arms and light weapons are diverted to criminals and
guerrillas, fuelling insurgencies and civil violence. This report focuses primarily
on issues surrounding surplus military small arms and light weapons in
the region. Law enforcement and civilian firearms inventories and issues are
recognized here as well, to ensure a balanced overall perspective.
The region’s military establishments do not have a strong record of identifying
or eliminating their surplus small arms, light weapons, or ammunition.
South America holds some of the world’s largest military small arms and
light weapons surpluses. Military inventories are not exceptionally large in
absolute terms, but they are a major element in global surplus problems. Among
the 12 independent countries of South America, there are an estimated 3.6
million military small arms as of 2007, 1.5 per cent of the global total. Of these,
approximately 1.3 million, more than one-third, are surplus....
-
Search for all records in "Peru"
-
Philippines
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Riyaz Bhatkal and the Origins of the
Indian Mujahidin, by Praveen Swami; Salafi-Jihadi Activism in Gaza: Mapping the Threat, by Benedetta Berti; The Virtual Jihad: An Increasingly Legitimate Form of Warfare, by Akil N. Awan; Internet Jihadists React to the Deaths of Al-Qa`ida’s Leaders in Iraq, by Abdul Hameed Bakier; The Kidnapping and Execution of
Khalid Khwaja in Pakistan, by Rahimullah Yusufzai; The Sources of the Abu Sayyaf’s Resilience in the Southern Philippines, by Rommel C. Banlaoi....
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Building a Strategic U.S.-Pakistan
Nuclear Relationship, by Rolf Mowatt-Larssen; Beyond the Moscow Bombings: Islamic
Militancy in the North Caucasus, by Christopher Swift; After Pune, Details Emerge on the
Karachi Project and its Threat to India ,by Animesh Roul; Assessing the Recent Terrorist Threat
to the Malacca Strait, by Peter Chalk; The Philippines Chips Away at the Abu
Sayyaf Group’s Strength, by Zachary Abuza; Al-Qa`ida in the Islamic Maghreb:
A Case Study in the Opportunism of Global Jihad, by Jean-Pierre Filiu; No Silver Bullets: Explaining Research
on How Terrorism Ends, by Audrey Kurth Cronin;...
-
August 24, 2010
Global Consortium on Security Transformation
Abstract:
This paper is interested in explaining the persistence and steady expansion of the sphere of
military autonomy in spite of democratization and how it aects security sector transformation
(SST). It argues that SST processes will be constrained, limited, and even undermined so long
as the military enjoys signi cant degrees of political autonomy in three ways. First, a relatively
autonomous military will likely de ne and dominate the framework of SST in a given country.
This implies that programs that will reform the military will likely not produce the intended
results of democratic civilian control. Second, any gains or positive outcomes generated by transforming the security sector will likely be jeopardized by the military since they have the power
to stifle or undermine these reforms. Finally, military autonomy in certain areas such as human
rights and security policy hinders the participation of other actors, notably civil society in being
able to influence and contribute to SST initiatives. Using the case of the Philippines, this study
seeks to examine these three causal mechanisms that link military autonomy with the space
or opportunities for governments to implement programs and policies that could transform the
security sector....
-
May 13, 2010
2010 International Conference on Humanities, Historical and Social Sciences // Social Science Research Network
Abstract:
This paper seeks to contextualize forced migration brought about by the war as an exacerbating phenomenon for children of ethnic origin who has been deprived hitherto of basic social services, yet managed to live to tell the tale of their survival. The paper discusses the specific case of children of marginalized groups in Mindanao, aged 13-17, who have been caught in regional conflict or skirmishes.
-
May 6, 2010
Asian Disaster Reduction and Response Network
Abstract:
Many countries particularly in Asia are not
only beleaguered with natural hazards but also
human-induced disasters arising from complex
situations of conflict. The Philippines is among
them.
This first publication of the Asian Disaster
Reduction and Response Network (ADRRN)
focuses on the challenges to human security in
complex situations, considering the situation
in the Southern Philippines as a case study.
It is hoped that other countries will better
understand the complexities of the situation
here, may find some parallels with their own
experiences and will learn some lessons from
what is happening in the Philippines. Part I Elements of the Conflict Situation in the Philippines: This part includes: Chapter 1, Mindanao: A Historical Overview, by Rudy B. Rodil; Chapter 2, State Domain vs. Ancestral Domain in Mindanao-Sulu, by Rudy B. Rodil; Chapter 3, The Bangsamoro under the Philippine Rule, by Abhoud Syed M. Lingga; Chapter 4, Ideology-Based Conflicts, by Victor M. Taylor; Chapter 5, Letting a Thousand Flowers Bloom: Clan Conflicts and their Management, by Wilfredo M. Torres III; Chapter 6, Criminality: Focus on Kidnappings, by Victor M. Taylor. Part II Synthesis includes: Chapter 1, Tying the Strands, by Victor M. Taylor. Part III Conclusion includes: Chapter 1, Humanitarianism in Complex Areas, by Merlie B. Mendoza....
-
Search for all records in "Philippines"
-
Poland
-
April 13, 2010
Campaign for Innocent Victims in Conflict
Abstract:
Afghan civilians deserve amends from warring parties for deaths, injuries, and property
losses—that is, some form of recognition and monetary compensation. Under international
law and agreements signed with the Afghan government, the troop contributing nations
(TCNs) of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) are not liable for damage to
civilian property or civilian injury or death as a result of lawful operations. However, most
ISAF members now offer payments when such losses occur. This is a marked improvement
from the early days of the conflict when the US and its NATO allies declined to address civilian
harm. CIVIC’s research into the experiences of ISAF troops and Afghan civilians demonstrates that
when international military forces provide payment (henceforth called “compensation” to
indicate both monetary and in-kind help), especially combined with an apology for harm,
civilian hostility toward international forces decreases. However, the effectiveness of these
payments has been limited by the lack of uniform policies across ISAF nations, limited information
gathering about civilian harm generally and, in many cases, insensitive requirements
that civilians suffering losses take the initiative to file claims.
This report describes the policies and practices of major ISAF TCNs. It finds that soldiers as
well as civilians view amends for harm favorably. The process of investigation, negotiation
of payment, and offers of formal compensation are opportunities to strengthen relationships
with local leaders and communities, to explain what happened, and acknowledge loss....
-
June 3, 2009
Initiative for Peacebuilding // Partners for Democratic Change International
Abstract:
This Synthesis Report extracts the main findings from seven EU Member State case studies surveyed under
the Capacity-Building and Training Cluster of the Initiative for Peacebuilding (IfP). Case studies were conducted
in Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Greece, Poland, Portugal, Slovenia and Spain in order to assess these countries’
capacities to meet EU spending targets for official development assistance (ODA) and to analyse the position of
peacebuilding within national ODA policies. Each case study analysed country-specific ODA policies by focusing
on institutional mechanisms and key actors in managing and implementing ODA; the role and capacity of civil
society organisations in influencing planning, implementation, and evaluation of ODA; and public awareness of
and support for ODA.
This report finds that international development cooperation has received growing attention during the last
decade in all surveyed case-study countries. New EU Member States in particular are striving to adhere to
their international commitments by further refining their ODA policies; enhancing the institutional structures
for managing and implementing ODA; and increasing cooperation with and consultation of civil society
organisations....
-
December 10, 2008
International Centre for Migration Policy Development
Abstract:
A Survey and Analysis of Border Management and Border Apprehension Data from 20 States.
With a Special Survey on the Use of Counterfeit Documents.
Based on the contributions of the border services of 20 Central and Eastern European states, the 2006 Yearbook again provides its valuable overview and analysis of irregular migration trends in the region. Over the past ten years the annual Yearbook on Illegal Migration, Human Smuggling and Trafficking in Central and Eastern Europe has come to be regarded as an authoritative source of information on recent border trends and in particular on the phenomena of illegal migration, human smuggling and trafficking. The annual Yearbook covers the most recent trends in illegal migration and human smuggling in the region, including long-term trends in border apprehensions, shifts in source, transit and destination countries, demographic characteristics of irregular migrants, the relationship between legal and illegal border crossings, new developments in the methods of border crossings and document abuse and on removals of irregular migrants. In addition, this year’s edition for the first time features a Special Survey on the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes. This Survey is based on the contributions received from document specialists or Special Units dealing with document security in the countries under review and provides the first comprehensive overview and analysis of patterns and trends in the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes in Central and Eastern Europe....
-
September 8, 2008
Amnesty International
Abstract:
This bulletin contains information about Amnesty International’s main concerns in Europe and
Central Asia between July and December 2007. Not every country in the region is reported on; only
those where there were significant developments in the period covered by the bulletin, or where
Amnesty International (AI) took specific action.
A number of individual country reports have been issued on the concerns featured in this bulletin.
References to these are made under the relevant country entry. In addition, more detailed
information about particular incidents or concerns may be found in Urgent Actions and News
Service Items issued by AI.
This bulletin is published by AI every six months....
-
September 5, 2008
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
U.S. policymakers have made securing and maintaining foreign contributions
to the stabilization and reconstruction of Iraq a major priority since the preparation
period for the launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. This report
highlights and discusses important changes in financial and personnel contributions
from foreign governments to Iraq since 2003.
To date, foreign donors have pledged an estimated $16.4 billion in grants and
loans for Iraq reconstruction, with most major pledges originating at a major donors'
conference in Madrid, Spain, in October 2003. However, only a small part of the
pledges have been committed or disbursed to the World Bank and United Nations
Development Group Trust Funds for Iraq. The largest non-U.S. pledges of grants
have come from Japan, the European Commission, the United Kingdom, Canada,
South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. The World Bank, the International
Monetary Fund, Japan, and Saudi Arabia have pledged the most loans and export
credits.
Currently, 33 countries including the United States have some level of troops
on the ground in Iraq or supporting Iraq operations from nearby locations. Those
forces are working under the rubric of one of several organizations — the
Multi-National Force-Iraq (MNF-I), the NATO Training Mission-Iraq (NTM-I); or
the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI). Currently, the largest
troop contributors, in addition to the United States, are the United Kingdom, Georgia,
Australia, South Korea, and Poland. Some of these key contributors have announced
their intention to reduce or withdraw their forces from Iraq during 2008. The total
number of non-U.S. coalition troop contributions has declined since the early
stabilization efforts, as other countries have withdrawn their contingents or
substantially reduced their size....
-
Search for all records in "Poland"
-
Portugal
-
May 10, 2010
Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University
Abstract:
A key contention of the transitional justice movement is that the more comprehensive and
vigorous the effort to bring justice to a departed authoritarian regime the better the
democratizing outcome will be. This essay challenges this view with empirical evidence
from the Iberian Peninsula. In Portugal, a sweeping policy of purges intended to cleanse
the state and society of the authoritarian past nearly derailed the transition to democracy
by descending into a veritable witch-hunt. In Spain, by contrast, letting bygones be
bygones, became a foundation for democratic consolidation. These counter-intuitive
examples suggest that there is no pre-ordained outcome to transitional justice, and that
confronting an evil past is neither a requirement nor a pre-condition for democratization.
This is primarily because the principal factors driving the impulse toward justice against
the old regime are political rather than ethical or moral. In Portugal, the rise of
transitional justice mirrored the anarchic politics of the revolution that lunched the
transition to democracy. In Spain, the absence of transitional justice reflected the
pragmatism of a democratic transition anchored on compromise and consensus....
-
June 3, 2009
Initiative for Peacebuilding // Partners for Democratic Change International
Abstract:
This Synthesis Report extracts the main findings from seven EU Member State case studies surveyed under
the Capacity-Building and Training Cluster of the Initiative for Peacebuilding (IfP). Case studies were conducted
in Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Greece, Poland, Portugal, Slovenia and Spain in order to assess these countries’
capacities to meet EU spending targets for official development assistance (ODA) and to analyse the position of
peacebuilding within national ODA policies. Each case study analysed country-specific ODA policies by focusing
on institutional mechanisms and key actors in managing and implementing ODA; the role and capacity of civil
society organisations in influencing planning, implementation, and evaluation of ODA; and public awareness of
and support for ODA.
This report finds that international development cooperation has received growing attention during the last
decade in all surveyed case-study countries. New EU Member States in particular are striving to adhere to
their international commitments by further refining their ODA policies; enhancing the institutional structures
for managing and implementing ODA; and increasing cooperation with and consultation of civil society
organisations....
-
September 8, 2008
Amnesty International
Abstract:
This bulletin contains information about Amnesty International’s main concerns in Europe and
Central Asia between July and December 2007. Not every country in the region is reported on; only
those where there were significant developments in the period covered by the bulletin, or where
Amnesty International (AI) took specific action.
A number of individual country reports have been issued on the concerns featured in this bulletin.
References to these are made under the relevant country entry. In addition, more detailed
information about particular incidents or concerns may be found in Urgent Actions and News
Service Items issued by AI.
This bulletin is published by AI every six months....
-
January 7, 2008
Centre for European Reform
Abstract:
President Sarkozy has recently said that France may re-integrate into NATO's military command. This abrupt change in French policy opens doors to a much-needed improvement in EU-NATO relations. The two institutions have been barely co-operating on important missions like Kosovo, which leaves Europe ill-prepared for security challenges on its borders. But for the EU and NATO to really turn a corner, the UK must first agree with France how independent from the US, Europe's defences should become. The US will need to give France command posts in NATO, and Turkey will have to drop its opposition to Cyprus' co-operation with the alliance....
-
May 14, 2007
Government Accountability Office
Abstract:
In March 2003, a U.S.-led multinational force began operations in Iraq. At that time, 48 nations, identified as a "coalition of the willing," offered political, military, and financial support for U.S. efforts in Iraq, with 38 nations other than the United States providing troops. In addition, international donors met in Madrid in October 2003 to pledge funding for the reconstru#ction of Iraq's infrastructure, which had deteriorated after multiple wars and decades of neglect under the previous regime.
This testimony discusses (1) the troop commitments other countries have made to operations in Iraq, (2) the funding the United States has provided to support other countries' participation in the multinational force, and (3) the financial support international donors have provided to Iraq reconstruction efforts....
-
Search for all records in "Portugal"
-
Puerto Rico
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
October 4, 2004
British Broadcasting Corporation
Abstract:
Hispanic, Afro-Caribbean and North American influences meld in Puerto Rico, a self-governing commonwealth of the US.
-
Search for all records in "Puerto Rico"
-
Qatar
-
April 23, 2010
The Finnish Institute of International Affairs // Ulkopoliittinen Instituutti
Abstract:
This paper discusses the diverging perceptions
and responses of Middle Eastern Arab states to the
issue of climate change. It shows how these states’
policies at the regional and international level have
been shaped, even conditioned, by motivations of
economic security of the oil revenue-dependent
states in the region. It also points out the problems
of this kind of an approach and gives suggestions and
justifications for a more balanced policy approach to
climate change. It is argued that the Gulf oil exporting
monarchies need to take a more constructive and
balanced approach to international climate change
mitigation, as this is the precondition for achieving
functional regional cooperation in this area. In the
future, failing to cooperate regionally will exacerbate
climate change-induced problems and instability in
the entire region. Climate change is by its nature a transboundary
problem. The Middle East is considered to be one
of the most vulnerable regions in the world to its
negative impacts. This is even more significant given
that the Middle East is also one of the most volatile
regions in the world in terms of inter- and intrastate
conflict and instability....
-
March 3, 2010
Freedom House
Abstract:
As the governments of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) undertake the difficult process of enacting social and political change, the unequal status of women presents a particularly formidable challenge. In Iraq, deliberations over women's legal status have been as contentious as negotiations over how to structure the government. In Jordan, measures to increase penalties for so-called honor crimes faced strong resistance by ultraconservative parliamentarians and ordinary citizens who believe that tradition and religion afford them the right to severely punish and even murder female relatives for behavior they deem immoral. These debates are not just legal and philosophical struggles among elites. They are emotionally charged political battles that touch upon fundamental notions of morality and social order.
In order to provide a detailed look at the conditions faced by women in the Middle East and understand the complex environment surrounding efforts to improve their status, Freedom House conducted a comprehensive study of women's rights in the region. The first edition of this project was published in 2005. The present edition offers an updated examination of the issue, with a special focus on changes that have occurred over the last five years. Although the study indicates that a substantial deficit in women's rights persists in every country in the MENA region, the findings also include notable progress, particularly in terms of economic opportunities, educational attainment, and political participation....
-
August 27, 2009
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
While much of the world has focused on Iran’s missile developments, and possible nuclear capabilities, this is only one of the risks that threaten the flow of petroleum products from the Gulf – a region with some 60% of the world’s proven conventional oil reserves and 40% of its natural gas. Far more immediate threats have emerged in terms of asymmetric warfare, terrorism, piracy, non-state actors, and other threats.
The Burke Chair at CSIS has developed a new briefing that provides an overview of these threats, showing current trends and highlighting the strategic geography involved. This brief looks beyond Gulf waters and examines the problems created by Iran’s ties to other states and non-state actors throughout the region. It highlights Iran’s capabilities for asymmetric warfare, but it also examines the threat from terrorism and the role it can play in nations like Yemen. It looks at the trends in piracy and in the threat in the Gulf of Aden, Red Sea, and Indian Ocean.
The key issues addressed are: Terrorism, asymmetric Warfare, maritime and Border Security, combating piracy, critical facilities and infrastructure, role of chokepoints, and role of State and non-state actors....
-
April 29, 2009
United Nations Economic and Social Council // United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia
Abstract:
A brainstorming session on the impact of conflict-driven displacement in the ESCWA region was
held at UN House, Beirut on 9 February 2009. The session was organized by the Section for Emerging
and Conflict Related Issues (ECRI) in order to discuss and solicit inputs and comments on a
forthcoming ESCWA study on the socio-economic impact of displacement in the ESCWA region. The
session provided an opportunity to discuss the challenges posed by displaced populations on host
countries in the region, as well as possible solutions to these challenges. Other topics covered during
the session included the need to formulate clear policy recommendations for ESCWA member countries
and future collaboration between ECRI and United Nations agencies on regional responses to the
problem of displacement....
-
September 16, 2008
Gulf Research Center // Geneva Center for Security Policy // RAND Corporation // Crown Center for Middle East Studies at Brandeis University
Abstract:
Once a year, the Gulf Research Center (GRC), the Geneva Center for Security Policy (GCSP), the RAND Corporation and the Crown Center for Middle East Studies at Brandeis University gather in Gstaad, Switzerland, to analyze and take stock of the strategic situation of the Middle East Region. The 2008 conference focused on the various geopolitical and regional dynamics including the emergence of the Arab Gulf States as significant factors in regional relations; the changing priorities vis-à-vis the Middle East from external actors such as Europe, Asia and Russia; the evolving priorities of the United States as it deals with the continuing challenges of Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, and the Arab-Israeli conflict; the economic consequences as a result of the rising price of oil; and the broader transition taking place with the rise of non-state actors, the erosion of state power and the emergence of sub-regional dynamics. Within the context, the conference also took an issue-specific view that included the Arab-Israeli Conflict, Lebanon, Iraq, Turkey and its relationship with the Middle East, and Iran and the Arab Gulf States. The central themes that ran through this conference included the growing interconnection between problems in the region, therefore making it more difficult to articulate an analysis along national lines; the emergence of ‘bottom-up’ or ‘micro’ politics in Lebanon, Israel (among the Arab population), and the Kurds in Northern Iraq and Turkey; the continuing need for the US in the Middle East; the confusion between transactional and transformational policies; and, finally, the idea of “wildcards”, i.e. unpredictable events which could change the dynamics of the region. The conference concluded with the following assessment: “Regardless of the uncertainty surrounding what the future holds for the Middle East, one thing is certain. We are living a transitional period. In the past, outside powers dealt with one leader, who assumed control over all coercive parts of the states (the security state). This was easier to a certain extent, though the West bemoaned the lack of democracy. Now, the West is regretting the weakness of states and the often --too- lively, and unpredictable politics. Iraq and Lebanon appear to be losing control, but perhaps because a different political culture is emerging. We are experiencing the end of the autocratic, authoritarian period, and heading towards a new era. In the meantime, however, we see something stirring and unpredictable taking place. Perhaps, we should therefore look at it without judgment?”...
-
Search for all records in "Qatar"
-
Romania
-
December 10, 2008
International Centre for Migration Policy Development
Abstract:
A Survey and Analysis of Border Management and Border Apprehension Data from 20 States.
With a Special Survey on the Use of Counterfeit Documents.
Based on the contributions of the border services of 20 Central and Eastern European states, the 2006 Yearbook again provides its valuable overview and analysis of irregular migration trends in the region. Over the past ten years the annual Yearbook on Illegal Migration, Human Smuggling and Trafficking in Central and Eastern Europe has come to be regarded as an authoritative source of information on recent border trends and in particular on the phenomena of illegal migration, human smuggling and trafficking. The annual Yearbook covers the most recent trends in illegal migration and human smuggling in the region, including long-term trends in border apprehensions, shifts in source, transit and destination countries, demographic characteristics of irregular migrants, the relationship between legal and illegal border crossings, new developments in the methods of border crossings and document abuse and on removals of irregular migrants. In addition, this year’s edition for the first time features a Special Survey on the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes. This Survey is based on the contributions received from document specialists or Special Units dealing with document security in the countries under review and provides the first comprehensive overview and analysis of patterns and trends in the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes in Central and Eastern Europe....
-
September 23, 2008
South Eastern and Eastern Europe Clearinghouse for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons
Abstract:
Armed violence data gathering systems in SEE countries vary in quality and coverage of the population. No single
country embodies best practices by itself. In existing research, because of the lack of continuous monitoring,
data has sometimes been generated by research that attempts to recover information on armed violence
retrospectively. Different methods for doing this offer differing degrees of reliability; analysis of media reports
and perceptions surveys offer an important substitute for continuously gathered data, but are unreliable for a
number of reasons. Other studies have been obliged to recover data from past records, which were not designed
for storing data specifically on armed violence. In other cases, individual institutions have conducted their own
data gathering, and have supplied useful fragments of a comprehensive picture of the problem. The conclusion of this report offers a starting point for those SEE countries that wish to develop a system through
healthcare providers to monitor armed violence. Following the approach of the WHO to injury prevention, it would
be possible to build a system in each country that would adequately monitor the level of armed violence and
identify the social determinants of the problem. If regional countries wish to harmonise their data collection
systems, a collaborative consultation involving all stakeholders (particularly those operating the system, and
those wishing to use the resulting information) would be an appropriate next step....
-
September 8, 2008
Amnesty International
Abstract:
This bulletin contains information about Amnesty International’s main concerns in Europe and
Central Asia between July and December 2007. Not every country in the region is reported on; only
those where there were significant developments in the period covered by the bulletin, or where
Amnesty International (AI) took specific action.
A number of individual country reports have been issued on the concerns featured in this bulletin.
References to these are made under the relevant country entry. In addition, more detailed
information about particular incidents or concerns may be found in Urgent Actions and News
Service Items issued by AI.
This bulletin is published by AI every six months....
-
September 5, 2008
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
U.S. policymakers have made securing and maintaining foreign contributions
to the stabilization and reconstruction of Iraq a major priority since the preparation
period for the launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. This report
highlights and discusses important changes in financial and personnel contributions
from foreign governments to Iraq since 2003.
To date, foreign donors have pledged an estimated $16.4 billion in grants and
loans for Iraq reconstruction, with most major pledges originating at a major donors'
conference in Madrid, Spain, in October 2003. However, only a small part of the
pledges have been committed or disbursed to the World Bank and United Nations
Development Group Trust Funds for Iraq. The largest non-U.S. pledges of grants
have come from Japan, the European Commission, the United Kingdom, Canada,
South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. The World Bank, the International
Monetary Fund, Japan, and Saudi Arabia have pledged the most loans and export
credits.
Currently, 33 countries including the United States have some level of troops
on the ground in Iraq or supporting Iraq operations from nearby locations. Those
forces are working under the rubric of one of several organizations — the
Multi-National Force-Iraq (MNF-I), the NATO Training Mission-Iraq (NTM-I); or
the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI). Currently, the largest
troop contributors, in addition to the United States, are the United Kingdom, Georgia,
Australia, South Korea, and Poland. Some of these key contributors have announced
their intention to reduce or withdraw their forces from Iraq during 2008. The total
number of non-U.S. coalition troop contributions has declined since the early
stabilization efforts, as other countries have withdrawn their contingents or
substantially reduced their size....
-
May 29, 2008
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
Abstract:
A report issued today [29 May 2008] by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) concludes that the Balkans have become a low-crime region after the turmoil of conflict and violence that resulted from the process of post-communist transition and the break-up of Yugoslavia. "The vicious circle of political instability leading to crime, and vice versa, that plagued the Balkans in the 1990s has been broken", said the Executive Director of UNODC Antonio Maria Costa. Yet, he warned, "the region remains vulnerable to instability caused by enduring links between business, politics and organized crime"....
-
Search for all records in "Romania"
-
Russia
-
September 2, 2010
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
The North Caucasus experienced another deadly summer (May 1 – August 31, 2010). Although Chechnya and Ingushetia saw comparatively less violence than they did in Summer 2009, we observed a troubling rise in the level of violence in Dagestan and Kabardino-Balkaria. Dagestan proved the most deadly republic in the region, while Kabardio-Balkaria, normally a relatively quiet republic, incurred levels of violence surpassing Chechnya.
Since 2008, CSIS staff has tracked, on a daily basis, incidents of violence occurring in the North Caucasus. We have released seven previous reports, the last of whichillustrated the dramatic rise in violence in Spring 2010.
In this report, we present our data for Summer 2010 (May 1–August 31), paying particular attention to the geographic spread of the violence across the North Caucasus, most notably into Kabardino-Balkaria....
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Building a Strategic U.S.-Pakistan
Nuclear Relationship, by Rolf Mowatt-Larssen; Beyond the Moscow Bombings: Islamic
Militancy in the North Caucasus, by Christopher Swift; After Pune, Details Emerge on the
Karachi Project and its Threat to India ,by Animesh Roul; Assessing the Recent Terrorist Threat
to the Malacca Strait, by Peter Chalk; The Philippines Chips Away at the Abu
Sayyaf Group’s Strength, by Zachary Abuza; Al-Qa`ida in the Islamic Maghreb:
A Case Study in the Opportunism of Global Jihad, by Jean-Pierre Filiu; No Silver Bullets: Explaining Research
on How Terrorism Ends, by Audrey Kurth Cronin;...
-
August 12, 2010
International Relations and Security Network
Abstract:
Doku Umarov’s attempt to resign has revealed a schism in the leadership of North Caucasus-based insurgency and terrorism networks, but whether he stays or goes will have no long-term impact on the network’s capabilities, Simon Saradzhyan comments for ISN Security Watch. Two days after the internet release of a video showing the leader of the North Caucasus-based insurgency and terrorism networks, Doku Umarov, querying fellow warlords about his resignation, the self-styled emir of ‘Imarat Kavkaz’ (Emirate “Caucasus”) ordered a new video in which he denied plans to step down.
“In the current situation in the Caucasus I believe it is impossible for me to step down from the post of the emir of Imarat Kavkaz,” Umarov said in a video uploaded on the networks' news portal Kavkaz Center on 3 August. “This statement of mine makes the previous statement void. That previous statement was completely fabricated,” the Chechen warlord claimed, referring to the video of his resignation uploaded two days earlier by the same Kavkaz Center. [...] The appearance of two videos clearly illustrates the divisions among the networks’ leaders, regardless of the real reasons behind Umarov’s decision to seek the emirs’ approval for his replacement by Vadalov....
-
July 14, 2010
The Jamestown Foundation // Terrorism Monitor
Abstract:
Several Jordanian newspapers and websites published details in early June about 24-year-old Jordanian Anas Khalil Khadir, stating that he was killed in Chechnya after joining the jihad there. Khadir’s family members, who live in Zarqa (a city located east of Jordan’s capital city of Amman), told journalists that Khadir was very attached to the Chechen cause, leading him to abandon his medical engineering studies at Zarqa’s Hashemite University and depart for Chechnya a week before his final exams (Khaberni [Amman], June 7; al-Sabeel [Amman], June 3; Bab al-Arab, June 7).
A few days after the news of Khadir was reported, newspapers announced the death of another Jordanian in Chechnya, Yasser Ammara. Described as “a prominent Jordanian-born warlord,” Ammara was one of nine militants killed during a battle in the mountainous forests of the Vedeno region during the government’s “Operation Vengeance” (Interfax, June 11). The author’s sources confirmed that unlike Khadir, Ammara had been in Chechnya since early 2000.
The story of Khadir was more alarming than that of Ammara in terms of developments in the North Caucasus because Khadir first travelled to Chechnya on December 21, 2008, long after the 2003 to 2004 decline of the Arab fighters in Chechnya phenomenon. The timing was also significant because it coincided with increasing interest in the North Caucasus and Chechnya on Salafi-Jihadis websites and internet forums and a period of rare postings on the topic.
The revival of Salafi-Jihadi interest in the North Caucasus comes in the context of two strategies that al-Qaeda and affiliated Salafi-Jihadist groups are implementing: seeking safe havens and creating a local, grass-roots jihad that will sustain such safe havens....
-
June 15, 2010
STRATFOR
Abstract:
The former Soviet Central Asian republic of Kyrgyzstan is not a particularly nice piece of real estate. While it is in one of those mountainous regions that could be used to anchor Russian power, it is on the far side of the Eurasian steppe from the Russian core, more than 3,000 kilometers (1,800 miles) removed from the Russian heartland. The geography of Kyrgyzstan itself also leaves a great deal to be desired. Kyrgyzstan is an artificial construct created by none other than Stalin, who rearranged internal Soviet borders in the region to maximize the chances of dislocation, dispute and disruption among the indigenous populations in case the Soviet provinces ever gained independence....
-
Search for all records in "Russia"
-
Rwanda
-
September 1, 2010
Amnesty International
Abstract:
Rwanda’s laws on “genocide ideology” and “sectarianism”, more commonly known
as “divisionism”, were introduced in the decade following the 1994 Rwandan
genocide. Up to 800,000 Rwandans were killed during the 1994 genocide, most of
them ethnic Tutsi, but also some Hutu who opposed this organized killing and the
forces that directed it. Aware of the role that hate speech1 and the infamous hate
radio Radio Télévision Libre des Milles Collines (RTLM) played in inciting genocidal
participation,2 the post-genocide government led by the Rwandan Patriotic Front
(RPF) enacted laws to encourage unity and restrict speech that could promote
hatred.
Following six years of extensive reforms to the conventional justice system, the
Rwandan government announced a review of the “genocide ideology” law in April
2010. Amnesty International welcomes this government initiative. This report
identifies Amnesty International’s concerns about the current legislation and its
application in light of the Rwandan government’s review process. This report is based on numerous interviews conducted by Amnesty International
staff in Rwanda in September and November 2009 and March 2010. They
conducted interviews in Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, as well as in the provinces.
Interviews were in English, French or Kinyarwanda with French translation. Some
individuals were interviewed on more than one occasion. This report is not intended to be a comprehensive overview of all “genocide
ideology” and “sectarianism” cases, convictions and acquittals. Instead, our
research documents problematic trends in how these laws have been applied....
-
August 20, 2010
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development // Development Co-operation Directorate
Abstract:
In recent years, there has been increased interest in understanding how donor interventions in situations of fragility and conflict can contribute tot he processes of statebuilding. While external actors cannot determine the outcome of those processes, they can target their assistance to support positive statebuilding dynamics. Donors must ensure that they "do no harm" and consider both the intended and unintended consequences of their interventions. This publication fills an important knowledge gap by addressing two fundamental questions: what are the negative impacts that donor interventions can have on statebuilding; and what measures should donors adopt to avoid negative impacts on statebuilding processes? Do No Harm argues that the challenges of statebuilding are such that donors must develop a sophisticated understanding of political processes, patterns of state-society relations and sources of legitimacy in the countries where they are oeprating. Based on an extensive literature review and on six country case-studies (Afghanistan, Bolivia, the Democratic Republic of Congo [DRC], Nepal, Rwanda and Sierra Leon), Do No Harm offers a valuable addition to our knowledge on statebuilding in situations of fragility and conflict....
-
August 20, 2010
London School of Economics // PricewaterhouseCoopers LLP // Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
Abstract:
Rwanda, one of Africa’s poorest and most backward countries in terms of economic development, is in a
process of rapid and radical change. The political settlement underpinning the state in Rwanda was
forged in the wake of a civil war and one of the 20th Century’s most brutal genocides. The government
that came to power was born in an armed movement forged among exiles in Rwanda’s neighbouring
countries whose families had been forced to flee dictatorship and systematic racist persecution. Statebuilding
in Rwanda since 1994 has been a matter of national survival and those involved, whether from
the state, from a nascent civil society or from the donor community have a strong sense of the urgency to
succeed. Accomplishments in just fifteen years have been impressive and there is much that the rest of
the world has to learn from Rwanda’s experience so far.
This report forms one of six country case studies undertaken to examine the impact donors may be
having on state-building processes in fragile states and situations. The study seeks to identify positive
and negative practices of the donor community in relation to five central dimensions of state-building: the
political processes that underpin state-building; the relations between state and society; the problem of
building state legitimacy; social expectations of the state; and the capacities of states to perform their
basic functions, considered in our study as providing security, establishing the rule of law and access to
justice, taxation, the management of economic development and the delivery of essential services....
-
August 9, 2010
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Two actual or potential conflict situations around the world deteriorated and one improved in July 2010, according to the new issue of the International Crisis Group’s monthly bulletin CrisisWatch released today.
In Somalia militant Islamist group al-Shabaab demonstrated for the first time its capability to spread conflict and bloodshed more widely across the region by launching suicide bomb attacks on Kampala, Uganda that killed at least 85 people. The bombings came after explicit warnings by al-Shabaab that they would take revenge on Uganda and Burundi for their troop contribution to the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), which supports the transitional government against the Islamist group. Despite threats by al-Shabaab leader Sheikh Abu-Zubeyr of further strikes on Kampala and in Burundi, the two countries maintained their resolve to take on the insurgency and committed to send more troops to AMISOM. In Somalia itself scores of civilians were killed as renewed fighting broke out between al-Shabaab and government forces to the north of Mogadishu.
In stark contrast, the situation in Somaliland improved in July, with the peaceful transfer of power to successful opposition candidate Ahmed Mahamoud Silanyo following the June presidential elections. July saw further political violence and a shrinking of the democratic space in Rwanda ahead of the presidential elections scheduled for August....
-
August 5, 2010
Reuters
Abstract:
As Rwandans prepare to go to the polls on August 9, though, rights groups say political repression is on the rise. Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and some western diplomats believe Kagame's strong-handed leadership style and refusal to permit the birth of a critical opposition now threaten the very stability and growth he has nurtured.
The president is widely expected to win re-election.
Whoever's responsible, violence in the run up to the presidential poll has Rwandans worried. Clashes between Hutus and Tutsis have marked every election in Rwanda since independence in 1962. The birth of multi-party democracy in the early 1990s brought a new surge of radical ethnic politics that, in part at least, helped spawn the genocide. This time around, racial divisions are echoed by a growing rift within the ruling Tutsi elite. Kagame, say western diplomats in Kigali, is trying to sideline possible threats to his power....
-
Search for all records in "Rwanda"
-
Saint Kitts and Nevis
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
October 15, 2004
HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco
Abstract:
-
September 20, 2004
Protection Project // School of Advanced International Studies // Johns Hopkins University
Abstract:
No information is available on the scope of trafficking in Saint Kitts and Nevis.
-
September 2, 2004
Amnesty International
Abstract:
Against the international trend away from the use of the death penalty, executions have increased in the English speaking Caribbean (ESC) in recent years. Guyana, Trinidad and Tobago, the Bahamas and St. Kitts and St. Nevis and St. Vincent and the Grenadines have all carried out executions in the last seven years. Jamaica, Antigua, Grenada, St Lucia, Dominica, Belize and Barbados all currently have condemned prisoners and continue to impose sentences of death.
-
Search for all records in "Saint Kitts and Nevis"
-
Saint Lucia
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
October 15, 2004
HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco
Abstract:
-
September 20, 2004
Protection Project // School of Advanced International Studies // Johns Hopkins University
Abstract:
No specific information is available about the trafficking of persons in St. Lucia. However, sex tourism is increasing. The thriving sex industry in the Caribbean caters to tourists from North America and Europe. Of particular concern is child prostitution, which has widened its range in the region since officials in Thailand and the Philippines, traditional destinations for sex tourists, began to crack down on the industry. Young girls from poor rural areas in the Caribbean are sometimes kidnapped and sold to pimps in larger urban centers in the Caribbean....
-
September 2, 2004
Amnesty International
Abstract:
Against the international trend away from the use of the death penalty, executions have increased in the English speaking Caribbean (ESC) in recent years. Guyana, Trinidad and Tobago, the Bahamas and St. Kitts and St. Nevis and St. Vincent and the Grenadines have all carried out executions in the last seven years. Jamaica, Antigua, Grenada, St Lucia, Dominica, Belize and Barbados all currently have condemned prisoners and continue to impose sentences of death.
-
Search for all records in "Saint Lucia"
-
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines
-
September 16, 2008
En la Mira - The Latin American Small Arms Watch
Abstract:
Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT....
-
October 15, 2004
HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco
Abstract:
-
September 2, 2004
Amnesty International
Abstract:
Against the international trend away from the use of the death penalty, executions have increased in the English speaking Caribbean (ESC) in recent years. Guyana, Trinidad and Tobago, the Bahamas and St. Kitts and St. Nevis and St. Vincent and the Grenadines have all carried out executions in the last seven years. Jamaica, Antigua, Grenada, St Lucia, Dominica, Belize and Barbados all currently have condemned prisoners and continue to impose sentences of death.
-
Search for all records in "Saint Vincent and the Grenadines"
-
Samoa
-
August 26, 2008
Asian Development Bank Institute
Abstract:
This paper quantifies the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth in Asia for 1970–2004. Our panel estimations show that transnational terrorist attacks had a significant growth-limiting effect. Transnational terrorism reduces growth by crowding in government expenditures. An internal conflict has the greatest growth concern, about twice that of transnational terrorism. For developing Asian countries, intrastate and interstate wars have a much greater impact than terrorism does on the crowding-in of government spending.
Policy recommendations indicate the need for rich Asian countries to assist their poorer neighbors in coping with the negative growth consequences of political violence. Failure to assist may result in region-wide repercussions. Conflict and terrorism in one country can create production bottlenecks with region-wide economic consequences. International and nongovernmental organizations as well as developed Western countries and regions could assist at-risk Asian countries with attack prevention and post-attack recovery.
This study has six purposes. First, and foremost, we present panel estimates for a sample of 42 Asian countries to quantify the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth for 1970–2004. Panel estimation methods control for country-specific and timespecific unobserved heterogeneity. Second, we distinguish the influence of terrorism on economic growth from that of internal and external conflicts. Third, these influences are investigated for cohorts of developed and developing countries to ascertain whether development can better allow a country to absorb the impact of political violence. Fourth, econometric estimations relate violence-induced growth reductions to two pathways— reduced investment and increased government expenditures. Fifth, a host of diagnostic and sensitivity tests to support our empirical specifications. Last, we draw some policy conclusions....
-
May 24, 2006
Australian National University // State, Society And Governance In Melanesia Project
Abstract:
The decade since the early 1990s has witnessed the growth of a field of research and practice aimed at resolving and preventing violent conflict. Research on violent conflict has led to a number of different theories on causes of violent conflict, many of them based on the study of large-scale, protracted conflicts in Africa and the Balkans. Advocates of conflict prevention have linked longer-term root causes of violent conflict to aspects of underdevelopment, and tensions inherent in development processes....
-
February 27, 2006
U.S. Department of State
Abstract:
Samoa is a parliamentary democracy that incorporates certain traditional practices into its governmental system. The Constitution provides for a head of state; a unicameral legislature elected by universal suffrage and, in practice, composed primarily of the heads of extended families, or "matai"; the protection of land rights and traditional titles; and other fundamental rights and freedoms. The civilian authorities maintained effective control over the small national police force, but it had little effect beyond Apia, the capital city. The country has no defense force. There were no confirmed reports that security forces committed human rights abuses. Enforcement of rules and security within individual villages is vested in the "fono" (Council of Matai), which settles most internal disputes. Judgments by the fono usually involve fines or, more rarely, banishment from the village....
-
October 19, 2004
HIV InSite Database of Country and Regional Indicators // Center for HIV Information // University of California San Francisco
Abstract:
-
September 20, 2004
Protection Project // School of Advanced International Studies // Johns Hopkins University
Abstract:
No information is available on the trafficking of persons in Samoa.
-
Search for all records in "Samoa"
-
San Marino
-
June 8, 2006
International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights
Abstract:
The human rights situation deteriorated in numerous former Soviet republics. Independent
human rights monitoring groups, including several affiliates of the IHF, came under
attack. The Russian Federation, Belarus, and the Central Asian regimes promulgated
new legislation or changed their practices to allow these states arbitrarily to restrict the activities
of nongovernmental organizations. The leaders of the Belarusian Helsinki Committee
faced fabricated criminal charges, and in January 2006, state-controlled Russian media
falsely implicated the Moscow Helsinki Group in espionage....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers - spun with the collaboration or tolerance of Council of Europe member states, the Legal Affairs Committee of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) said today. In a draft resolution adopted at a meeting in Paris, based on a report by Dick Marty (Switzerland, ALDE), the committee said hundreds of persons had become entrapped in this web - in some cases when they were merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation. The parliamentarians said this knowing collusion of member states took several different forms, including secretly detaining a person on European territory, capturing a person and handing them over to the US or permitting unlawful "renditions" through their airspace or across their territory. "It# has now been demonstrated incontestably, by numerous well-documented and convergent facts, that secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers involving European countries have taken place, such as to require in-depth inquiries and urgent responses by the executive and legislative branches of all the countries concerned," the committee said. The committee called on Council of Europe member states to review bilateral agreements signed with the United States, particularly those on the status of US forces stationed in Europe, to ensure they conformed fully to international human rights norms. The report is due for debate by the plenary Assembly - which brings together 630 parliamentarians from the 46 Council of Europe member states - in Strasbourg on 27 June 2006....
-
June 7, 2006
Council of Europe
Abstract:
The United States of America finds that neither the classic instruments of criminal law and procedure, nor the framework of the laws of war (including respect for the Geneva Conventions) has been apt to address the terrorist threat. As a result it has introduced new legal concepts, such as "enemy combatant" and "rendition", which were previously unheard of in international law and stand contrary to the basic legal principles that prevail on our continent. Thus, across the world, the United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers, often encompassing countries notorious for their use of torture. Hundreds of persons have become entrapped in this web, in some cases merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation....
-
Search for all records in "San Marino"
-
Sao Tome and Principe
-
January 23, 2007
Spero News
Abstract:
Oil potential in Sao Tome and Principe could lead to political instability and injustice despite sitting on billions of barrels of reserves, say economic pundits Jeffrey Sachs and Joseph Stiglitz.
-
December 6, 2006
Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation
Abstract:
The Oil for Development initiative aims at assisting developing
countries with petroleum resources (or potential) in their efforts to manage these resources in a way that generates economic growth and promotes the welfare of the population in general, and in a way that is environmentally sustainable.
-
July 13, 2006
Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
Abstract:
The Court of Justice of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS/CEEAC) is an institution that exists solely as a possibility on paper. ECCAS was founded upon the decision of the members of the Central African Customs and Economic Union (UDEAC) to form a larger community by merging with the Economic Community of the Great Lakes States and a few other states. The Community began to operate, with the appointment of a Secretariat in 1985.
-
June 1, 2006
Sciences Po // Center For Peace And Human Security
Abstract:
Situated in between Ghana and Benin, with a coastline of no more than 56km, Togo is one of Africa's smallest countries. However, what has habitually been a little talked about West African nation holds a long history of political unrest and has recently entered into a phase of instability in the beginning of 2005. Civil society members and organizations are now regrouped in the WANEP network, (West African Network for Peacebuilding) in a joint effort to set a national agenda toward reconciliation, peace and security and lead the way in facing Togo's unprecedented public health, development and education challenges....
-
April 3, 2006
United Nations // United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
Abstract:
Trafficking in Persons has become a major concern for all countries of Western Africa.
The Meeting of ECOWAS Heads of States, in December 2001, adopted a Declaration
and the ECOWAS Plan of Action against Trafficking in Persons (2002-2003). It
directed the ECOWAS Executive Secretariat to prepare proposals for controlling trafficking
in persons in the sub-region, with special consideration to the situation of trafficked
children.
The UNODC project FS/RAF/04/R60 on the "Assistance for the Implementation of the
ECOWAS Plan of Action against Trafficking in Persons" will strengthen the capacity of
the ECOWAS Secretariat and its Member States in implementing the ECOWAS Plan of
Action, particularly as it relates to assessment of existing national legislation and the
drafting of new legislation in response to the United Nations Protocol to Prevent,
Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children.
This Manual presents the definitions of trafficking in human beings and smuggling of
migrants as well as general guidelines on investigation and prosecution of cases related to
trafficking in human beings, with a focus on cooperation between ECOWAS Member
States. This Manual is to be used as reference material and in training activities under
the project....
-
Search for all records in "Sao Tome and Principe"
-
Saudi Arabia
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: AQAP’s Growing Security Threat to
Saudi Arabia, by Caryle Murphy; Assessing AQI’s Resilience After April’s Leadership Decapitations, by Myriam Benraad; The Return of Moqtada al-Sadr and the Revival of the Mahdi Army, by Babak Rahimi; Indoctrinating Children: The Making of Pakistan’s Suicide Bombers, by Kalsoom Lakhani; The Third Way: A Paradigm for
Influence in the Marketplace of Ideas, by Scott Helfstein; Still Fighting for Revolution:
Greece’s New Generation of Terrorists, by George Kassimeris;...
-
May 17, 2010
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
The US has not yet defined how it will change its position in the Gulf, or the role of USCENTCOM, once it withdraws from Iraq. It is clear, however, that the Gulf will remain both a critical and a highly unstable region. Containing Iran will be a challenge also long as Iran’s theocracy keeps building Iran’s asymmetric forces, moving towards nuclear capability, and using proxies and non-state actors in neighboring states. Iraq may emerge as a new strategic partner, but it will take a half a decade or more for Iraq to both solve its internal security problems and create the kind of armed forces necessary to defend and deter against foreign threats without outside aid.
This leaves the United States in roughly the same strategic position it has been in since the British withdrawal from the Gulf. No other outside power can project the level of force necessary to secure the region – although Britain and France play an important role in Gulf security. The smaller Gulf states can play an important role in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), and several provide critical basing facilities for the US, Britain, and France. Nevertheless, their forces are too small and too lacking in interoperability to conduct major military operations or deter a regional power like Iran.
This leaves Saudi Arabia as the most critical single security partner the US has in the Gulf region. Much of the US focus on Saudi Arabia, however, deals with political issues like succession, and its economy and petroleum sector, and not with security. This focus needs to change. Saudi Arabia’s security priorities, its role in the Gulf military balance and the security of petroleum exports, and US and Saudi military cooperation will be critical parts of the US effort to redefine its security position in the Gulf once it has withdrawn from Iraq....
-
May 7, 2010
Arab Insight // Al Jazeera
Abstract:
Bordering the largest oil-producing country in the world and controlling access to the Red Sea on the Bab al-Mandab strait, Yemen holds great geopolitical value. Its proximity to the Horn of Africa, the troubled hotspot, only increases Yemen’s worth as a transit and trafficking site.
The Houthis, a Zaydi sect of Shiism that ruled Yemen in a traditional imamate until the revolution of 1962, are entering into the sixth year of fighting against the central government in Sana’a. Some Houthis are now looking to exploit sectarianism and cast the ongoing conflict between themselves and Sana’a in a religious light. The Yemeni government claims that the Houthis seek to restore the imamate.
The ongoing instability in Yemen is worrisome for its neighbors in the Arabian Peninsula, particularly Saudi Arabia. The Houthi rebellion is no longer a purely internal affair, but now infringes upon the security of other countries in the region. The Gulf Cooperation Council’s (GCC) support for the Yemeni government, and its statement that the security of Yemen, historically the heart of the Arabian Peninsula, is integral to the security of the larger region, shows that the GCC senses the danger of the situation and its potential repercussions. Without placing blame on any party, this article will examine how the struggle in Yemen among the national government in Sana’a, Houthi rebels, and Al-Qaeda is affected by the regional power struggle between Saudi Arabia and Iran....
-
April 23, 2010
The Finnish Institute of International Affairs // Ulkopoliittinen Instituutti
Abstract:
This paper discusses the diverging perceptions
and responses of Middle Eastern Arab states to the
issue of climate change. It shows how these states’
policies at the regional and international level have
been shaped, even conditioned, by motivations of
economic security of the oil revenue-dependent
states in the region. It also points out the problems
of this kind of an approach and gives suggestions and
justifications for a more balanced policy approach to
climate change. It is argued that the Gulf oil exporting
monarchies need to take a more constructive and
balanced approach to international climate change
mitigation, as this is the precondition for achieving
functional regional cooperation in this area. In the
future, failing to cooperate regionally will exacerbate
climate change-induced problems and instability in
the entire region. Climate change is by its nature a transboundary
problem. The Middle East is considered to be one
of the most vulnerable regions in the world to its
negative impacts. This is even more significant given
that the Middle East is also one of the most volatile
regions in the world in terms of inter- and intrastate
conflict and instability....
-
March 31, 2010
Arab Media and Society
Abstract:
Both Iran and Saudi Arabia use the media to portray their own distorted reality through the
prism of their own agendas; and to compete with each other, they exaggerate this distortion. The
media have also been instrumental in stirring up fitna (discord) between Sunnis and Shi'ites,
which has been exacerbated by the last war in Iraq, by the sectarian divisions in Lebanon, and by
the desire of Saudi Arabia and Western allies to counter Iran’s expanding influence in the Middle
East and what certain commentators and politicians have called the “Shia crescent.”
Both countries use the media to propagate their message, exert influence in Middle Eastern
politics, and develop power relations by using the media's ability to shape their relationships with
other nations and with ethno-sectarian populations. Through these channels they also construct
their own political discourse and indirectly communicate with one another.
Iran and Saudi Arabia are now key players in the Arabic-language media market, transforming
it into an arena for confrontation and quests for popularity. Every conflict or crisis in the region
becomes an opportunity for them to exert their influence and the media provides them with the
ability to legitimize their actions while trying to win the hearts and minds of the Arab world
through their own propaganda. The lack of political cohesion and national identity in Yemen has left a vacuum for militant
groups and foreign interference, a space where these two regional giants can act out their rivalry
through the fragmented tribal population of the country. The current crisis in Yemen provides a new theater
where both have an opportunity to exert some influence in the hearts and minds of Arab
populations, using the media to propagate their own ideology....
-
Search for all records in "Saudi Arabia"
-
Senegal
-
September 22, 2009
Integrated Regional Information Networks // UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Abstract:
On a recent morning in Ziguinchor, the main city of Senegal’s Casamance region, pre-school children sang the national anthem in a bright blue classroom as artillery fire sounded from several kilometres away.
Neither war, nor peace.
Recent clashes between the army and separatist troops in Casamance have underscored that the 27-year conflict is not over, and observers warn that recent years of relative calm must not be taken for granted.
After years of fighting in which tens of thousands of people were forced from their homes, the government and the rebel Movement for the Democratic Forces of Casamance (MFDC) signed a peace accord in 2004; yet the region remains plagued by occasional violent crime, political killings and bouts of fighting between the army and the splintered MFDC.
Landmines continue to claim lives and limbs and block access to farmland.
In the most recent unrest, beginning with a clash on 21 August, some Casamance residents once again got a taste of the upheaval seen during the height of fighting in the 1990s.
"People have the impression they are reliving the onset of the crisis," said Lucien Gomis, president of the rural council of Boutoupa-Camaracounda, a community about 30km southeast of Ziguinchor. He said some families who recently returned after several years worry they will have to flee again. Nouha Cissé, deputy coordinator of Alliance for Peace in Casamance, told IRIN: "After years of relative calm when the people had just started to believe that things could remain stable, people have plunged back into a psychosis."...
-
June 30, 2009
Escola de Cultura de Pau // School for a Culture of Peace
Abstract:
This fourth edition of the Yearbook on Peace Processes analyses the conflicts in which
negotiations are being held to reach a peace agreement, regardless of whether these negotiations
are formalised, are in the exploratory phases, are bearing fruit or, to the contrary, are stalled or
enmeshed in crisis. It also analyses certain cases in which the negotiations or explorations are
partial, that is, they do not encompass all the armed groups present in the country (as is the case
of Afghanistan and Iraq, for example). The majority of the negotiations are linked to armed
conflicts, but other situations are also analysed in which despite the fact that there are currently
no armed clashes taking place, the parties have yet to reach a permanent agreement to put an end
to the hostilities and disputes still pending. Thus, the negotiations are relevant for preventing the
beginning or resurgence of new armed confrontations.
The way of organising the analysis of almost every case follows a standard pattern, namely: 1) a
brief synopsis of the background of the conflict, with a short description of the armed groups and
the main players participating in the conflict; 2) the lead-up to the peace process; 3) the events
that took place throughout 2007; 4) a table displaying the most noteworthy events in the year in
summarised form; and 5) a list of websites where the conflict can be monitored. At the start of
each country there is a small insert with basic information on the conflict in question; in the
section entitled “Armed Actors” in this insert, the governmental armed forces are not included....
-
June 9, 2009
Development and Cooperation // Internationale Weiterbildung und Entwicklung gGmbH
Abstract:
In West African civil wars, militias have committed some of the worst orgies of violence in modern times. Members of an elite that was made redundant in the course of structural adjustment tend to lead these armed outfits, and marginalised urban youth serve as their foot soldiers. It is of critical interest that militia leaders depend on links to the world market – procuring arms and selling commodities. Since the Cold War ended, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea Bissau and Côte d’Ivoire have experienced long drawn-out civil wars. Violence is on the increase in Senegal, Guinea and Nigeria too, though there is no reason so far to speak of outright state collapse. To understand the dynamics of those conflicts, it is necessary to understand the reasons for weak statehood.
The way statehood has come about in Africa in modern times precluded the emergence of the preconditions and processes for good governance (see box on p. 242). In general, post-independence governments in Africa tended to exploit their countries for their personal benefits. After colonialism, only lip service was paid to the idea that governments should serve their nations by providing essential services and creating an environment for the private sector to prosper. Up to today, that is not the African ruling elite’s conception of their duty. Without a thriving public sector, however, a country has no tax base to raise the money the government needs to serve the nation and allow it to prosper....
-
May 8, 2009
Freedom House // United Nations Watch
Abstract:
On May 12, 2009, the UN General Assembly will elect 18 new Human Rights Council members. Twenty countries are candidates. However, each is not competing against all of the others, but rather only against the ones from the same UN regional group. In this year’s election, all but two regional groups have submitted the same amount of candidates as available seats. The Asian Group has 5 countries vying for 5 available seats, the Latin American and Caribbean Group (―GRULAC‖) has 3 countries vying for 3 available seats, and the Western European and Others Group (―WEOG‖) has 3 countries vying for 3 available seats. This does not mean that the candidate countries for these groups will automatically be elected; in order to become a Council member, a country must receive the votes of at least 97 of the 192 General Assembly member states (an absolute majority). Competition between the candidates exists only in the African Group, where 6 countries are vying for 5 available seats, and in the Eastern European Group, where 3 countries are vying for 2 available seats....
-
November 6, 2008
Ford Institute for Human Security // University of Pittsburgh
Abstract:
Across African conflicts, peacekeepers have faced persistent difficulties
in trying to fulfill their mandate of tempering hostility and protecting
civilians in internally displaced person (IDP) and refugee
camps.
In a series of policy briefs, to be published over the next four months,
the Ford Institute will examine the effectiveness of UN peacekeeping
operations in recent and current African conflicts in an attempt to
understand the conditions under which their deployment actually
serves to enhance the protection of civilian populations. This first
brief will examine the significance of three critical aspects of peacekeeping
operations: 1. a force’s mandate, 2. the ratio of the displaced
population to peacekeeping forces, and 3. the relative density
of the force’s coverage in relation to the geographic area of a
country. Future policy briefs in this project will examine related issues
such as the composition and function of peacekeeping forces, their
operational capability, and the deployment timeframe necessary to
maximize effectiveness....
-
Search for all records in "Senegal"
-
Serbia
-
May 31, 2010
Conflict and Health
Abstract:
The aim of this population-based study was to assess the long-lasting effects of ethnic conflict on
health and well-being (with a focus on injury and persistent pain) at family and community level.
We have also investigated possible risk factors for victimisation during the conflict and factors
contributing to healing. We conducted a district-level cross-sectional cluster survey of 1,115 households with a population of 6,845. Interviews were carried out in Mitrovice district in Northern Kosovo from September to October 2008, using standardised questionnaire to collect lifetime violence exposure, lifestyle factors and health information on individual and household. Ethnic Albanians made up 95% of the sample population. Crude mortality and under-five mortality rate was not high in 2008. Over 90% of families had been exposed to at least two categories of violence and human rights violations, and 493 individuals from 341 families reported torture experiences. During the two weeks before the survey, 20% of individuals had suffered physical or mental pain. There were differences in pain complaints according to gender and age, and whether people had been injured within 12 months, had lifetime exposure to violence-related injury, or had been tortured. Patterns of social and political participation in a family could affect the proportion of family members complaining of pain. The proportion of family members with pain complaints was related to a decline in the household income (coef=9.31, 95% CI=6.16-12.46, P<0.001) and the fact of borrowing money (coef=6.11, 95% CI=2.91-9.30, P<0.001) because of an injured person in the household. Families that were affiliated with the Kosovo Liberation Army, or had participated in a protest before or during the war, were likely to be targeted by Serbian paramilitary and law enforcement agencies. Mitrovice district is currently characterised by a low level of violence, but the effects of ethnic conflict on health and well-being have not gone. The level of lifetime exposure to violence, the proportion of family members reporting pain and lifetime violence-related injury, and family's financial burden were found to be inter-correlated. The sample confined to one ethnic group in one district limits the generalizability of the findings....
-
March 29, 2010
European Council on Refugees and Exiles // Center for Peace, Legal Advice and Psychosocial Assistance // Group 484
Abstract:
The refugee situation of the early 1990’s in the former Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (SFRY) was one of the most serious post-World War II crises in Europe.
Nearly 15 years following the conflict, the plight of some 97,000 refugees forced to flee
their homes in present-day Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina remains unresolved. For
the approximately 70,000 ethnic Serb refugees from Croatia, the chief impediment to
securing durable solutions is Croatia’s unwillingness to recognize their acquired rights as
former tenancy rights holders. In this report, we focus on the most pressing unresolved issues of the refugee problem in
the region -- the deprivation of acquired rights granted by previously established legal
principles of tenancy rights and the status of specially protected lessees of socially owned
flats....
-
March 18, 2010
United Nations Human Rights Council // United Nations General Assembly
Abstract:
The mandate, established in 2004 by the Commission on Human Rights and extended in 2007 by the Human Rights Council in resolution 6/32, has provided a good basis for the Representative to build on the excellent work of his predecessor, Francis Deng. The nature of his mandate has allowed the Representative to benefit from privileged access, broad support and partnerships with United Nations institutions, member States, civil society and other stakeholders. It has been critical that the Representative has succeeded in linking the mandate to a broader international context inclusive of peace processes, humanitarian assistance and development, natural disasters and climate change. After discussing the achievements and activities of the mandate during the tenure of the present Representative of the Secretary-General on the human rights of internally displaced persons, the report identifies progress made as well as major challenges remaining, which relate to the human rights of internally displaced persons....
-
November 10, 2009
International Relations and Security Network
Abstract:
The early release of convicted war criminal Biljana Plavsic and the start of the trial of her former boss and predecessor, Bosnian Serb wartime leader Radovan Karadzic – both events which happened within two days of each other – was an ill-designed move. It further illustrates the international community’s lack of comprehension of ethnic tensions in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Because of the fateful timing of the two events, the wider public seems to believe that Plavsic was released in order to avoid Bosnian Serb outcry ahead of the start of Karadzic’s war crimes trial. It also appears that the international community was attempting to do the reverse for Bosniaks and Bosnian Croats, the victims of the politics of the two, by offering Karadzic up for trial to avoid outrage over the release of Plavsic.
While her release may indeed have been in accordance with international law, many argue that it was not in accordance with justice, and the two do not necessarily meet.
Plavsic succeeded Karadzic as president of Bosnia’s Serb-dominated entity of Republika Srpska in 1996, after he was forced out of office by the international community. Plavsic turned herself in to the Hague-based International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in early 2001 after she was indicted for genocide and other war crimes when serving as Karadzic’s wartime deputy....
-
October 9, 2009
International Center for Transitional Justice
Abstract:
When the Security Council established the ICTY and ICTR to prosecute mass
atrocities, its motivation was clearly stated in the preambles to Resolutions 827 and 955:
it was—and I quote—“determined to put an end to such crimes and to take effective
measures to bring to justice the persons who are responsible for them.” The Council was
“convinced that in the particular circumstances [of the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda
respectively] the prosecution of persons responsible for serious violations of international
humanitarian law would enable this aim to be achieved and would contribute to the
process of national reconciliation and the restoration and maintenance of peace.” The
Council set out its belief that establishing such international tribunals would “contribute
to ensuring that such violations are halted and effectively redressed.” From the outset,
these goals were fundamental to the mandates of the international judicial institutions that
emerged.
While neither ICTY nor ICTR were intended to be permanent institutions, neither of the
courts’ mandates specified an end date for their work. As discussions progress in
meetings such as this one about how the tribunals should complete the tasks the Council
has assigned them, it is important to reflect on the underlying conceptual framework that
drove those original commitments and to ensure that new decisions preserve the positive
legacies that have been built over the past 15 years. It is worth noting that this will
require input from the constituencies that have been the subject of the tribunals’ work....
-
Search for all records in "Serbia"
-
Seychelles
-
March 12, 2010
International Development Research Centre // Wits University Press
Abstract:
Southern Africa has embarked on one of the world’s most ambitious security co-operation initiatives, seeking to roll out the principles of the United Nations at regional levels. This book examines the triangular relationship between democratisation, the character of democracy and its deficits, and national security practices and perceptions of eleven southern African states. It explores what impact these processes and practices have had on the collaborative security project in the region. Based on national studies conducted by African academics and security practitioners over three years, it includes an examination of the way security is conceived and managed, as well as a comparative analysis of regional security co-operation in the developing world. This book includes: Chapter 1: Democratic Governance and Security: A Conceptual Exploration, by Andre du Pisani; Chapter 2: Comparative Perspectives on Regional Security Co-operation among Developing Countries, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 3: Southern African Security in Historical Perspective, by Abillah H. Omari and Paulino Macaringue; Chapter 4: Botswana, by Mpho G. Molomo, Zibani Maundeni, Bertha Osei-Hwedie, Ian Taylor, and Shelly Whitman; Chapter 5: Lesotho, by Khabele Matlosa; Chapter 6: Mauritius, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 7: Mozambique, by Anicia Lalá; Chapter 8: Namibia, by Bill Lindeke, Phanuel Kaapama, and Leslie Blaauw; Chapter 9: Seychelles, by Anthoni van Nieuwkerk and William M. Bell; Chapter 10: South Africa, by Maxi Schoeman; Chapter 11: Swaziland, by Joseph Bheki Mzizi; Chapter 12: Tanzania Mohammed, by Omar Maundi; Chapter 13: Zambia, by Bizeck Jube Phiri; Chapter 14: Zimbabwe, by Ken D. Manungo; and Chapter 15: Conclusions, by Gavin Cawthra, Khabele Matlosa, and Anthoni van Nieuwkerk....
-
January 7, 2009
Journal of Military and Strategic Studies // Centre for Military and Strategic Studies // University of Calgary
Abstract:
The problem of civilians becoming unintentional victims of landmine detonation in the world today is one that cannot be underestimated in terms of its importance to global and local humanitarian efforts. The human-life and financial costs associated with landmine detonation are paramount, and are being addressed by the Global community via the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping and its associated agency UNMAS (The United Nations Mine Action Service). In terms of human-life cost, the current statistic is that every 28 seconds a person steps on a landmine, resulting in 6500 – 20,000 new casualties per year. These tragic events are happening in at least 84 states, and every world region is affected. It is the intent of this literature review to enlighten the reader in two main topic areas. The first is that of mine action and our understanding of it, with specific regard to what is generally understood to be the most affected continent: Africa. A comprehensive description and discussion of the geo-political status of mine action in Southern Africa and its relation to development will be set out.
The second topic area that will be reviewed is that of predictive GIS modeling, as it applies to mine action. The intent is to put forth the scientific (i.e.: based on peer-reviewed publications) background information that justifies and supports an experiment that will be conducted. The goal, in general lay terms, will be to see whether it is possible to predict with a reasonable, usable, and repeatable amount of accuracy the delineating outlines of where minefields are located in a specific geographical study area. It is hoped that the effort with predictive GIS modeling will yield a technique that is valid for use across a variety of study areas. Having said this, the study area that is the concentration of this review is the region of Southern Africa and it must be acknowledged that the results, if positive, may not be transferrable to different Geo-political regions....
-
November 14, 2008
International Peace Institute
Abstract:
IPI is pleased to introduce a new series of working papers on regional capacities to respond to security
challenges in Africa. The broad range of United Nations, African Union, and subregional peacekeeping,
peacemaking, and peacebuilding initiatives in Africa underscore a new sense of multilayered partnership in the
search for the peaceful resolution of conflicts in Africa. As the total number of conflicts on the continent has
been significantly reduced in the past decade, there is widespread recognition of the opportunities for a more
stable and peaceful future for Africa. But there is also a profound awareness of the fragility of recent peace
agreements, whether in Kenya, Liberia, or Côte d’Ivoire. Furthermore, continued violence in the Sudan, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Zimbabwe; the long absence of a viable central government in Somalia;
and continued tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea—to name only a few cases—reflect the legacy of
unresolved historic disputes and ongoing power struggles...The southern African region is now
generally defined in political terms as
those countries that are members of the
Southern African Development
Community (SADC) (the geographic
definition is usually somewhat more
limited). Currently there are fifteen
member states of the SADC: Angola,
Botswana, the Democratic Republic of the
Congo (DRC), Lesotho, Madagascar,
Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique,
Namibia, the Seychelles, South Africa,
Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and
Zimbabwe.
These countries are disparate in many
ways: they vary greatly in size, population,
and levels of economic growth, and
include some of the poorest countries in
the world, but also some of the richest in
Africa. Six of them are landlocked; two of
them are Indian Ocean islands. They
share a common history of colonization—variously
involving French, British, Belgian, and German
imperial powers—and this continues to impact
significantly on the nature of governance and
politics in the region. Many, but not all, of the
countries of the region experienced periods of
European settler colonialism, resulting in armed
liberation struggles for independence. Several of
them also endured apartheid or various forms of
racial segregation and oppression as a result of that
history of settler colonialism.
Conflict and war has marked the region considerably,
particularly conflicts over apartheid and
colonialism, which engulfed most of southern
Africa and led to millions of deaths. Angola and
Mozambique suffered further from post-independence
civil wars, fueled in part by South Africa and
Rhodesia. After a bloody civil war following the
collapse of Mobutu Sese-Seko’s authoritarian
regime in the DRC in the second half of the 1990s,
however, the region is, for the first time in forty
years, almost completely at peace, except for
residual conflicts in the east of the DRC.
Nevertheless, there remain profound threats to
human and state security, many of them fueled by
poverty, marginalization, and the weakness of
states....
-
July 13, 2006
Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
Abstract:
To oversee the implementation and interpretation of the COMESA agreement, the Treaty established a Court of Justice, modeled on the European Court of Justice. Like the European Court of Justice, the COMESA Court of Justice can be seized of a matter by one of several ways. First, a member State may bring another member State or the Council before the Court for breach of the Treaty or failure to fulfill an obligation thereunder. Providing the Common Market with independent monitoring and enforcement power, the Treaty permits the Secretary General (with the agreement of the Council) also to bring a member State before the Court for failure to fulfill its Treaty obligations. Like the European Court of Justice, the COMESA Courtxc3xads decisions have precedence over any decisions of national courts....
-
February 24, 2006
U.S. Department of State
Abstract:
Seychelles is a multi-party republic governed by President James A. Michel and the Seychelles People's Progressive Front (SPPF). In April, ex-President France Albert Rene handed over power to Michel after serving as President since a 1977 coup. The leader of the opposition Seychelles National Party (SNP), Wavel Ramkalawan, argued that Rene misused the handover provision in the Constitution, charging that Rene wanted to allow Michel to establish himself politically prior to elections scheduled for 2006; however, the SNP recognized Michel as President. In 2001, President Rene and the SPPF won reelection with 54 percent of the vote. Some international observers concluded that the overall result was decided fairly; however, other international observers said that the election was not entirely free and fair. December 2002 elections for the National Assembly were judged to be free and fair by international observers. The President and the SPPF dominated the country through a pervasive system of political patronage, control over government jobs, contracts, and resources. The judiciary was inefficient, lacked resources, and was subject to executive interference....
-
Search for all records in "Seychelles"
-
Sierra Leone
-
August 20, 2010
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development // Development Co-operation Directorate
Abstract:
In recent years, there has been increased interest in understanding how donor interventions in situations of fragility and conflict can contribute tot he processes of statebuilding. While external actors cannot determine the outcome of those processes, they can target their assistance to support positive statebuilding dynamics. Donors must ensure that they "do no harm" and consider both the intended and unintended consequences of their interventions. This publication fills an important knowledge gap by addressing two fundamental questions: what are the negative impacts that donor interventions can have on statebuilding; and what measures should donors adopt to avoid negative impacts on statebuilding processes? Do No Harm argues that the challenges of statebuilding are such that donors must develop a sophisticated understanding of political processes, patterns of state-society relations and sources of legitimacy in the countries where they are oeprating. Based on an extensive literature review and on six country case-studies (Afghanistan, Bolivia, the Democratic Republic of Congo [DRC], Nepal, Rwanda and Sierra Leon), Do No Harm offers a valuable addition to our knowledge on statebuilding in situations of fragility and conflict....
-
August 20, 2010
London School of Economics // PricewaterhouseCoopers LLP // Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
Abstract:
In the following, we are outlining six separate but directly connected macro-level challenges confronting statebuilding in Sierra Leone. Sourcing extensively from interview transcripts as well as notes from the multi-stakeholder workshop, we pay particular attention to the roles, decisions and behaviour of donors and how these relate to strengthening state legitimacy and managing state-society relations. Five strategic dilemmas can be identified in the case of Sierra Leone. First, several international commentators criticized the quick fix approach allegedly adopted by donors in the post-war context, which impacts on the strength and scope of national ownership as propagated by the Paris Declaration. Second, it was felt that trade-offs existed between democratization, decentralisation and statebuilding in Sierra Leone. Third, with DFID being the lead agency in the country, the success of go-it-alone programs such as in the case of the reform of the security sector in Sierra Leone somewhat called into question whether a multi-donor approach to statebuilding really is the optimal configuration for supporting statebuilding processes from outside. Fourth, donors active in the field of statebuilding have been grappling with engaging constructively with civil society organisations. Fifth and finally, the widely shared insight that interpersonal violence in Sierra Leone during the 1990s was mainly due to an absence of socio-economic opportunities has so far not translated into large-scale effective support programs to build a productive economy in the country....
-
July 28, 2010
African Centre for for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Abstract:
The decade-long armed conflict and political unrest in Sierra Leone deeply
affected the civilian population. Since the end of the war in 2002, the government
of Sierra Leone and the international community have been involved in
peacebuilding activities, national reconciliation and reconstruction. The
reconciliatory process necessitated the setting up of a Truth and Reconciliation
Commission (TRC) which was also a product of the Lomé Peace Agreement
between the Government of Sierra Leone and the now defunct Revolutionary
United Front (RUF). The international community invested US$ 4,6 million in
the Sierra Leone TRC mission. The TRC examined the causes of the war, human
rights violations and the role played by foreign actors. This paper analyses the
TRC as an internationally driven process to enhance reconciliation, peace,
development and democracy in Sierra Leone. It also evaluates the impact of
the implementation of the recommendations of the TRC. Beyond this, it makes some suggestions on how the international community can better promote
transitional justice and the peacebuilding process by supporting local initiatives
and promoting national ownership for sustainability....
-
July 19, 2010
Escola de Cultura de Pau // School for a Culture of Peace
Abstract:
A survey of the models of peace processes existing today
and in the immediate past will show how they are very
closely bound to the kinds of demands underlying each of
the conflicts. In other words, the underlying issue being
disputed is what determines the model of peace process. Following
this line of thought, we can distinguish between five
main models, namely reinsertion, power-sharing, exchange,
trust-building measures and self-governance. The first model, reinsertion, is the simplest, although
it is also not very frequent. It refers to cases in which the
armed group agrees to lay down its weapons in exchange
for facilities to help them reintegrate into society. The second model, one of the most frequent, which
involves political, economic and military power-sharing,
takes place when the armed groups seek to attain the power
to take over the political steering of a country and from
there run all the economic and military affairs. The third model is what we call exchange, in which
peace is achieved in exchange for something else. A fourth model of peace process, though not a common
one, is based on creating confidence-building measures. Finally, the fifth model involves achieving some kind
of self-governance in regions with demands for autonomy
or independence; this is called “intermediate political
architectures”....
-
April 30, 2010
West Africa Network for Peacebuilding // Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict
Abstract:
From the establishment of the UN Peacebuilding Commission (PBC), the operation of this Peacebuilding institution has been closely followed. As one of the concrete proposals approved through the 2005 UN Reform Process, the establishment of the PBC as an inter-government organ, hopes to strengthen a broader Peacebuilding architecture that includes the Peacebuilding support office (PBSO) and the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF). As part of the 2010 General Assembly and Security Council 5–year review of the Peacebuilding Commission, the Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC) recognizes the importance of engaging in the process, with the aim of providing input from a civil society perspective into PBC’s operational countries. To achieve this, the PBC organized one day consultation in Sierra Leone. The deliberations centred on gathering input from local CSOs on the work of the PBC during the five-year period under review. The consultative forum closely looked at:
1. Definition of priorities;
2. Highlighting main challenges; and
3. Proffer doable recommendations
It was expected that the outcomes of the discussion will factor into a short policy paper, outlining the main recommendations from CSO’s Sierra Leone. These aforementioned recommendations will be channelled through different ambassadors of country members participating in the PBC review. Additionally, the outcomes of the recommendations will be sent to the Organizational Committee (OC), for possible inclusion into the PBC strategic programme....
-
Search for all records in "Sierra Leone"
-
Singapore
-
November 26, 2009
Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
The 63rd United Nations (UN) General Assembly is poised to debate Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon’s report on the operationalisation of the Responsibility to Protect (referred to as ‘R2P’
for the remainder of this report). It is expected that his report will be released and debated in
early 2009. Therefore, this is a good time to examine the position that Member States have
adopted on the R2P since its endorsement at the 2005 World Summit and policy issues
relating to its implementation through the UN. This report will focus on the Member States of
the Association for South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) with the exception of Myanmar, which
is currently on the UN Security Council’s agenda. It concentrates on their position on the
R2P and their policy priorities in areas related to implementing the principle through the UN.
The report identifies steps that might encourage the region’s governments to become more
positively engaged with the R2P principle....
-
November 26, 2009
Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
In July 2009, the UN General Assembly held an Interactive Informal Dialogue and plenary session on the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP). The dialogue provided the first opportunity for the UN membership as a whole to discuss implementation of the 2005 World Summit’s commitment to the RtoP and the UN Secretary-General’s report on the matter. Fifteen governments from the Asia-Pacific region, namely Indonesia, the Philippines, Korea, New Zealand, Australia, Singapore, Japan, China, Vietnam, Solomon Islands, Myanmar, Timor-Leste, DPRK, PNG and Malaysia, participated in the dialogue. This culminated in a resolution co-sponsored by, inter alia, Australia, Fiji, Singapore, Papua New Guinea, Republic of Korea, Timor-Leste and New Zealand that noted the Secretary-General’s report, observed the fruitfulness of the interactive dialogue, and committed the Assembly to further consideration of the RtoP.
According to the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, one of the most significant aspects of the dialogue was the positive transformation of attitudes towards the RtoP within the Asia-Pacific region. Having previously been considered the region most opposed to the RtoP, the region now boasts near unanimity in its endorsement of the principle and the Secretary-General’s efforts towards its implementation (with the exception of North Korea)....
-
September 22, 2009
Stanford Journal of International Relations // Stanford University
Abstract:
Piracy in the Straits of Malacca is a large and growing concern for the world. Not only does it cause economic havoc in a critical region, but this piracy may also have connections to terrorism and has the potential to cause an ecological disaster. However, attempts by outside states to establish security regimes have repeatedly run into sovereignty concerns from the coastal states in the region: Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, and Thailand. Instead of persisting in this failed strategy of externally imposed solutions, interested parties should focus on aiding the creation of an internal security regime through aid and logistical support. Building the capacity of the local navies to patrol the region is the most acceptable and effective solution towards ending piracy in the long run....
-
July 13, 2009
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
Hillary Clinton’s visit to Indonesia on her first trip abroad as U.S. secretary of state signaled that the Obama administration intends to pay renewed attention to Southeast Asia, a region with over 550 million people, the world’s largest Muslim nation, an economy of over $1 trillion, and some of the world’s most strategic waterways. This is a welcome development due to the significance of U.S. interests in the region. U.S.–Southeast Asia trade amounts to over $200 billion annually, and U.S. cumulative investment in the region is valued at over $100 billion. Perhaps more importantly, Southeast Asia is a region likely to play a critical role in determining the future of Asia and whether the United States can sustain itself as an Asia-Pacific power.
Enhanced U.S. engagement with Southeast Asia will naturally involve greater attention to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other multilateral forums, but key U.S. interests in the region will continue to be pursued through bilateral partnerships. This will include not only U.S. treaty allies—Thailand and the Philippines—but also key emerging players, particularly Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Vietnam. This report assesses the health and potential of these partnerships and offers recommendations to incoming policymakers as they consider the way forward in U.S. policy toward the region....
-
July 8, 2009
S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies // A Graduate School of Nanyang Technological University
Abstract:
There is an emerging consensus on how to deal with piracy off Somalia and in the Gulf of Aden: improve security on land and establish a strong national security apparatus in Somalia. Can the "Malacca Strait" approach be a model? The Kuala Lumpur International Conference on Piracy and Crimes at Sea was convened on 18-19 May 2009, organised by the Malaysian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It was attended by government officials, as well as experts from inter-governmental organisations, shipping and insurance industries, and academics. The conference was to provide an update on the situation concerning piracy and armed robbery against ships off the coast of Somalia and in the Gulf of Aden. At the conference, two officials from Somalia reiterated the need for international support for the efforts of the coalition led by the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia. They urged more international support for Somalia to build up its security establishment to ensure order on land as well as good order at sea. If indeed there is a will to build up the maritime security institutions in Somalia, then some of the security measures and institutions established by the littoral states along the Malacca could be used as models....
-
Search for all records in "Singapore"
-
Slovakia
-
December 10, 2008
International Centre for Migration Policy Development
Abstract:
A Survey and Analysis of Border Management and Border Apprehension Data from 20 States.
With a Special Survey on the Use of Counterfeit Documents.
Based on the contributions of the border services of 20 Central and Eastern European states, the 2006 Yearbook again provides its valuable overview and analysis of irregular migration trends in the region. Over the past ten years the annual Yearbook on Illegal Migration, Human Smuggling and Trafficking in Central and Eastern Europe has come to be regarded as an authoritative source of information on recent border trends and in particular on the phenomena of illegal migration, human smuggling and trafficking. The annual Yearbook covers the most recent trends in illegal migration and human smuggling in the region, including long-term trends in border apprehensions, shifts in source, transit and destination countries, demographic characteristics of irregular migrants, the relationship between legal and illegal border crossings, new developments in the methods of border crossings and document abuse and on removals of irregular migrants. In addition, this year’s edition for the first time features a Special Survey on the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes. This Survey is based on the contributions received from document specialists or Special Units dealing with document security in the countries under review and provides the first comprehensive overview and analysis of patterns and trends in the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes in Central and Eastern Europe....
-
September 8, 2008
Amnesty International
Abstract:
This bulletin contains information about Amnesty International’s main concerns in Europe and
Central Asia between July and December 2007. Not every country in the region is reported on; only
those where there were significant developments in the period covered by the bulletin, or where
Amnesty International (AI) took specific action.
A number of individual country reports have been issued on the concerns featured in this bulletin.
References to these are made under the relevant country entry. In addition, more detailed
information about particular incidents or concerns may be found in Urgent Actions and News
Service Items issued by AI.
This bulletin is published by AI every six months....
-
September 5, 2008
Congressional Research Service
Abstract:
U.S. policymakers have made securing and maintaining foreign contributions
to the stabilization and reconstruction of Iraq a major priority since the preparation
period for the launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. This report
highlights and discusses important changes in financial and personnel contributions
from foreign governments to Iraq since 2003.
To date, foreign donors have pledged an estimated $16.4 billion in grants and
loans for Iraq reconstruction, with most major pledges originating at a major donors'
conference in Madrid, Spain, in October 2003. However, only a small part of the
pledges have been committed or disbursed to the World Bank and United Nations
Development Group Trust Funds for Iraq. The largest non-U.S. pledges of grants
have come from Japan, the European Commission, the United Kingdom, Canada,
South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. The World Bank, the International
Monetary Fund, Japan, and Saudi Arabia have pledged the most loans and export
credits.
Currently, 33 countries including the United States have some level of troops
on the ground in Iraq or supporting Iraq operations from nearby locations. Those
forces are working under the rubric of one of several organizations — the
Multi-National Force-Iraq (MNF-I), the NATO Training Mission-Iraq (NTM-I); or
the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI). Currently, the largest
troop contributors, in addition to the United States, are the United Kingdom, Georgia,
Australia, South Korea, and Poland. Some of these key contributors have announced
their intention to reduce or withdraw their forces from Iraq during 2008. The total
number of non-U.S. coalition troop contributions has declined since the early
stabilization efforts, as other countries have withdrawn their contingents or
substantially reduced their size....
-
November 16, 2007
Amnesty International
Abstract:
The systematic denial of the right to education of Romani children in Slovakia has been
exposed and opposed by a wide range of national and international human rights
organizations and human rights bodies.1 However, Romani children continue to be largely
segregated in inferior education, including through being disproportionately represented in
“special†schools and classes. Recent initiatives taken by the government have failed to
address these issues, as shown in this report, and underlying causes of these violations have
not been effectively and consistently tackled. With this report, Amnesty International is
launching a campaign for real change. Amnesty International is calling upon the
government of Slovakia, supported by the international community including the European
Union (EU), to show leadership and direction to reverse racial discrimination in education
and address grave violations of the right to education for Romani children....
-
May 14, 2007
Government Accountability Office
Abstract:
In March 2003, a U.S.-led multinational force began operations in Iraq. At that time, 48 nations, identified as a "coalition of the willing," offered political, military, and financial support for U.S. efforts in Iraq, with 38 nations other than the United States providing troops. In addition, international donors met in Madrid in October 2003 to pledge funding for the reconstru#ction of Iraq's infrastructure, which had deteriorated after multiple wars and decades of neglect under the previous regime.
This testimony discusses (1) the troop commitments other countries have made to operations in Iraq, (2) the funding the United States has provided to support other countries' participation in the multinational force, and (3) the financial support international donors have provided to Iraq reconstruction efforts....
-
Search for all records in "Slovakia"
-
Slovenia
-
October 9, 2009
International Center for Transitional Justice
Abstract:
When the Security Council established the ICTY and ICTR to prosecute mass
atrocities, its motivation was clearly stated in the preambles to Resolutions 827 and 955:
it was—and I quote—“determined to put an end to such crimes and to take effective
measures to bring to justice the persons who are responsible for them.” The Council was
“convinced that in the particular circumstances [of the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda
respectively] the prosecution of persons responsible for serious violations of international
humanitarian law would enable this aim to be achieved and would contribute to the
process of national reconciliation and the restoration and maintenance of peace.” The
Council set out its belief that establishing such international tribunals would “contribute
to ensuring that such violations are halted and effectively redressed.” From the outset,
these goals were fundamental to the mandates of the international judicial institutions that
emerged.
While neither ICTY nor ICTR were intended to be permanent institutions, neither of the
courts’ mandates specified an end date for their work. As discussions progress in
meetings such as this one about how the tribunals should complete the tasks the Council
has assigned them, it is important to reflect on the underlying conceptual framework that
drove those original commitments and to ensure that new decisions preserve the positive
legacies that have been built over the past 15 years. It is worth noting that this will
require input from the constituencies that have been the subject of the tribunals’ work....
-
July 8, 2009
United Nations Security Council
Abstract:
The Security Council today extended the terms of the judges serving on the United Nations war crimes tribunals set up to deal with the 1994 Rwandan genocide and the Balkan conflicts of the 1990s, so they can complete remaining cases by the deadline set for the courts’ work.
The Council, in two separate resolutions that were adopted unanimously, urged both tribunals “to take all possible measures to complete their work expeditiously,” and expressed its determination to support their efforts in this regard.
The so-called “completion strategy” of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), which is based in The Hague, requires it to finish trials of first instance by 2009, and then start downsizing in 2010.
Among the decisions taken today, the Council extended the term of office of eight permanent judges at the ICTY and 10 ad litem, or temporary, judges until 31 December 2010, or until the completion of the cases to which they are assigned.
In addition, the Council decided, on the request of the President of the ICTY, that the Secretary-General may appoint additional temporary judges to complete existing trials or conduct additional trials....
-
June 3, 2009
Initiative for Peacebuilding // Partners for Democratic Change International
Abstract:
This Synthesis Report extracts the main findings from seven EU Member State case studies surveyed under
the Capacity-Building and Training Cluster of the Initiative for Peacebuilding (IfP). Case studies were conducted
in Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Greece, Poland, Portugal, Slovenia and Spain in order to assess these countries’
capacities to meet EU spending targets for official development assistance (ODA) and to analyse the position of
peacebuilding within national ODA policies. Each case study analysed country-specific ODA policies by focusing
on institutional mechanisms and key actors in managing and implementing ODA; the role and capacity of civil
society organisations in influencing planning, implementation, and evaluation of ODA; and public awareness of
and support for ODA.
This report finds that international development cooperation has received growing attention during the last
decade in all surveyed case-study countries. New EU Member States in particular are striving to adhere to
their international commitments by further refining their ODA policies; enhancing the institutional structures
for managing and implementing ODA; and increasing cooperation with and consultation of civil society
organisations....
-
April 7, 2009
Foreign Policy in Focus
Abstract:
It has been 10 years since the U.S.-led war on Yugoslavia. For many leading Democrats, including some in top positions in the Obama administration, it was a "good" war, in contrast to the Bush administration's "bad" war on Iraq. And though the suffering and instability unleashed by the 1999 NATO military campaign wasn't as horrific as the U.S. invasion of Iraq four years later, the war was nevertheless unnecessary and illegal, and its political consequences are far from settled.
Unless there's a willingness to critically re-examine the war, the threat of another war in the name of liberal internationalism looms large....
-
December 10, 2008
International Centre for Migration Policy Development
Abstract:
A Survey and Analysis of Border Management and Border Apprehension Data from 20 States.
With a Special Survey on the Use of Counterfeit Documents.
Based on the contributions of the border services of 20 Central and Eastern European states, the 2006 Yearbook again provides its valuable overview and analysis of irregular migration trends in the region. Over the past ten years the annual Yearbook on Illegal Migration, Human Smuggling and Trafficking in Central and Eastern Europe has come to be regarded as an authoritative source of information on recent border trends and in particular on the phenomena of illegal migration, human smuggling and trafficking. The annual Yearbook covers the most recent trends in illegal migration and human smuggling in the region, including long-term trends in border apprehensions, shifts in source, transit and destination countries, demographic characteristics of irregular migrants, the relationship between legal and illegal border crossings, new developments in the methods of border crossings and document abuse and on removals of irregular migrants. In addition, this year’s edition for the first time features a Special Survey on the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes. This Survey is based on the contributions received from document specialists or Special Units dealing with document security in the countries under review and provides the first comprehensive overview and analysis of patterns and trends in the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes in Central and Eastern Europe....
-
Search for all records in "Slovenia"
-
Solomon Islands
-
March 11, 2010
Country Indicators for Foreign Policy // Carleton University
Abstract:
In the late 1990s, violence erupted between Guadalcanalese and Malaitan citizens on the main island of Guadalcanal. At the root of
the conflict was the anger felt by some Guadalcanal leaders over what they considered to be unfair land policies. Rival militias were formed
and by 1998 the country dissolved into violence. The Isatabu Freedom Movement, ostensibly representing the Guadalcanalese, forced
approximately 20,000 Malaitans off Guadalcanal Island. In 2000, after the failure of several reconciliation ceremonies, the Malaitan Eagle
Force abducted Prime Minister Bartholomew Ulufa'alu and forced him to resign for failing to respond adequately to this violence.
The Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) arrived in 2003, having been formally requested by the Governor‐
General. RAMSI has had a profound effect in shaping the Solomon Islands' recent history, as it has focused on stabilizing the country by
improving governance. However, there remains a moderate potential for the re‐emergence of violent conflict due to a number of factors
including: failure to adequately address the root causes of the 1998‐2003 conflict, an unstable and ineffective government, an unsustainable
economy, the effects of climate change and natural disasters, poor human development, demographic stress, and the lack of a clear exit
strategy for RAMSI. The country lacks the capacity to effectively deal with economic and environmental crises, and left unchecked this has
the strong potential to result in renewed violent conflict.
Stakeholders...
-
February 24, 2010
United Nations Development Programme Pacific Centre // Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat
Abstract:
In the last couple of decades, debate within the international community and the Pacific has centred on the challenges posed to socio-economic and political development by insecurity and conflict. This focus has also resulted in a shifting understanding of security, which now includes the safety and well-being of people and communities as well as the security of the state.
The Pacific, like other regions, is dealing with a difficult and diverse set of law enforcement, governance and security challenges. The region has witnessed violent conflict, civil unrest and political crises. This has led to a growing recognition of the critical role of law enforcement agencies and security institutions. However, in recent years, there have been concerns that these institutions lack capacity to meet the challenge of providing security to the general public; that governments do not have the necessary civilian security expertise to manage them; that legislatures are not empowered to oversee them; and that security forces are not held accountable under the law for their actions. Effective governance of security institutions is vital for the Pacific region. In the context of conflict and violence, it supports the efforts of state institutions to stabilize the security situation, begin the road to recovery and reduce the potential of relapse. In non-conflict contexts, it ensures security institutions fulfil their mandate to combat insecurity. This creates an enabling environment for poverty reduction and sustainable development....
-
November 26, 2009
Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
As agreed by Member States at the 2005 World Summit, the Responsibility to Protect (R2P)
rests on three pillars: the responsibility of the State to protect its own population from
genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity; the duty of the
international community to provide States with assistance and capacity-building; and the
international community’s responsibility to take timely and decisive action, in accordance with
Chapters VI, VII and VIII of the UN Charter, in cases where the State is manifestly failing in its
responsibility to protect. Of the three pillars, the measures that States, regional and sub-regional arrangements and
the UN might take to exercise their pillar two responsibilities are least well understood. The
range of possible assistance that might be provided to State extends from small scale
bilateral partnerships relating to technical matters, to different forms of targeted development
assistance, to comprehensive and multifaceted assistance arrangements. The key thing that
unites all of these measures is that they involve partnerships and require the express
invitation of the host State. In short, pillar two activities are primarily concerned with assisting
the State to exercise its responsibility to protect. By doing so, pillar two actively strengthens
the State and its sovereignty. In the past decade, there has been a flourishing of global
partnerships aimed at strengthening States. Much of this activity make a direct contribution to
helping States exercise their R2P and should therefore be properly understood as pillar two
activities.
This case study report briefly considers one such example – the Regional Assistance Mission
to the Solomon Islands (RAMSI)....
-
November 26, 2009
Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
In July 2009, the UN General Assembly held an Interactive Informal Dialogue and plenary session on the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP). The dialogue provided the first opportunity for the UN membership as a whole to discuss implementation of the 2005 World Summit’s commitment to the RtoP and the UN Secretary-General’s report on the matter. Fifteen governments from the Asia-Pacific region, namely Indonesia, the Philippines, Korea, New Zealand, Australia, Singapore, Japan, China, Vietnam, Solomon Islands, Myanmar, Timor-Leste, DPRK, PNG and Malaysia, participated in the dialogue. This culminated in a resolution co-sponsored by, inter alia, Australia, Fiji, Singapore, Papua New Guinea, Republic of Korea, Timor-Leste and New Zealand that noted the Secretary-General’s report, observed the fruitfulness of the interactive dialogue, and committed the Assembly to further consideration of the RtoP.
According to the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, one of the most significant aspects of the dialogue was the positive transformation of attitudes towards the RtoP within the Asia-Pacific region. Having previously been considered the region most opposed to the RtoP, the region now boasts near unanimity in its endorsement of the principle and the Secretary-General’s efforts towards its implementation (with the exception of North Korea)....
-
July 28, 2009
Journal of Peace, Conflict and Development
Abstract:
The Australian Defence Force (ADF) is currently involved in peacebuilding operations in Timor-Leste and Solomon Islands; Australian government agencies remain engaged in reconstruction in post-conflict Bougainville (Papua New Guinea). Peacebuilding has been and will remain a major task for the ADF in the Pacific, as part of a larger governmental and aid response. The wider context for these commitments is the view that state incapacity or even failure is in prospect in parts of Australia’s immediate Pacific region. The causes of state failure include lack of a diversified economy, a dependence on exports of natural resources, a rapidly growing population, and poor education levels; a number of Pacific countries exhibit these characteristics. The conflict on Bougainville has been the most intractable in which Australian forces have been involved. The formation of Peace Monitoring Groups (largely composed of ADF personnel, but unarmed) engaged in weapons destruction, building trust and encouraging the eventual realisation of local autonomy was a major contribution to the peace process. The ADF experience of Timor-Leste dates from INTERFET. The need to redeploy peacekeeping troops in 2006 demonstrated that the existing peacebuilding program focused especially on security sector reform, while positive was still too narrow to address governance incapacity problems. From 2003 ADF elements have been central to the RAMSI reconstruction program in Solomon Islands. Though violence has largely been eradicated, the political crisis of 2006 demonstrated the need for the closest cooperation with the host government. These regional case studies show that peacebuilding is a complex task which requires engagement across all of the institutions of order and governance as well as with the wider society. Security sector reform remains a crucial area of peacebuilding in which military forces are inextricably involved. However, effective security reform depends ultimately upon the existence of governments that welcome, support, and own such reform....
-
Search for all records in "Solomon Islands"
-
Somalia
-
September 2, 2010
Institute for Security Studies // L'Institut d'Etudes de Sécurité
Abstract:
On 23 July 2010, the eve of the African Union’s Summit in
Kampala, AU Commission chairperson Jean Ping announced
that he had asked countries, including South Africa, Angola,
Nigeria, Ghana and Guinea, to send troops to Somalia to
boost the under-strength African Union Mission in Somalia
(AMISOM), currently comprising Ugandan and Burundian
forces. This move came against the background of suicide
bombing attacks on 11 July 2010 that had killed 79 people in
the Ugandan capital. Al-Shabaab, the militant Somali
organisation with undefined links to al-Qaeda, claimed
responsibility for the bombings, explaining that these were
retribution for Ugandan and Burundian violence against the
civilian population in Mogadishu. It would appear that the
bombings were also aimed at testing the endurance of Uganda
as a contributing country, as well as the resolve of other AU
member states that may be contemplating contributing
towards the required troop surge.
AMISOM was first deployed in 2007 to protect the
Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and strategic
infrastructures (the port and airport) in Mogadishu from the
insurgents who had strengthened their position as Ethiopian
forces withdrew, and to provide support for humanitarian
assistance for the Somali population. The proposed
additional deployment to Somalia must be viewed in the
context of the chronically unstable situation in Mogadishu
and in Somalia as a whole.
In a nutshell, the AU decision to reinforce AMISOM by
almost 2 000 troops would increase the size of the force from
its current level of around 6 300 (4 Ugandan and 3
Burundian battalions), to the 8 000 mandated in 2007. Some
AU member states had even called for the force to be augmented to between 14 000 and 20 000 troops. This Policy Brief examines the apparent urgency to increase
AMISOM force levels. It interrogates the AU’s
interventionist strategy in Somalia, including the planned
troop surge, analyses the terrorist dimension of the bombings,
drawing parallels with the Afghanistan case as a basis for
suggestions for a clear and holistic approach to the conflict
in Somalia....
-
September 1, 2010
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
Abstract:
This map represents estimations of the total number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) throughout Somalia as of July 2010.
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: The Mysterious Relationship Between
Al-Qa`ida and Iran, by Bruce Riedel; Al-Shabab’s Agenda in the Wake of the Kampala Suicide Attacks, by Tim Pippard; The Punjabi Taliban: Causes and Consequences of Turning Against the State, by Ben Brandt; The Ghazi Force: A Threat to Pakistan’s
Urban Centers, by Syed Manzar Abbas Zaidi; Pakistan’s Challenges in Orakzai
Agency, by Tayyab Ali Shah; The Growing Threat of Female Suicide
Attacks in Western Countries, by Houriya Ahmed; Countering Terrorist Financing:
Successes and Setbacks in the Years
Since 9/11, by Michael Jonsson....
-
August 24, 2010
United States Naval War College // Naval War College Review
Abstract:
Canada’s naval response to Somali piracy has been a mixed affair.On the positive
side, in recent years the CanadianNavy has successfully dedicated a significant
level of resources to countering Somali piracy: the destroyer HMCS
Iroquois, the frigatesHMCS Calgary, Ville de Québec,Winnipeg, and Fredericton,
and the oiler HMCS Protecteur. Collectively, these vessels operated effectively
alongside the ships of several other navies, especially those of the U.S.Navy, that
together form the various international flotillas confronting Somali pirates. The
Canadian Navy’s level of involvement has been no mean task, because of the
great distances involved, its limited number of surface combatants, and its other
responsibilities.
On the negative side, the effective handling of Somali pirates has been an
ephemeral and problematic task. Despite the international naval presence, the
incidence of Somali piracy has increased. In light of the counterpiracy mission’s prominence
for Canada and the limited effect navies have had so
far, a call by the United States for international commercial shippers to rely upon private security companies (PSCs) demands
attention. What, therefore, are the call’s implications in terms of future Canadian activism
and the overall effectiveness of countering Somali piracy?...
-
August 23, 2010
International Relations and Security Network
Abstract:
While Uganda has paid a bitter price at home for its military engagement in Somalia, al-Shabaab’s recent attacks will likely foster a more interventionist agenda in East Africa and play into the hands of insurgents, Georg-Sebastian Holzer writes for ISN Security Watch. It was the biggest militant attack in sub-Saharan Africa since the infamous 1998 al-Qaida bombings of the US embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam. The two coordinated bombings in Uganda’s capital Kampala killed 74 people and wounded dozens of others watching the World Cup final on 11 July.
For al-Shabaab it was a successful attack against the country that forms the backbone of the 6,000-strong African Union force in Mogadishu. The movement previously threatened both Uganda and Burundi, the second major troop-supplier to the AMISOM mission, which secures the survival of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) whose movement is virtually confined to a few blocks in the capital....
-
Search for all records in "Somalia"
-
South Africa
-
August 18, 2010
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees // Policy Development and Evaluation Service
Abstract:
This review examines the response of UNHCR and other stakeholders to three distinct
but interrelated mixed migratory movements that are currently taking place to and
within southern Africa. First, a movement of people from the Horn of Africa to South
Africa, generally transiting through Kenya, Tanzania, Malawi, Mozambique and, to
some extent, Zimbabwe; second, a movement of people from the Great Lakes region
of Africa (Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda) to South Africa, a
proportion of whom are also taking up residence in Malawi and Mozambique; and
third, the large-scale departure of Zimbabwean citizens from their country of origin,
the majority of them also moving to South Africa. The
second chapter of the report focuses on the irregular movement of people to and
through Malawi and Mozambique. The chapter examines the way in which the
journey is organized, the protection risks encountered by those engaged in this
movement, as well as the challenges that it has posed for UNHCR and the two states
concerned.
The report draws attention to the fact many of the refugees involved in this
movement, especially those from the Horn of Africa, have their own notion of
protection - one that does not correspond to UNHCR’s traditional approach to the
issue of asylum. Chapter 3 of the report analyzes the much larger movement of people from
Zimbabwe to South Africa, an influx that continues at a rapid rate, despite the recent
political and economic changes that have taken place in their country of origin and
despite the xenophobic violence that continues to threaten foreign nationals living in
South Africa. The fourth chapter of the report provides a more detailed account of the way that
UNHCR, the authorities, regional organizations, civil society and other actors have
responded to the large-scale mixed migration that South Africa has experienced in
recent years....
-
July 19, 2010
Escola de Cultura de Pau // School for a Culture of Peace
Abstract:
A survey of the models of peace processes existing today
and in the immediate past will show how they are very
closely bound to the kinds of demands underlying each of
the conflicts. In other words, the underlying issue being
disputed is what determines the model of peace process. Following
this line of thought, we can distinguish between five
main models, namely reinsertion, power-sharing, exchange,
trust-building measures and self-governance. The first model, reinsertion, is the simplest, although
it is also not very frequent. It refers to cases in which the
armed group agrees to lay down its weapons in exchange
for facilities to help them reintegrate into society. The second model, one of the most frequent, which
involves political, economic and military power-sharing,
takes place when the armed groups seek to attain the power
to take over the political steering of a country and from
there run all the economic and military affairs. The third model is what we call exchange, in which
peace is achieved in exchange for something else. A fourth model of peace process, though not a common
one, is based on creating confidence-building measures. Finally, the fifth model involves achieving some kind
of self-governance in regions with demands for autonomy
or independence; this is called “intermediate political
architectures”....
-
April 26, 2010
Forced Migration Studies Programme // Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South Africa // Oxfam
Abstract:
From 11th to 26th May 2008, foreign nationals were attacked in at least 135 locations in various parts of
South Africa. This led to at least 62 deaths, over a hundred thousand people
displaced, and millions of Rands of damage and loss of property. The May 2008 violence stimulated a
wide range of speculative explanations and recommendations from analysts and policy makers, and was
followed, perhaps not surprisingly, by a multitude of interventions and responses. The Forced Migration
Studies Programme at the University of the Witwatersrand started conducting empirical research in
relation to the violence almost immediately, and has sought to illuminate different aspects of the
violence – from identifying underlying causes and triggers to evaluating protection, humanitarian and
justice interventions and responses during and after the crisis. This report brings together the outcomes
of these various research endeavours to provide a comprehensive, easily accessible reference point
about what has come to be called South Africa’s ‘xenophobic attacks.’ The FMSP’s research contributes the following elements to the national discussion about ‘xenophobic’
violence: It is based entirely on empirical evidence gathered in locations affected by violence and
institutions responding to the violence. This sets it apart from analyses based on general
structural arguments or conjecture which are not tested ‘on the ground’; It makes a clear distinction between discriminatory perceptions and attitudes against foreign
nationals, which are widespread throughout South African society, and instances of group-based
violence, which only occur in specific locations. It is well established that while attitudes may
inform action to some extent, they are by no means sufficient to explain why certain actions
take place in certain places at certain times. South Africa is a constitutional democracy, based on
the rule of law. While there are strong moral reasons to condemn discriminatory attitudes of
any kind, the concern of FMSP’s research is to enable a move beyond general moral arguments
to illuminate social processes, including violence against particular social groups, which threaten
the rule of law and constitutional principles. Only through such understanding can further
violence be adequately responded to and potentially prevented. Leading on from the previous two points, the FMSP’s research is based on a rigorous
methodology which compares locations where violence occurred with those where it did not in
order to identify the key differences. Furthermore, we seek to understand both functioning and
weak institutional responses, to help inform improvements in future practices....
-
April 26, 2010
African Centre for for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // African Journal on Conflict Resolution // International Center for Transitional Justice
Abstract:
South Africa’s gendered past was never substantially addressed by the South
African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) despite attempts by
women’s groups to ensure its inclusion.. The TRC’s treatment of gender was
in part constrained by its ‘gender-blind’ mandate, which ignored the different
experiences and interests of men and women. Its shortfalls were further
reinforced by the combination of limited time and resources, the lack of a
systematic proactive gender strategy, and the lack of sustained involvement
and interventions by the feminist community. While interventions by women’s
groups and activists led the Commission to take up gender in ad hoc ways, such
as through the Special Hearings on Women, the engagement of the TRC with
gender remained at best tangential and as such the opportunity to capture a
more complete picture of the apartheid era was lost South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) provides an
interesting case study for analysts of transitional justice as it proved a missed
opportunity for revealing the gendered nature of South Africa’s past. By
evaluating the Commission, it is possible to see how its ad hoc approach
to gender meant that the different experiences of men and women were
fundamentally overlooked during the South African process....
-
April 26, 2010
African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // African Journal on Conflict Resolution // International Center for Transitional Justice
Abstract:
This article reflects on the influence and legacy for gender justice of the ways in
which gender-based human rights violations are raised in truth commissions
in Africa, with specific reference to the impact of the South African Truth and
Reconciliation Commission (TRC). It provides a brief background to how the
issues were placed on the agenda of the TRC, and tackles the practical outcomes
of these interventions. I interrogate the gender approach and analysis that
became a model for the form and practice of transitional situations elsewhere
and its implications for gender justice. A gender analysis of recent transitional justice initiatives is critically important
as it shows how the context, history and nature of gender and other intersecting
relations of power in society influence and shape the justice and reconciliation
outcomes. It is not so much a matter of attributing the failure to achieve gender
justice to truth-seeking processes as such, but rather one of understanding the
politics of how these processes unfolded. In the South African case, the way in
which the issues of gender were addressed during its transition became a limiting
factor in how the gendered nature of the past came to be understood and how
gender crimes were dealt with. That gender crimes did not find their way into the amnesty process was because neither victims nor perpetrators identified their
experiences as such. This does not mean that we should not apply our minds
to how gender justice might be better served in TRC processes. In this regard, I
refer to some of the improvements made in the TRC processes influenced by the
shortcomings of the South African model....
-
Search for all records in "South Africa"
-
South America
-
August 24, 2010
Global Consortium on Security Transformation
Abstract:
Medellin, the second biggest city in Colombia, experienced an impressive transformation after
2002 when a combination of national and local initiatives succeeded in dramatically reducing
acute levels of violence. After being the most violent city in the world, Medellin became a
successful case of urban security transformation. The aim of this research was to explore the role
played by civil society in that process. However, not long before this project began, the security
situation started to deteriorate in the poor communities of Medellin. The vacuum of power created
by the extradition of a demobilized paramilitary leader had triggered wars between gangs and
criminal groups. This made it necessary to explore not only the limitations of the recent security
transformation, which is now in question, but also the way this outbreak of violence is aecting
communities and the role that civil society can play in this context. In the first
section this document presents an overview of the insecurity context of Medellin prior to the
transformation started in 2002. The second section discusses the problems with the role that civil society is asked to play
within current frameworks for security transformation, such as Security Sector Reform (SSR) and
current models of democratic security governance in Latin America....
-
August 20, 2010
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development // Development Co-operation Directorate
Abstract:
In recent years, there has been increased interest in understanding how donor interventions in situations of fragility and conflict can contribute tot he processes of statebuilding. While external actors cannot determine the outcome of those processes, they can target their assistance to support positive statebuilding dynamics. Donors must ensure that they "do no harm" and consider both the intended and unintended consequences of their interventions. This publication fills an important knowledge gap by addressing two fundamental questions: what are the negative impacts that donor interventions can have on statebuilding; and what measures should donors adopt to avoid negative impacts on statebuilding processes? Do No Harm argues that the challenges of statebuilding are such that donors must develop a sophisticated understanding of political processes, patterns of state-society relations and sources of legitimacy in the countries where they are oeprating. Based on an extensive literature review and on six country case-studies (Afghanistan, Bolivia, the Democratic Republic of Congo [DRC], Nepal, Rwanda and Sierra Leon), Do No Harm offers a valuable addition to our knowledge on statebuilding in situations of fragility and conflict....
-
July 30, 2010
Codhes // Madre // Humanas // Taller de Vida // Limpal // Women's Link Worldwide
Abstract:
Colombians are enduring an armed conflict that has lasted over 50 years, but only in the past 10
years has this civil war been examined through a lens of gender justice, and the work of
community-based women's rights organizations been made visible. In this report, six
organizations, local and international, document the various ways in which Colombia’s conflict
and the actions (or lack thereof) by state and other entities, erode women and girls’ rights.
This report is intended to supplement, or “shadow,” the report of the government of Colombia to
the Human Rights Committee (“the Committee”). This shadow report highlights five main areas of concern: forced displacement of women, child
recruitment by armed groups, violence against women, the persecution of women human rights
defenders, and violation of women's sexual and reproductive rights. This report specifically documents how Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities face the
extermination of their culture and loss of their lands because of forced displacement; how
women who have been subjected to sexual violence see their rights violated by authorities who
block their access to lawful abortion services; how sexual violence is used as a weapon of war
and how it increases among displaced populations; how boys and girls are recruited to bear
arms, be in combat and face exploitation; and how women human rights defenders are
constantly threatened and attacked....
-
July 23, 2010
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees // Policy Development and Evaluation Service
Abstract:
This paper was commissioned by UNHCR’s Policy Development and Evaluation Service in order to capture UNHCR’s experience in IDP return and reintegration processes over the past decade, analyse the extent and depth of this involvement and the range of activities undertaken, identify challenges encountered and identify lessons and examples of good practice that could be used to further strengthen UNHCR’s engagement. It seeks to identify those elements which distinguish IDP returns from traditional voluntary repatriation operations for refugees, and to explain what this means for UNHCR’s operational engagement. International support for the pursuit of durable solutions is an inherently inter-agency effort. The paper is divided into two parts. The first provides an overview of the background and rationales for UNHCR’s involvement in IDP return processes, and explores the roles the agency has played and the operational activities undertaken. The second part consists of six case studies (Colombia, Georgia, Pakistan, Southern Sudan, Sri Lanka and Uganda), in which operational challenges and good practices are explored in more detail....
-
July 15, 2010
Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity
Abstract:
This Overview summarises the key findings and policy challenges identified by the CRISE
research programme in its evaluation of three Latin American countries. The case studies
selected were the three countries with the largest indigenous populations in proportionate
terms: Bolivia, Guatemala and Peru. The underlying research challenge was to understand
the role of horizontal or group inequality in overall acute inequality in the countries studied,
and the relevance of group inequality to political violence.
The paper shows that horizontal inequalities (HIs)—political, social, economic and cultural—
are deeply embedded in two of these countries, Guatemala and Peru, and have played a significant
role in terrible political violence. They remain severe; indeed, political HIs have worsened
in some respects with the legacy of violence and repression. In Guatemala and Peru, the pervasiveness
of embedded prejudice and ways of thinking make even good policy initiatives
non-functional. In Bolivia, meanwhile, an exceptional set of political and geographical circumstances has,
over many decades, resulted in political accommodation mechanisms that have avoided
widespread violence and led to a genuine improvement in political HIs....
-
Search for all records in "South America"
-
South Asia
-
September 2, 2010
Council on Foreign Relations
Abstract:
Pakistan's floods have affected twenty million people and killed nearly sixteen hundred so far, according to the United Nations. The United States has been rallying international assistance for Pakistan; on Thursday, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton pledged additional aid at a UN meeting (BBC) boosting total U.S. flood aid to $150 million, and Senator John Kerry (D-MA) visited flood-ravaged areas in Pakistan to assess ongoing relief efforts. CFR Senior Fellow Daniel Markey says the floods have compounded Pakistan's challenges and made Washington's efforts in the fight against extremism more difficult. The floods are a huge setback to the Pakistani military's recent successes in the tribal areas along the Afghan border, and to the U.S. war effort in Afghanistan, he says. At the same time, Markey adds, they are an opportunity for Washington to show its commitment to Pakistan. Beyond offering humanitarian relief aid, Markey recommends that the United States open its markets to Pakistani textiles, an industry expected to suffer due to cotton crops' flood damage....
-
August 31, 2010
Naval Postgraduate School // Program for Culture and Conflict Studies
Abstract:
Following the U.S.-led attack against Afghanistan in October 2001, Taliban sympathizers in Pakistan’s western tribal areas quickly pledged support and provided additional manpower and resources to help the Afghan Taliban resistance. The Pashtun tribes who dominate the western tribal agencies of Pakistan share ancestral lineages with many of Afghanistan’s Pashtun tribesman and both have long resisted colonial attempts of occupation. Even in a modern context, the core of the Afghan resistance movement against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan was based in these same areas, using Peshawar as a de facto capital and the tribal agency’s of North and South Waziristan as training areas and key junctions for transiting personnel and weapons into Afghanistan. Presented in this overview is an operational snapshot of the TTP and its influential leaders throughout eight tribal regions in located in western Pakistan: North and South Waziristan, Bajaur Agency, Mohmand Agency, Orakzai Agency, Kurram Agency Khyber Agency and Darra
Adamkhel....
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Evaluating the Al-Qa`ida Threat to the U.S. Homeland by Philip Mudd; The Growing Danger from Radical Islamist Groups in the United States, by Paul Cruickshank; Manchester, New York and Oslo: Three Centrally Directed Al-Qa`ida Plots, by Raffaello Pantucci; Lessons Learned from the July 2010 Norwegian Terrorist Plot, by Petter Nesser and Brynjar Lia; American Journeys to Jihad:
U.S. Extremists and Foreign Conflicts During the 1980s and 1990s, by William Rosenau and Sara Daly; American Journeys to Jihad: U.S. Extremists and Foreign Conflicts During the 1980s and 1990s, by William Rosenau and Sara Daly....
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: The Mysterious Relationship Between
Al-Qa`ida and Iran, by Bruce Riedel; Al-Shabab’s Agenda in the Wake of the Kampala Suicide Attacks, by Tim Pippard; The Punjabi Taliban: Causes and Consequences of Turning Against the State, by Ben Brandt; The Ghazi Force: A Threat to Pakistan’s
Urban Centers, by Syed Manzar Abbas Zaidi; Pakistan’s Challenges in Orakzai
Agency, by Tayyab Ali Shah; The Growing Threat of Female Suicide
Attacks in Western Countries, by Houriya Ahmed; Countering Terrorist Financing:
Successes and Setbacks in the Years
Since 9/11, by Michael Jonsson....
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: AQAP’s Growing Security Threat to
Saudi Arabia, by Caryle Murphy; Assessing AQI’s Resilience After April’s Leadership Decapitations, by Myriam Benraad; The Return of Moqtada al-Sadr and the Revival of the Mahdi Army, by Babak Rahimi; Indoctrinating Children: The Making of Pakistan’s Suicide Bombers, by Kalsoom Lakhani; The Third Way: A Paradigm for
Influence in the Marketplace of Ideas, by Scott Helfstein; Still Fighting for Revolution:
Greece’s New Generation of Terrorists, by George Kassimeris;...
-
Search for all records in "South Asia"
-
South Korea
-
May 21, 2010
Joint Civilian-Military Investigation Group
Abstract:
The Joint Civilian-Military Investigation Group(JIG) conducted its investigation
with 25 experts from 10 top Korean expert agencies, 22 military experts, 3
experts recommended by the National Assembly, and 24 foreign experts
constituting 4 support teams from the United States, Australia, the United Kingdom
and the Kingdom of Sweden. The JIG is composed of four teams--Scientific
Investigation Team, Explosive Analysis Team, Ship Structure Management Team,
and Intelligence Analysis Team. In our statement today, we will provide the results attained by Korean and
foreign experts through an investigation and validation process undertaken with a
scientific and objective approach. The report states, "Based on all such relevant facts and classified analysis, we have reached the clear conclusion that ROKS "Cheonan" was sunk as the result of an external underwater explosion caused by a torpedo made in North Korea. The evidence points overwhelmingly to the conclusion that the torpedo was fired by a North Korean submarine. There is no other plausible explanation."...
-
November 26, 2009
Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
In July 2009, the UN General Assembly held an Interactive Informal Dialogue and plenary session on the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP). The dialogue provided the first opportunity for the UN membership as a whole to discuss implementation of the 2005 World Summit’s commitment to the RtoP and the UN Secretary-General’s report on the matter. Fifteen governments from the Asia-Pacific region, namely Indonesia, the Philippines, Korea, New Zealand, Australia, Singapore, Japan, China, Vietnam, Solomon Islands, Myanmar, Timor-Leste, DPRK, PNG and Malaysia, participated in the dialogue. This culminated in a resolution co-sponsored by, inter alia, Australia, Fiji, Singapore, Papua New Guinea, Republic of Korea, Timor-Leste and New Zealand that noted the Secretary-General’s report, observed the fruitfulness of the interactive dialogue, and committed the Assembly to further consideration of the RtoP.
According to the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, one of the most significant aspects of the dialogue was the positive transformation of attitudes towards the RtoP within the Asia-Pacific region. Having previously been considered the region most opposed to the RtoP, the region now boasts near unanimity in its endorsement of the principle and the Secretary-General’s efforts towards its implementation (with the exception of North Korea)....
-
May 27, 2009
Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis
Abstract:
The term “peace regime” officially made its Six-Party Talks debut in the September 2005 Joint Statement from the fourth round of those negotiations, as the participating nations emphasized their commitment to build a lasting peace in Northeast Asia by pledging to initiate a separate negotiation for a “permanent peace regime on the Korean Peninsula” at an appropriate time.1 Although the Six-Party Talks are primarily focused on denuclearizing North Korea
(Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, or DPRK), the mention of a separate peace regime dialogue by “the directly
related parties” acknowledged the many unresolved political, diplomatic, and national security issues in Korea that contribute to North Korea’s nuclear ambitions. After all, North and South Korea (Republic of Korea, or ROK) are still technically at war with one another, and the armistice agreement that has governed the cease-fire for over fifty-five years was never intended as a long-term solution to the Korean War. The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis (IFPA), working
with partners in South Korea, the United States, and China is in the middle of a three-year project exploring peace regime building on the Korean Peninsula in ways that support and facilitate the denuclearization objectives
of the Six-Party Talks. Our aim is to combine research
and dialogue in a mixed academic/policy (Track 1.5) environment among the “directly related parties” to explore the linkages mentioned above, and to develop a broader consensus regarding the potential synergies between
armistice management, peace regime building, and denuclearization....
-
January 6, 2009
The Heritage Foundation
Abstract:
In October, both houses of Congress unanimously passed and President George W. Bush signed the North Korean Human Rights Act of 2004. This act promotes improving human rights in North Korea as an integral part of broader U.S. policy on the Korean peninsula, and it also calls for protecting North Korean defectors as refugees. Surprisingly, the most vocal criticism has come not from North Korea, but from South Korea. Some members of South Korea's ruling Uri Party were indignant, claiming that the new law would increase tensions on the Korean peninsula and damage relations between South Korea and North Korea. Such sentiments, regrettably prevalent in South Korea, indicate how much some people have misunderstood the act and its purpose. The act is intended to make it easier for the United States to assist North Korean refugees, and it links any future aid to Pyongyang to progress in addressing human rights concerns. The act contains no hidden agenda for overt regime change or overthrow of the Kim Jong Il government. Its sole focus is on alleviating the plight of North Koreans through limited action by the U.S. government....
-
December 10, 2008
New America Foundation
Abstract:
This table is part of the larger "U.S. Weapons at War 2008" report. For the full document, please see http://www.humansecuritygateway.info/showRecord.php?RecordId=27517
-
Search for all records in "South Korea"
-
Southeast Asia
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Riyaz Bhatkal and the Origins of the
Indian Mujahidin, by Praveen Swami; Salafi-Jihadi Activism in Gaza: Mapping the Threat, by Benedetta Berti; The Virtual Jihad: An Increasingly Legitimate Form of Warfare, by Akil N. Awan; Internet Jihadists React to the Deaths of Al-Qa`ida’s Leaders in Iraq, by Abdul Hameed Bakier; The Kidnapping and Execution of
Khalid Khwaja in Pakistan, by Rahimullah Yusufzai; The Sources of the Abu Sayyaf’s Resilience in the Southern Philippines, by Rommel C. Banlaoi....
-
August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
Abstract:
This issue includes the following articles: Building a Strategic U.S.-Pakistan
Nuclear Relationship, by Rolf Mowatt-Larssen; Beyond the Moscow Bombings: Islamic
Militancy in the North Caucasus, by Christopher Swift; After Pune, Details Emerge on the
Karachi Project and its Threat to India ,by Animesh Roul; Assessing the Recent Terrorist Threat
to the Malacca Strait, by Peter Chalk; The Philippines Chips Away at the Abu
Sayyaf Group’s Strength, by Zachary Abuza; Al-Qa`ida in the Islamic Maghreb:
A Case Study in the Opportunism of Global Jihad, by Jean-Pierre Filiu; No Silver Bullets: Explaining Research
on How Terrorism Ends, by Audrey Kurth Cronin;...
-
August 24, 2010
Global Consortium on Security Transformation
Abstract:
This paper is interested in explaining the persistence and steady expansion of the sphere of
military autonomy in spite of democratization and how it aects security sector transformation
(SST). It argues that SST processes will be constrained, limited, and even undermined so long
as the military enjoys signi cant degrees of political autonomy in three ways. First, a relatively
autonomous military will likely de ne and dominate the framework of SST in a given country.
This implies that programs that will reform the military will likely not produce the intended
results of democratic civilian control. Second, any gains or positive outcomes generated by transforming the security sector will likely be jeopardized by the military since they have the power
to stifle or undermine these reforms. Finally, military autonomy in certain areas such as human
rights and security policy hinders the participation of other actors, notably civil society in being
able to influence and contribute to SST initiatives. Using the case of the Philippines, this study
seeks to examine these three causal mechanisms that link military autonomy with the space
or opportunities for governments to implement programs and policies that could transform the
security sector....
-
August 18, 2010
Chatham House
Abstract:
While Thailand’s reputation as ‘the land of smiles’ is a cliché, the recent
images of violence and unrest in Bangkok have been a shocking contrast to
its reputation as a stable regional travel and business hub.
Bangkok’s streets have been cleaned up and normal life has resumed, but
political instability is likely to continue in Thailand for some time. The conflict
has moved beyond the initial ‘colour-coded’ tension between anti-Thaksin
yellow-shirts and pro-Thaksin red-shirts. There is now a sharp divide between
the conservative elites who have traditionally governed Thailand – palace,
military, business – and those who view themselves as the underclass.
The recent round of protests in May 2010 were won by the conservative
powers, albeit with significant costs in lives and damaged buildings in
Bangkok. But the struggle is far from over – rather than capitulating, the
protest movement is using the military crackdown and the government’s
continuing media and political repression to increase its support....
-
August 11, 2010
United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:
After decades of domestic conflict, military rule and authoritarian governance, Burma’s economy could provide a viable entry point for effective international assistance to promote peace. Doing so would require a detailed understanding of the country’s complex and evolving political economy. Looming challenges could derail Burma’s prospects for economic and political stability. These challenges include irrational macroeconomic policies, failing to ensure all citizens enjoy benefits accrued from natural resources, endemic corruption, a flourishing illicit economy, a dysfunctional financial system and critical infrastructure bottlenecks. Failure to address these problems would frustrate peacebuilding efforts. A conflict-sensitive economic strategy for Burma would focus on effective capacity-building, sustained policy reform, progressive steps to reduce corruption, fiscal empowerment of sub national authorities and prudent natural resource management. Success in these areas requires unwavering political will for sensibly sequenced policy improvements by domestic actors and finely targeted support from Burma’s international partners....
-
Search for all records in "Southeast Asia"
