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Abstract: This Policy Brief examines the real and imagined influence of al-Qa‘ida in North Africa and the Sahel. Despite a perception of the transnationalization of terrorist movements in North Africa under al-Qa‘ida’s banner, robust evidence of an effective al-Qa‘ida’s expansion in the Maghreb and the Sahara/Sahel region remains elusive at best. Rather, doubts about al-Qa‘ida’s actual threat and the efficacy of international response in the context of pervasive state failure in the Sahel raise questions regarding the policy objectives of US-led counter-terrorism in the region.
Abstract: The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has witnessed
unprecedented civil unrest since 16 February
2011. As the security situation deteriorated and
casualties mounted, many countries called on
their citizens to leave the country.
Before the crisis, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya
reportedly hosted over 2.5 million migrant workers
from neighbouring countries, as well as Africa and
Asia. Thousands of these workers have fled the
country since the outbreak of violence, and many
governments have requested assistance from the
International Organization for Migration (IOM) to
ensure the safe and timely return home of their
nationals. As of 28 May, over 885,600 persons,
including Libyans, have crossed the Libyan border,
with thousands more waiting to cross the border
or stranded at sea and in airports.
The purpose of this report is to provide a cumulative
overview of the evacuation operations of IOM and
its partners over the past three months through
28 May, supplemented with graphs and photos to
provide more detail. In addition to the macro-level
information, highlights of activities and caseload at
the country level are also presented in subsequent
sections. The report’s final section gives a human
face to the crisis through the personal accounts
of migrants and TCNs who benefited from IOM
assistance.
Abstract: This paper identifies the factors linked to cross-country differentials in growth performance in the aftermath of social conflict for 30 sub-Saharan African countries using panel data techniques. Our results show that changes in the terms of trade are the most important correlate of economic performance in post-conflict environments. This variable is typically associated with an increase in the marginal probability of positive economic performance by about 30 percent. Institutional quality emerges as the second most important factor. Foreign aid is shown to have very limited ability to explain differentials in growth performance, and other policy variables such as trade openness are not found to have a statistically significant effect. The results suggest that exogenous factors ("luck") are an important factor in post-conflict recovery. They also highlight the importance in post-conflict settings of policies to mitigate the macroeconomic impact of terms of trade volatility (including countercyclical macroeconomic policies and innovative financing instruments) and of policies to promote export diversification.
Abstract: I consider it a singular honour to have been invited today by Chatham House
to address this august forum. The Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS), which I represent, is a regional organisation which has,
over the years, gained your attention only for the unfortunate reasons of state
implosion and instability caused by bad governance and marginalisation. I
therefore welcome the opportunity to throw further light on its objectives,
challenges, and achievements, which factors have effectively brought
together fifteen West African states in the enterprise of improving upon the
living standards of 230 million people as well as integrating them.
The term ‘Chatham House Rule’ is today an internationally-accepted cliché
that this Institute has contributed to international diplomacy discourse, a
reference norm in rigorous and policy-oriented exchanges on global peace
and security. I therefore view your invitation to lead today’s discourse about
‘Democracy in the context of Regional Integration in West Africa’ as an
unique honour for me personally, and a recognition of ECOWAS as a leading
brand in regional integration.
Ladies and gentlemen, the evolution of ECOWAS can only be properly
understood against the backdrop of the fascinating history and circumstances
of West Africa since establishing contact with the world beyond its borders.
The fact that slavery, colonialism, as well as racial and economic
marginalisation, had left an intrinsic yearning for freedom, unity and solidarity
among peoples of African descent everywhere defines its wish to integrate its
states and peoples.
Abstract: The level of women’s participation in armed violence in Africa is determined by the nature and
typology of conflict. Using prior research as a data source, the article examines the nature of
women’s participation in on-going and recently-concluded armed conflicts in 15 countries in Africa.
Based upon data that show variations, and similarities in the contextual conditions under which
women become war participants, this article presents three kinds of wars, and the conditions that
distinguish them from one another, as a theoretical framework in analysing women’s involvement in
Africa’s armed conflicts. The findings show that in ‘resources/opportunistic’ driven wars, women’s
participation is higher and more complex when compared to ‘ethno-religious’ and
‘secessionist/autonomy’ driven wars. Moreover, this paper finds that women’s participation can be
active and passive; coerced and voluntary.
Abstract: This special research report provides an analysis of a set of new issues that have been emerging in the West African subregion and possible implications for the Security Council in the coming year(s). It identifies some key emerging threats to peace and security in the 16-state subregion and their linkages to existing security challenges. The report points to a key feature: the fact that some of the new threats are essentially criminal rather than political in nature. However, it explains also the growing political and security implications. The report also highlights action already taken by the Council to recognise these threats and considers options available to the Council to tackle these issues going forward.
The raw material for the study was derived from literature research; field research in a number of countries in the West African subregion (including Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Senegal, Ghana and Nigeria); and interviews in the region with diplomats, government officials and officials of relevant international intergovernmental bodies (e.g. UN Office in West Africa or UNOWA, UN Office for Drugs and Crime or UNODC, the Economic Community of West African States or ECOWAS and the AU), NGOs and academics.
Abstract: Human Security Research is a monthly publication by the Human Security Report Project (HSRP) which compiles the latest human security-related research published by university research institutes, think-tanks, governments, IGOs and NGOs. This publication highlights recent research on the protection of civilians in armed conflict and the foundation documents underpinning the issues. The contents are:
TRENDS: Protection of Civilians in 2010: Facts, Figures, and the UN Security Council’s Response
RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT: The UN Security Council and the Responsibility to Protect: Policy, Process, and Practice
CIVILIAN CASUALTIES: Who Takes the Blame? The Strategic Effects of Collateral Damage
CHILDREN: In Their Words: Perspectives of Armed Non-State Actors on the Protection of Children from the Effects of Armed Conflict
INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW: Privileging Asymmetric Warfare?: Defender Duties Under International Humanitarian Law
MYANMAR: Self-Protection Under Strain: Targeting of Civilians and Local Responses in Northern Karen State
HUMANITARIAN RELIEF: Incorporating Protection into Humanitarian Action: Approaches and Limits
PEACE OPERATIONS: Challenges of Strengthening the Protection of Civilians in Multidimensional Peace Operations
CHAD: Protecting Civilians Against Sexual and Gender-Based Violence in Eastern Chad
PEACE OPERATIONS: Enhancing Civilian Protection in Peace Operations: Insights from Africa
ARMS: Meeting the Challenges: Protecting Civilians through the Convention on Cluster Munitions
Abstract: "From 2003 to 2009 the governments of Chad and Sudan engaged in a fierce
proxy war waged through the provision of material support to each other’s
armed opposition forces. Chad’s support for the Darfur armed opposition was
motivated by key individuals in the innermost circle of the government, exac-
erbated by direct family ties with Darfur rebel leaders. Sudan’s conviction that
Chad’s backing would remain as long as President Idriss Déby remained in
power provided the impulse to support Chadian rebel efforts to depose him.
The war culminated in armed opposition attacks on N’Djaména in April 2006
and February 2008 and an assault on Khartoum in May 2008. [...] This Working Paper reviews the specific circumstances of the recent Chad–Sudan rapprochement and the series of events that took place to bring this
extremely divisive six-year conflict to a close. The study focuses specifically on
the effects of the rapprochement on the armed opposition movements and the
internal crises facing each country."
Abstract: The Portfolio of Mine Action Projects is a resource tool and reference document for donors, policy-makers, advocates, and national and international mine action implementers. The country and territory-specific proposals in the portfolio reflect strategic responses developed in the field to address all aspects of the problem of landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW). This country and territory-based approach aims to present as comprehensive a picture as possible of the full range of mine action needs in particular countries and thematic issues related to mine action. The portfolio ideally reflects projects developed by mine- and ERW-affected countries and territories based on their priorities and strategies; the approaches are endorsed by national authorities. The portfolio does not automatically entail full-scale direct mine action assistance by the United Nations, but is in essence a tool for collaborative resource mobilization, coordination and planning of mine action activities involving partners and stakeholders. A country portfolio coordinator (CPC) leads each country portfolio team and coordinates the submission of proposals to the portfolio’s headquarters team. While the majority of the CPCs are UN officials, this role is increasingly being assumed by national authorities. The country portfolio teams include representatives from national and local authorities, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the United Nations and the private sector. Locally based donor representatives are invited to attend preparation meetings. Each portfolio chapter contains a synopsis of the scope of the landmine and ERW problem, a description of how mine action is coordinated, and a snapshot of local mine action strategies. Many of the strategies complement or are integrated into broader development and humanitarian frameworks such as national development plans, the UN development assistance frameworks and national poverty reduction plans. This 14th edition of the annual Portfolio of Mine Action Projects features overviews and project outlines for 29 countries, territories or missions affected by landmines and explosive remnants of war. There are 238 projects in the 2011 portfolio. Africa accounts for the largest number: 92.
Abstract: Despite the religious diversity in sub‐Saharan Africa and the religious overtones in a number
of African conflicts, social science research has inadequately addressed the question of how
and to what extent religion matters for conflict in Africa. This paper presents an innovative
data inventory on religion and violent conflict in all sub‐Saharan countries for the period
1990–2008 that seeks to contribute to filling the gap. The data underscore that religion has to
be accounted for in conflict in Africa. Moreover, results show the multidimensionality (e.g.
armed conflicts with religious incompatibilities, several forms of non‐state religious violence)
and ambivalence (inter‐religious networks, religious peace initiatives) of religion vis‐à‐vis violence.
In 22 of the 48 sub‐Saharan countries, religion plays a substantial role in violence, and
six countries in particular—Chad, Congo‐Brazzaville, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Sudan and Uganda—
are heavily affected by different religious aspects of violence.
Abstract: Depuis plus de cinq ans, alors que la rébellion armée de
l’Est du Tchad et la crise du Darfour focalisent l’attention,
le Nord-ouest du pays a suscité peu d’intérêts. Cependant,
l’ampleur de plus en plus grande du trafic international de
drogues et du terrorisme dans la bande sahélo-saharienne,
l’émergence d’un islamisme combattant dans les pays
voisins, l’intensification des ressentiments intercommunautaires
et l’érosion des mécanismes de justice traditionnelle,
la sous-administration et l’abandon qui caractérisent
la politique gouvernementale à l’égard de cette région,
risquent de devenir des facteurs de déstabilisation. Les
autorités tchadiennes doivent changer de mode de gouvernance
dans cette région et désamorcer les différentes
sources de tensions ou les risques de déstabilisation avant
que ceux-ci n’atteignent un seuil critique.
Historiquement, la région Nord-ouest a joué le rôle ambivalent
de trait d’union et d’opposition entre les cultures de
l’Afrique du Nord arabo-musulmane et celles de l’Afrique
noire. Actuellement, elle est la cible de tentatives d’infiltrations
de la part de groupes armés et de bandes criminelles
profitant de la porosité du désert saharien pour étendre
leur champ d’activité. L’islamisme combattant qui sévit
au Nord du Nigeria (la secte Boko Haram) et al-Qaeda
au Maghreb islamique (AQMI) qui opère dans certains
Etats du Sahel y font sentir leur influence diffuse mais
réelle. Si jusqu’à présent ce dangereux voisinage n’a pas
eu d’effet déstabilisateur, une plus grande vigilance est
néanmoins de mise.
Abstract: La Mission des Nations unies en République centrafricaine et au Tchad (MINURCAT) a clôturé ses activités en décembre 2010, à la veille des élections générales dans les deux pays. La fragilité de ses acquis résulte des faiblesses de son mandat, essentiellement humanitaire alors que les problèmes sont politiques. Ainsi la mission a dû gérer les conséquences d’une situation sur laquelle elle ne pouvait pas intervenir. En outre, la lenteur de son déploiement a contribué à la discréditer. Enfin, le retrait des Casques bleus des zones occupées par les rébellions a privé les populations de ces régions de la possibilité de participer aux élections dans des conditions de sécurité suffisantes. Plus globalement, la MINURCAT illustre la valeur ajoutée d’un partenariat entre l’ONU et l’UE et rend compte des défis de la gestion des crises actuelles : d’une part, concilier deux principes contradictoires, à savoir la souveraineté des États et la responsabilité de protéger ; et d’autre part, déployer une opération de maintien de la paix lorsque les conditions de paix ne sont pas remplies.
Abstract: Children in Chad are still being used by the Chadian army and Sudanese and Chadian armed groups. Thousands have joined up in recent years as the Darfur conflict over the border in Sudan has engulfed eastern Chad. Some children have been forcibly recruited. Others are urged by their communities to avenge killings and pillage by armed groups. Amnesty International is calling on the Chadian and Sudanese governments, Chadian and Sudanese armed groups, and the international community, including the UN, to do more to protect the rights of children in eastern Chad.
This report is published as part of a campaign by Amnesty International members to end the
recruitment of children to armed forces and groups in Chad. It is based on research
conducted in eastern Chad and in the Chadian capital, N’Djamena, in April/May 2009,
March 2010, May/June 2010 and September/October 2010.
Abstract: The purpose of this updated report is to supplement two earlier special studies published in 2009 and January 2010: “Why the Maghreb Matters: Threats, Opportunities, and Options for Effective Engagement in North Africa” (March 2009) was co-sponsored by the Conflict Management Program of the John Hopkins University jointly with the Potomac Institute for Policy Studies. The second report, “Maghreb & Sahel Terrorism: Addressing the Rising Threat from al-Qaeda and other Terrorists in North and West/Central Africa”(January 2010), was published by the International Center for Terrorism Studies at the Potomac Institute for Policy Studies
In sum, a coherent and firm US policy vis-à-vis the threats of terrorism in Maghreb and Sahel would increase domestic public understanding and support in the US for sustained engagement with the nations of North and West/Central Africa. The updated documents incorporated in this report, particularly the statistical tables and terrorism chronology covering the period September 11, 2001 – December 31, 2010 make it clear that constructive and sustained engagement is vital, employing both “hard” (security, military, intelligence cooperation) and “soft” elements (economic and social development creating employment opportunities, education that equips students/trainees for jobs, and reduction of religious radicalism). Otherwise, the US, the EU, and our friends in the region will remain hostages to, and targets of, these ideological, theological, and political terrorists for the remainder of the 21st century.
Abstract: With all eyes on southern Sudan, those
interested in the stability of the wider
region would be well advised not to
overlook current and future events
occupying Sudan’s western neighbours.
Abstract: Political crises and armed opposition movements have plagued Chad for several years.
After several failed peace initiatives, the August 13 Agreement was reached in 2007. The agreement is the most viable framework for bringing peace to Chad. It calls on the Chadian government to reform critical electoral institutions, undertake a credible electoral census and demilitarize politics in order to ensure fair and transparent elections.
To date, the agreement has been poorly implemented. It jeopardizes the credibility of the upcoming legislative elections, currently scheduled for February 2011.
Only comprehensive reform that addresses the development and governance challenges facing Chad will definitively end its political crisis.
Abstract: More than four years after internal conflict,
inter-ethnic violence and attacks by bandits
forced hundreds of thousands to flee their
homes in eastern Chad, around 170,000
people, most of them women and children,
are still internally displaced and unable to
return home in safety and dignity.
According to the UN, by September 2010
about 48,000 internally displaced people
(IDPs) had been able to return to their
villages of origin, mostly in the Ouaddai
and Dar Sila regions.
Insecurity in their villages and the
proliferation of small arms are preventing
them from returning home. The lack of
basic services such as access to drinking
water, health and education in their villages
of origin is another obstacle.
The presence of the UN mission in the
Central African Republic and Chad
(MINURCAT) has helped to reduce
insecurity and human rights violations
in some areas of eastern Chad, including in
IDP camps. Although human rights abuses
by Chadian and Sudanese armed groups
and Chadian security forces have continued,
including the recruitment of child soldiers
and sexual and gender-based violence, the
incidence of these crimes has reduced. Now
there are fears that the planned withdrawal
of MINURCAT by 31 December 2010 will
jeopardize these improvements in security.
Abstract: This report focuses on conflict-related violence against internally displaced women and girls in the department of Dar Sila in eastern Chad. It investigates how the problem has changed over time, analyses the responses of the Chadian government and humanitarian community, and reviews the legal frameworks for protecting the human rights of survivors of violence.
IDMC conducted a mission to eastern Chad in April 2009, and met internally displaced women, men, and girls, displaced women’s groups, displaced village leaders, gender-based violence committees, traditional leaders, members of civil society organisations and human rights defenders, as well as national and international aid workers, government officials, and UN staff (including peacekeepers and police). All interviews with displaced women and girls were conducted in adherence to the World Health Organization’s ethical and safety recommendations for researching, documenting and monitoring sexual violence in emergencies. IDMC also reviewed national laws and international legal instruments that protect the rights of women and girls.
The terms “gender-based violence” and “violence against women” are often used interchangeably. There is a tendency to associate gender with women and to use the term “gender-based violence” only in reference to violence against women and girls; however it includes violence against men and boys that results from gender roles or expectations, such as the forced recruitment of boys into armed forces. This report uses the narrower term “violence against women and girls” because it does not investigate gender-based violence against internally displaced men and boys.
As of October 2010, there were 171,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) living in 38 camps in eastern Chad. Roughly one in five members of the local population was internally displaced. They had been forcibly displaced as a result of internal armed conflict, inter-ethnic violence over land and natural resources, and attacks by bandits.
Abstract: Civilians in countries ravaged by armed conflict continue to bear the brunt of ongoing hostilities, and both governments and international peacekeeping operations are too often failing to prevent atrocities. Efforts made by peacekeeping missions in conflict-affected regions, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo and southern Sudan, show that it is possible to do more, even within existing constraints. But much more needs to be done. While there is no substitute for political will, peacekeeping missions can save lives by engaging more effectively with the communities they are trying to protect.
Abstract: On May 20, 2010, USIP and the International Peace Institute brought together some of Chad’s national, regional and international stakeholders to discuss Chad’s democratization, the regional security dynamics and the management of the oil sector.
Electoral reform, as called for in Chad’s 2007 “August 13 Political Agreement,” has been poorly implemented, endangering the credibility of the upcoming February legislative elections.
Improvements in regional security prompted the Chadian government to request the departure of the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT), which was charged with securing and providing humanitarian relief along the Chad-Central African Republic border. However, many question if Chadian forces can fill the security gap.
Oil exports have significantly increased Chad’s budget, with most of these gains being invested in the military. The improved regional security provides an opportunity to invest in sectors such as education, health care, and development, which have been neglected.
Abstract: Chad hosts over 249,000 refugees from the Darfur region and the ongoing insecurity south of Abéché in eastern Chad has prevented roughly 168,000 internally displaced Chadians from returning
home. While rebel incursions and cross-border violence has diminished, civilians in eastern Chad continue to be victims of chronic banditry and indiscriminate violence. Still, in January 2010, promising that it could ensure the safety of civilians within its borders, the government of Chad requested
the withdrawal of the U.N.’s 3,300 peacekeepers. This peace brief discusses the challenges and accomplishments of the U.N. Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT) and the concerns surrounding its impending withdrawal; it concludes with recommendations to ensure continued civilian protection.On May 20, 2010, USIP and the International Peace Institute brought together • some of Chad’s
national, regional and international stakeholders to discuss Chad’s democratization, the
regional security dynamics and the management of the oil sector.
Electoral reform, as called for in Chad’s 2007 “August 13 Political Agreement,” has been poorly
implemented, endangering the credibility of the upcoming February legislative elections.
Improvements in regional security prompted the Chadian government to request the departure
of the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT),
which was charged with securing and providing humanitarian relief along the Chad-Central
African Republic border. However, many question if Chadian forces can fill the security gap.
Oil exports have significantly increased Chad’s budget, with most of these gains being
invested in the military. The improved regional security provides an opportunity to invest in
sectors such as education, health care, and development, which have been neglected.
Abstract: This paper aims to appraise and map the security challenges that have faced West African countries since independence with a special focus on the period after 1990. It also assesses the efforts made by various national, regional, continental and extra-African actors and makes suggestions on how the shortcomings in these efforts could be improved. An effort is made to show the evolution of at least some of the challenges over the years, in the hope that this could contribute to a better formulation of policy responses.
The study is based on extensive review of existing literature, complemented by field research in the region undertaken in July and August 2010, in addition to general familiarity with the region from many previous research visits on related subjects.
Without neglecting other issues that could be considered as security threats, and without attempting any hierarchical ordering of these threats, the paper focuses on the following six major issues: i) armed conflict, ii) military coups and unconstitutional changes of government; iii) mismanagement of electoral processes; iv) transnational criminality, particularly drug trafficking, terrorism and maritime piracy in the Gulf of Guinea; v) poverty and illiteracy; vi) climate change and environmental degradation.
Abstract: This is SCR’s third Cross-Cutting Report on Protection of Civilians. It builds on our previous reports (see related document URL 1 and 2) and offers a resource for systematically tracking the Security Council’s work on this issue.
This 2010 report reviews developments at the thematic level (focusing on events of 2010) since our last cross-cutting report of October 2009 and offers a statistical analysis of Council action in country-specific situations in 2009 compared with the previous five years. (It also touches on important developments in 2010.) Two case studies are presented—on Chad and Somalia—offering a more in-depth view of the dilemmas the Council faces in addressing protection needs. There is also a section on special issues related to protection in the peacekeeping context. As always in SCR’s publications, some future possible options for the Council are outlined. The options section is not intended as an exhaustive list, but rather offers some suggestions.
In the period covered by this report, protection of civilians has remained a major issue in the Council’s work. While there were perhaps fewer acute conflict-related crises than identified in our last report, the situation for civilians in Somalia, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Chad in particular, but also elsewhere, remained serious or deteriorated.
Our analysis indicates that the Council has now begun more systematically to address protection of civilians concerns in situations on its agenda than it has ever done before. At the same time, major divisions in the Council remain as to when and where force should be used to protect civilians. This gap was exposed in 2009 (as in previous years) in discussions on Sudan and the DRC.
