Searched the resource database for : All Results AND Regions=Georgia
Haven't found what you are looking for? To further refine your search: Click on the 'advanced search' menu to filter by title, abstract, source, and/or publication date; to include or exclude multiple resource categories, regions or topics.
Abstract: Three years after their August 2008 war over the South Ossetia region, tension is growing again between Russia and Georgia, and talks are needed to restore stability and create positive momentum in a situation that is fragile and potentially explosive. Diplomatic relations are suspended, and the two have only started limited negotiations, with Swiss mediation, on Russia’s World Trade Organisation membership. Yet, they share interests in improving regional security, trade and transport and should start discussions on these rather than continuing to exchange hostile rhetoric that only makes renewed dialogue more difficult.
Lack of contact has increased distrust since the fighting ended. For Georgia, Russia is an occupier who is undermining its sovereignty and security. While almost the entire international community regards South Ossetia and Abkhazia as parts of sovereign Georgia, Russia recognised both as independent shortly after the war. Moscow maintains an estimated 7,000 to 9,000 combat, security, and border forces in those two territories and is building and refurbishing permanent military bases there, in violation of the ceasefire brokered by the EU presidency in 2008. Some 20,000 persons displaced that year have been prevented from returning home, and casualties still occur along the administrative border lines.
Abstract: The Georgian government must put a stop to forced evictions of internally displaced people and provide them with adequate housing, Amnesty International said today.
The call comes as Amnesty International publishes a briefing, Uprooted again: Forced evictions of internally displaced persons in Georgia, detailing a pattern of forced evictions in June – August 2010 and January 2011 from temporary shelters where people have sought refuge.
With a fresh wave of evictions having started in Tbilisi in July 2011, Amnesty International is urging the Georgian authorities to ensure that the same mistakes are not repeated.
"In their drive to empty temporary housing shelters in the capital and provide displaced people with durable housing the Georgian authorities have ignored essential protections for those evicted and estranged many from established support networks and livelihoods," said Natalia Nozadze, Amnesty International's Georgia researcher.
Abstract: While the world’s attention often gravitates to the latest emergency situation, we are acutely aware that
most of the world’s internally displaced persons (IDPs) live in protracted displacement. Displacement
drags on, sometimes for years or decades, because of continuing conflict, because peace processes are
stalled, or because political settlements fail to provide the necessary security and support for the displaced to find solutions.
The 2nd Expert Seminar on Protracted Internal Displacement was held in Geneva from 19-20 January 2011 on the theme of “IDPs in protracted displacement: Is local integration a solution?” Around 100 participants discussed challenges and possibilities of local integration in diverse protracted displacement situations over the course of the two days.
This publication includes the six case studies commissioned for the seminar as well as an introductory essay which
explores the common themes emerging from the studies on protracted displacement and local integration. By focusing on the possibilities and challenges of local integration in protracted displacement, we hope that these
six case studies lead to better understanding—and to concrete actions—which will bring an end to internal displacement
which has gone on for far too long in these six countries and in many others.
Abstract: Most of the world’s 27.5 million internally displaced people
(IDPs) live in protracted displacement. These are
situations where the process for finding durable solutions
is stalled, and/or where IDPs are marginalised
as a consequence of violations or a lack of protection
of their human rights, including economic, social and
cultural rights.1 Solutions are absent or have failed and
IDPs remain disadvantaged and unable to fully enjoy
their rights.
The seminar brought together about 100 participants
from around the world, from a range of backgrounds
and organisations. They included representatives of
governments and civil society organisations in countries
with protracted internal displacement, international
humanitarian and development organisations (including
UN agencies) donors, research organisations, academics
and other experts. The Chatham House Rule was in
effect during the meeting to allow participants to speak
more freely.
The seminar focused on the experiences of six countries
with protracted internal displacement – Burundi,
Colombia, Georgia, Serbia, southern Sudan and Uganda.
For each country field research was commissioned and
the resulting case studies were distributed before the
seminar. Other background materials circulated to participants
included an overview of local integration of
IDPs in protracted displacement and reference materials
relating to durable solutions.
Abstract: The war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008 changed the situation in the South Caucasus fundamentally. Russia‘s invasion of Georgia‘s territory made it clear that the conflicts over Georgia‘s breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia were not merely domestic issues, but had been absorbed into a larger conflict between Russia and Georgia. Moreover, it highlighted the essential differences in Russian and Western foreign policy objectives in the region, and the limited mechanisms for challenging Russia‘s policies in what Moscow considers its exclusive sphere of influence.
In the post-war era, Western powers have largely failed to establish a policy towards Georgia‘s conflicts that takes these new realities into account. This is problematic for several reasons. The post-war status quo is not only unsus-tainable, but also conflicts directly with Western interests in the region. Rus-sia‘s significant military presence in Abkhazia and South Ossetia remains a violation of fundamental principles of international law, and thus, threatens the upholding of internationally recognized norms and standards in the re-gion. This, in turn, sets dangerous precedents with implications beyond Georgia and the South Caucasus. Secondly, Russia‘s military buildup on Georgian territory, coupled with continued tensions along the Administra-tive Boundary Lines, suggest that the situation in the region is far from sta-ble. This is a direct concern for the West, as the security deficit in the South Caucasus continues to delay reform processes, hamper economic develop-ment, and prevent the West from helping develop this vital transport corri-dor to Central Asia.
This paper examines these key issues from the perspective of international law.
Abstract: The mostly Armenian-populated Javakheti region, along the southern border with Armenia and Turkey, has been a potential flashpoint since Georgia’s 1991 independence, when a paramilitary group practically ran it, and physical links with the rest of the country were weak. After the 2008 Georgia-Russia war, many outside observers, recalling that there had been violent demonstrations in Javakheti in 2005 and 2006, predicted it would be the next to seek autonomy – or more. But the situation has stabilised. Tbilisi has successfully implemented programs to increase the region’s ties to the rest of the country, stopped projects that were seen as discriminatory and reduced the influence of the few remaining radical groups. It should maintain this momentum and take additional steps to guarantee that Javakheti and its 95,000 mainly Armenian speakers feel fully integrated in Georgia and provide an example of respect for minority rights in a region where minorities who feel discriminated against have all too often been attracted to secession, such as in Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorno-Karabakh.
Lack of knowledge of the state language (Georgian) and poverty encourages migration from the region to Armenia and Russia. A paucity of media reporting on the isolated area helps reinforce feelings of marginalisation. Many Javakheti residents do not feel like full-fledged citizens, so prefer to become involved in the political and cultural life of neighbouring Armenia, whose nationalist groups are quick to argue that they are the victims of ethnic discrimination due to Georgian government policies and to amplify their grievances over poverty, unemployment, education and the lack of formal laws recognising Armenian as a “regional language” in Javakheti.
Although Javakheti poses no immediate threat to Georgia’s territorial integrity, Tbilisi needs to continue to increase its focus on the region, so as to build confidence with local leaders and engender a sense of loyalty towards the state. This would help to avoid interpretations that the local aspects of nationwide problems, such as the economy, reflect ethnic discrimination.
Abstract: Continued violence and unrest in the North Caucasus have created a major area of instability for the Russian Federation. Although Chechnya is relatively more stable, for now, under the brutal dictatorship of Ramzan Kadyrov, neighboring republics including Ingushetia, Dagestan, and others have experienced significant increases in the frequency of violence. The entire region is plagued by extreme poverty, high unemployment, and corrupt and often incompetent governance. Additionally, the prevalence of radical Islamic influences as well as growing competitive nationalist identities further increases the challenges for governance and stability.
The Russian federal government seeks to insulate the rest of the country from the overflow of violence in this volatile region, but terrorist attacks in the past year on the Moscow Metro and again on the train between Moscow and St. Petersburg demonstrate how hard this is to manage. Kuchins, Malarkey, and Markedonov examine the socioeconomic trends in the region, the role of Islam and rise of radicalism throughout the Caucasus, nationalism and growing ethnic tensions, and the external factors influencing the North Caucasus.
Abstract: • Since the stabilization of the Georgian-Russian conflict, no further progress has been achieved and the conflict is in danger of freezing again.
• Leaders on both sides are taking full advantage of the tension that exists between them, while the people living on the boundary line are paying a heavy price because of the conflict.
• The EU has assumed considerable responsibility for the resolution of the conflict, but due to insufficient coordination at the operational level and a lack of coherent political support, it has been increasingly ignored by both parties.
• The Georgian-Russian conflict offers a great window of opportunity for the EU to define its overall strategy for the conflict management it so desperately needs.
Abstract: From 2003 to the war with Russia and financial crisis of 2008, Georgia achieved impressive macroeconomic results. Government reforms reduced corruption and criminal violence markedly. Rapid progress was made in the delivery of public goods. The investment climate improved. President Mikheil Saakashvili has weathered the fallout of the war with Russia. Weak opposition and substantial Western aid have enabled the government to stabilize the economy and consolidate its political position. However, positive headline macroeconomic results may not be sustainable and mask persistent concerns regarding poor performance in combating poverty, unemployment and increasing inequality.
Abstract: This report summarises the results of a process to identify and plan for
challenges to peace, security and stability in Georgia, undertaken by a
network of four representative groups from Kvemo Kartli, Samegrelo,
analyse each challenge in more detail and recommend preconditions
and concrete steps for how they should be addressed. The ‘strategy’ is
community-informed. This means that the network of representative
groups consulted with a wide range of communities at each step of the process (i.e. identification of challenges, analysis of key challenges and strategising solutions) in order to get their thoughts and perspectives. As such, this is not an ‘expert analysis’, but one grounded in the understanding
and reality of people living in four parts of Georgia. We hope
that this report will help local, national and international decision-makers
to better address challenges facing the country,
Abstract: Poor conflict-affected countries tend to have large numbers of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and, in at least some cases, large numbers of refugees. But the figures should be treated with caution; in some cases, such as Angola and Sierra Leone, governments simply decided that there are no longer IDPs, even if in fact many of those displaced by the conflicts have yet to find durable solutions. It is important to note that displacement is not confined to poor conflict affected states, but it is also a characteristic of some middle income countries, some of which have stable governments, such as Georgia, Colombia, Azerbaijan, Syria and Turkey.
This report was prepared for the Education for All Global Monitoring Report 2011. It explores patterns of displacement and the linkages between armed conflict and education. Some recommendations include:
• That UN agencies and civil society organizations provide necessary technical support to governments to adopt the necessary laws and policies to ensure that IDPs and refugees have access to education.
• That UN agencies, NGOs and bilateral donors ensure that programs developed to provide education to IDPs and refugees take into consideration the broader context of DACs, for example in ensuring that host and return communities are supported in their efforts to provide educational opportunities to the displaced or returnees.
• That GMR highlight the importance of humanitarian and development actors working together to develop ways to re-establish educational systems in post-conflict settings.
Abstract: Damaged by shelling during the 1992 conflict, the Gura Bicului Bridge, which
spans the Dniestr river, was reconstructed in 2001 with money from the
European Union. The bridge—along the main highway between the Black Sea
and the Baltic coast—should facilitate trade and contacts between Moldova and
the break-away region of Transdniestria. But it has never been reopened: only
pedestrians and bicyclists are allowed to cross. It stands as a potent symbol of how
hard it has been, for the past twenty years, to bridge the two sides of the Dniestr.
Abstract: The North Caucasus region is the part of Russia that slopes up towards the main ridge of the Caucasus mountains, often considered the border between Europe and Asia.
It is home to dozens of nationalities and languages, many of which have troubled relationships with their neighbours or with central governments in Moscow or Tbilisi.
Abstract: The
desk study on “The use of medical evidence
and expert opinions in international and
regional judicial mechanism and in selected
domestic jurisdictions” aims to provide an
insight into how medical evidence is viewed
and evaluated in court proceedings on alleged
torture cases today. The study looks
into the procedural rules as well as the
practice relating to evaluation of medical
evidence and expert opinions by the relevant
tribunals. The special issue further features
studies on investigations and evidence collection
in selected domestic jurisdictions
in torture cases. These studies have been
conducted in five countries from different
regions and with differing legal systems –
Ecuador, Georgia, Lebanon, The Philippines
and Uganda. In these countries the IRCT
has, for a number of years, worked with
local members and partners to promote the
value and use of medical documentation of
torture.
Our hope is that the study may serve
as a reference document for those involved
in legal cases seeking to prove allegations
of torture through the submission of medical
evidence or wishing to advocate legal
changes in this area.
Abstract: Two and a half years after the war with Russia, Georgia’s political life is increasingly turning towards preparations for the 2012-2013 elections and debates around divisions of power after a recent overhaul of the constitution. The substantial amendments, which come into force in 2013 at the same time as President Mikheil Saakashvili steps down due to a term limit, will give much greater power to the prime minister. The next two years will go a long way in determining whether the country progresses toward a truly stable, modern democracy, or deteriorates into a fragile, pseudo-pluralistic and stagnating system. The government and political opposition movement need to use that crucial period to create public trust in democratic institutions. The best way to achieve this is by engaging in meaningful dialogue to ensure a fair election cycle, strengthened rule of law, economic stability and the legitimacy of the future government. This briefing concentrates on the domestic situation and recommends areas of needed reforms as the country heads into a crucial political cycle. A recent spate of bombings in Tbilisi, which the Georgians said had been ordered by a Russian military officer in Abkhazia – a claim denied by Moscow – adds to the uncertainty.
Abstract: This issue includes the following articles:
- AQAP’s Soft Power Strategy in Yemen
- Developing Policy Options for the
AQAP Threat in Yemen
- The Role of Non-Violent Islamists
in Europe
- The Evolution of Iran’s Special
Groups in Iraq
- Fragmentation in the North Caucasus
Insurgency
- Assessing the Success of Leadership
Targeting
- Revolution Muslim:
Downfall or Respite?
Abstract: The Convention on Cluster Munitions is the only viable solution to ending the scourge of cluster munitions, Human Rights Watch said in a new book released today. As diplomats in Geneva opened discussions on a weak alternative, Human Rights Watch said that eliminating the harm caused by these inhumane weapons requires the absolute and comprehensive ban contained in the convention.
The 224-page book, Meeting the Challenge: Protecting Civilians through the Convention on Cluster Munitions, is the culmination of a decade of research by Human Rights Watch. It details the humanitarian toll of cluster munitions, analyzes the international process that resulted in the treaty successfully banning them, and presents the steps that nations that have signed the convention should take to fulfill its promise.
"The facts on the ground leave no doubt that cluster munitions inevitably kill and maim many civilians," said Bonnie Docherty, senior researcher in the arms division at Human Rights Watch. "Nations serious about stopping this suffering should join the ban convention and not settle for ineffective half-measures."
Abstract: The present report, covering the period 1 August 2009 to 31 July 2010, is the
sixth annual report of the International Criminal Court submitted to the United
Nations. It covers the main developments in the activities of the Court and other
developments of relevance to the relationship between the Court and the United
Nations. The Court is seized of five situations. The situations in Uganda, the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and the Central African Republic were each previously
referred to the Court by those States, themselves Parties to the Rome Statute. The
situation in Darfur, the Sudan was referred by the United Nations Security Council.
In each case, the Prosecutor decided that there was a reasonable basis to open
investigations. During the reporting period, Pre-Trial Chamber II authorized the
Prosecutor to initiate an investigation into the situation in Kenya in relation to crimes
against humanity committed between 1 June 2005 and 26 November 2009. Further,
the Office of the Prosecutor is conducting preliminary examinations in various
situations, including in Afghanistan, Colombia, Côte d’Ivoire, Georgia, Guinea and
Palestine.
Abstract: With the adoption of the State Strategy for Internally Displaced Persons-Persecuted (IDPs)
in 2007, the government of Georgia exhibited a policy shift. While continuing to maintain
return as a settlement option for IDPs, the strategy also supports the integration of IDPs at
their current residence. Before the adoption of this strategy, state policy and public discourse
indicated that the only potentially durable settlement option for IDPs was to return to their
places of origin. The 2007 strategy marked an increased willingness to invest to improve the
situation of IDPs now and not only in the event of return.
The government showed genuine will to implement the new strategy after the August 2008
war with Russia. It acknowledged that IDPs displaced in the 1990s and 2008 would not be
returning home in the near future and revised its action plan accordingly. Significant
national and international resources have been mobilised for IDPs since the war, which have
mainly been devoted to housing initiatives. Permanent housing is indeed one of the main
outstanding displacement-related needs of IDPs, in addition to remedies for lost property;
their other needs include economic opportunities and improved access to health care and
education, though these may be shared by some of their non-displaced neighbours.
Abstract: This issue of the Caucasus Analytical Digest examines the importance of religion in the South Caucasus. First, Robia Charles examines the nature of religiosity in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. Second, Harutyun Harutyunyan analyzes the role of the Armenian church during military conflicts, arguing that the Armenian church legitimized the use of violence, especially during the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict (1988–1994). Third, Kimitaka Matsuzato assesses the strategies for survival of the Orthodox communities in Transnistria, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia. Finally, Ruslan Baramidze examines the differences among Muslim communities in highland and lowland areas of the Autonomous Republic of Adjara.
Abstract: The report takes stock of the implementation of the six principles for urgent human rights and humanitarian protection which he formulated in the aftermath of the conflict. They are: right to return; right of displaced persons to care and support; right to be protected against dangers from explosives and other remnants of war; right to protection against lawlessness; protection and releases of detainees and prevention of hostage-taking; international assistance and presence.
Nearly all of the over 100 000 persons who had been temporarily displaced by the conflict from the Shida Kartli region including areas adjacent to South Ossetia returned to their homes by the end of 2008. However, the overwhelming majority of ethnic Georgians who have fled South Ossetia have not been in a position to return. “Hardly any progress has been achieved with regard to returns of these displaced persons. All relevant actors must ensure safe, voluntary and dignified return, as well as unimpeded freedom of movement in the areas affected by the conflict.”
The Commissioner urges the Georgian authorities to continue granting the status of internally displaced persons (IDPs) without discrimination to all those who cannot now return to their place of residence. “The very difficult situation of those who remain displaced from the August 2008 conflict, as well as from earlier conflicts, needs an urgent solution. Access to food, water, sanitation and basic services should be adequately secured as well as durable housing solutions for tens of thousands of IDPs.”
Abstract: “Regrettably, there have been serious shortcomings in the process of clarifying the fate of missing persons and ensuring accountability for the perpetrators of illegal acts”. With these words, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, Thomas Hammarberg, published today a report prepared by two international experts, whom he recruited to monitor investigations concerning the treatment and fate of certain missing persons on all sides during and after the armed conflict. This report shows that although there have been serious allegations implicating the involvement of law enforcement officials in certain cases of disappearances which occurred after the August 2008 conflict, the operational conduct of the investigation was not kept separate from the service to which the officials implicated belonged.
Abstract: The North Caucasus experienced another deadly summer (May 1 – August 31, 2010). Although Chechnya and Ingushetia saw comparatively less violence than they did in Summer 2009, we observed a troubling rise in the level of violence in Dagestan and Kabardino-Balkaria. Dagestan proved the most deadly republic in the region, while Kabardio-Balkaria, normally a relatively quiet republic, incurred levels of violence surpassing Chechnya.
Since 2008, CSIS staff has tracked, on a daily basis, incidents of violence occurring in the North Caucasus. We have released seven previous reports, the last of whichillustrated the dramatic rise in violence in Spring 2010.
In this report, we present our data for Summer 2010 (May 1–August 31), paying particular attention to the geographic spread of the violence across the North Caucasus, most notably into Kabardino-Balkaria.
Abstract: This report focuses on the obligations of the Georgian government in areas under its effective
control, documenting and analysing the human rights situation on the ground for both those
displaced during the 90’s, as well as those displaced as a result of the war in August 2008.
It provides an overview of some of the most pressing issues faced by internally displaced
persons in Georgia, focusing on the Georgian government’s obligation to respect, protect and
fulfil their economic, social and cultural rights.
Beyond this main focus, the report also highlights issues such as the security and human
rights of people in other situations, such as those who have returned to areas which are
under the effective control of the de facto authorities in the self-proclaimed breakaway
regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, or the villages adjacent to the Administrative
Boundary Line (ABL), where they still face security risks. Such concerns require cooperation
among all parties of the conflict in order to be effectively addressed.
Some of the main concerns addressed in this report include the ongoing lack of adequate
housing, especially for these in protracted displacement, high poverty and unemployment
among the displaced people and barriers to access to healthcare and livelihood/employment
opportunities. The report also provides an overview and analysis of some of the government
programmes and policies dealing with the displaced, highlighting the issues of concern such
as the lack of planning, coordination and consultation with these communities, which often
hinder effectiveness and result in a failure to implement these programmes and policies in
ways that safeguard the human rights of the supposed beneficiaries.
Abstract: This paper was commissioned by UNHCR’s Policy Development and Evaluation Service in order to capture UNHCR’s experience in IDP return and reintegration processes over the past decade, analyse the extent and depth of this involvement and the range of activities undertaken, identify challenges encountered and identify lessons and examples of good practice that could be used to further strengthen UNHCR’s engagement. It seeks to identify those elements which distinguish IDP returns from traditional voluntary repatriation operations for refugees, and to explain what this means for UNHCR’s operational engagement. International support for the pursuit of durable solutions is an inherently inter-agency effort. The paper is divided into two parts. The first provides an overview of the background and rationales for UNHCR’s involvement in IDP return processes, and explores the roles the agency has played and the operational activities undertaken. The second part consists of six case studies (Colombia, Georgia, Pakistan, Southern Sudan, Sri Lanka and Uganda), in which operational challenges and good practices are explored in more detail.
