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Abstract: This report documents numerous abuses during renewed fighting in the past year by parties to the 20-year-long conflict in Somalia. These include the Islamist armed group al-Shabaab, the Somali Transitional Federal Government, the African Union peacekeeping forces, and Kenya- and Ethiopia-backed Somali militias. The report also examines abuses by the Kenyan police and crimes committed by bandits in neighboring Kenya against Somali refugees.
Abstract: Politics, Religion and Power in the Great Lakes Region covers the political, religious and power relations in the contemporary Great Lakes States : Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Tanzania, Kenya and the Sudan. The work is important because of the nexus between these countries’ shared present and past - their political, socio-economic, cultural and historical aspirations. In terms of regional cooperation, they are the countries, save for the DRC and the Sudan, which form the current East African Community.
The book reflects on the complex dynamics and strategies of the ensuing power struggle, bringing forth a unique set of fascinating revelations of patterns of primitive capital accumulation, resistance, human rights violations and the political compromises between traditional enemies when confronted by a common (foreign) enemy. A critical analysis of the political distortion the region suffered brings to light the relevance of these divisive tools on the current trends in the African countries, drawing inferences from the African Great Lakes Region (GLR).
The study highlights how the conflicts were finally resolved to avert a serious war, thus bringing about new reforms. This history is instructive to the contemporary reader because of the frequent skirmishes caused by ethnic and religious differences, political and territorial conflicts as well as resource and leadership disputes in the GLR.
Abstract: The main aim of emergency response funds - ERFs - is to provide rapid and flexible funding to in-country actors to address unforeseen humanitarian needs.There are currently 14 stand-alone ERFs in operation.
This report provides information and data on these ERFs, including donors to the funds, implementing agencies and sector analysis. The document also provides brief case studies of the use of the funds in Kenya and Somalia.
Abstract: It would be hard to conceive of two States that offer greater contrasts than
Somalia and Eritrea: the former, a collapsed State for over two decades, with no
functional national institutions; the latter, possessing the most highly centralized,
militarized and authoritarian system of government on the African continent. From a
sanctions monitoring perspective, however, the two countries present very similar
challenges: in both cases, power is concentrated in the hands of individuals rather
than institutions and is exercised through largely informal and often illicit networks
of political and financial control. Leaders in both countries often depend more
heavily on political and economic support from foreign Governments and diaspora
networks than from the populations within their own borders. And both countries —
in very different ways — serve as platforms for foreign armed groups that represent a
grave and increasingly urgent threat to peace and security in the Horn and East
Africa region.
More than half of Somali territory is controlled by responsible, comparatively
stable authorities that have demonstrated, to varying degrees, their capacity to
provide relative peace and security to their populations. Without exception, the
administrations of Somaliland, Puntland, Gaalmudug, and “Himan iyo Heeb”
evolved independently of centralized State-building initiatives, from painstaking,
organic local political processes. Much of Galguduud region is controlled by anti-Al-
Shabaab clan militias loosely unified under the umbrella of Ahlu Sunna wal Jama’a
(ASWJ), but lacks a functional authority. Consolidation of and cooperation between
such entities represents the single most effective strategy for countering threats like
extremism and piracy, while expanding peace and security in Somalia.
Abstract: This paper documents the opinions of victims of human rights violations in Kenya about the country’s unfolding transitional justice process. The first section gives background into the human rights violations; the second section presents victims ideas about reparative justice. The report recommends implementing an urgent reparations program to address the needs of the most vulnerable victims, as well as establishing a process to lead to a more comprehensive reparations program in the future.
Abstract: The East African region has long confronted the challenge of small arms and
light weapons (SALW) proliferation. The history of small arms in the region goes back
to pre-colonial times, when sprawling gun markets existed in Maji, south-western
Ethiopia. At that time the Karamoja region (including those areas currently under
Kenyan and Ugandan administration) was a key destination for incoming arms.
Subsequently the anti-colonial Mau Mau struggle in 1950s Kenya is believed to have
introduced arms to urban areas, while recurrent instability in late 20th Century
Uganda worsened the small arms situation there.
Many linked factors drive demand for small arms in contemporary Kenya and Uganda.
At the local level, inter-group animosities between ethnic groups or clans in poorly
policed and under-developed pastoralist-inhabited areas are a key factor.1 Pastoralist
groups inhabit arid or semi-arid areas and are naturally in competition for scarce water
points and pastureland. Although low-intensity violence, above all revolving around
cattle raiding, has been an enduring feature of the region, the influx of automatic
weaponry has transformed its nature, intensified its human cost and transformed a
range of societal relationships.2 In the absence of effective and accessible state security
provision in these areas, small arms are naturally seen as a guarantor of security. In
turn localised illicit arms transfers are also a source of income.
Abstract: This working paper is written against a background of continued formation of national
co-ordination mechanisms for the control of SALW globally and the persistent
question as to whether existing and emerging structures are living up to expectations.
It assesses the achievements and challenges faced by two such structures, namely the
National Focal Points for SALW (NFPs) control in Kenya and Uganda, while also
examining the record of a supporting regional body, the Regional Centre on Small
Arms (RECSA). Preliminary conclusions and recommendations are drawn at the
end of the paper targeting RECSA, the two governments and also external actors like
donors and civil society. A combination of desk research and selected interviews with
NFP staff and external stakeholders informed the research.
Kenya and Uganda have been selected for analysis because they were among the first
countries in the East African region to establish co-ordination bodies following agreement
of the Nairobi Declaration on the Problem of the Proliferation of the Illicit Small
Arms and Light Weapons in the Great Lakes Region and Horn of Africa (the ‘Nairobi
Declaration’) in the year 2000 and as such have had sufficient time to demonstrate
both successes and failings. The paper does not claim to be a comprehensive study on
the effectiveness of NFPs in the region as this would require more substantial research
and many more case studies. It does however provide an overview of the issues affecting
SALW control efforts in the region which can be built on in subsequent research.
Abstract: East Africa is facing the worst food crisis of the 21st Century. Across Ethiopia, Somalia, and Kenya, 12 million people are in dire need of food, clean water, and basic sanitation. Loss of life on a massive scale is a very real risk, and the crisis is set to worsen over the coming months, particularly for pastoralist communities.
The overall international donor response to this humanitarian crisis has been slow and inadequate. According to UN figures, $1bn is required to meet immediate needs. So far donors have committed less than $200m, leaving an $800m black hole.
While severe drought has undoubtedly led to the huge scale of the disaster, this crisis has been caused by people and policies, as much as by weather patterns. If more action had been taken earlier it could have helped mitigate the severity of the current crisis. It is no coincidence that the worst affected areas are those suffering from entrenched poverty due to marginalisation and lack of investment.
A rapid increase in emergency aid is needed right now to save lives and protect livelihoods, so that people can rebuild once the crisis is over. National governments and donors must prioritise addressing the issues that make people vulnerable in the first place.
There’s no time to waste. We must not stand by and watch this tragedy unfold.
Abstract: This report provides an overview of the CSIS study series examining the risks of instability in 10 African countries over the next decade. The 10 papers are designed to be complementary but can also be read individually as self-standing country studies. The overview draws on common themes and explains the methodology underpinning the research. The project was commissioned by the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM). The papers in this series are not meant to offer hard and fast predictions about the future. While they sketch out some potential scenarios for the next 10 years, these efforts should be treated as thought experiments that look at how different dynamics might converge to create the conditions for instability. The intention is not to single out countries believed to be at risk of impending disaster and make judgments about how they will collapse. Few, if any, of the countries in this series are at imminent risk of breakdown. All of them have coping mechanisms that militate against conflict, and discussions of potential “worst-case scenarios” have to be viewed with this qualification in mind.
Abstract: The author examines the city as a site in which the provision of public goods and services for citizens is demanded and provided through the transfer of central state revenues. The relationship between state and citizens is not conceived simply in the relatively passive and limiting terms of welfare delivery, but rather within the broader arena of social rights, understood as a core component of substantive citizenship – an important characteristic of developmental states. The focus of the paper is derived from the recognition that social rights, notably access to land and housing, are of particular importance in cities. Conflicts over the appropriate use of land are more likely to arise in urban areas, and the high value of land combined with its potential to contribute to economic development mean that the state almost inevitably becomes involved in these conflicts. This paper's examination of the spatial aspects of social rights in urban areas gives rise to a discussion of the 'right to the city', and how the denial of this right can create increased tension and destabilisation in the cities of fragile states. The author outlines the theoretical basis for the paper with an examination of social rights and substantive citizenship, illustrated through the case of a housing movement of the urban poor in São Paulo, Brazil. The paper then develops the discussion of the link between social rights and state stability through a reading of a selection of CSRC case studies of cities in fragile states.
Abstract: Climate change is said to lead to conflict, as available resources dwindle and the competition for resources increases. From this perspective, the report “Climate to Conflict? Lessons from Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya” attempts to explain the relationship between environmental/climatic factors and the conflict dynamics in the Horn of Africa. Through its analysis and conclusion, it has shown that deterioration in the climate and environment alone may not lead to conflict, as local populations have learned to adapt to their environments. It is when it becomes connected with other social, political and economic factors that exacerbate scarcity that conflicts become more likely.
Abstract: Refugee situations are traditionally met with three durable solutions (local integration,
resettlement and repatriation) in the long-run, or self-settlement and encampment in
the interim. In recent years, however, some academics, institutions and policy makers
have increasingly highlighted the viability of refugee mobility to refugee situations,
and particularly to protracted situations where conventional responses remain elusive
or ineffective.
Through an analysis of Somali refugees in Kenya, and Afghan refugees in Iran and
Pakistan, this paper will argue that while mobility can represent a viable response, the
extent to which it does so is ultimately limited to certain individuals, contexts and
over time. In this sense, it would be inaccurate to either celebrate or negate altogether
the viability of mobility. Moving away from some of the more celebratory arguments for refugee mobility, this paper will maintain that the viability of mobility is best
conceptualised as a nuanced and individually, contextually and historically specific
process that remains therefore highly variable. This variability will be elaborated
throughout the paper, which will also seek to identify trends and patterns that
determine for whom, when, where, for what and why mobility represents a viable
response to refugee situations.
Abstract: This report collects statistics from a variety of sources on casualties sustained during Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF), which began on October 7, 2001, and is ongoing. OEF actions take place primarily in Afghanistan; however, OEF casualties also includes American casualties in Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Guantanamo Bay (Cuba), Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Jordan, Kenya, Kyrgyzstan, the Philippines, Seychelles, Sudan, Tajikistan, Turkey, and Yemen. Casualty data of U.S. military forces are compiled by the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD), as tallied from the agency's press releases. Also included are statistics on those wounded but not killed.
Because the estimates of Afghan casualties contained in this report are based on varying time periods and have been created using different methodologies, readers should exercise caution when using them and should look to them as guideposts rather than as statements of fact. This report will be updated as needed.
Abstract: In the aftermath of Kenya's 2008 postelection violence, U.S. Army Reserve Civil Affairs (CA) Teams began a series of school rehabilitation projects in the Rift Valley. The Combined Joint Task Force–Horn of Africa (CJTF–HOA) commissioned social science field research to evaluate the sociocultural impact of these projects. It was found that the local population generally welcomed the U.S. military's support and viewed CA Team members as a trusted presence in the community. School rehabilitation projects were well coordinated with the Kenyan government, NGOs, international organizations, and civic groups. However, interlocutors from the local communities who put their reputations on the line to introduce and support CA Team activities were not provided with all necessary information to adequately explain certain shortfalls in the process. Field interviews also revealed the importance of transparency in communication about objectives and motivations to secure local acceptance of the Kenyan military engagement in civilian-miltary operations. Lastly, strategic communications goals should be developed with a holistic view, since local communities tend not to differentiate between various groups within the U.S. military.
Abstract: Since the end of the Cold War, much international attention has focused on
identifying which factors within a mediation process contribute to sustainable
peace. Despite growing recognition of the importance
of inclusion, most mediation processes offer limited scope for the voices and
representation of women or for civil society more broadly. Women have been
found to strengthen peace accords by increasing attention to women’s priorities
such as human rights concerns and promoting reconciliation and security on
the ground.
Recent discussion around women’s participation in mediated peace processes
has led to a more nuanced debate, which can be divided into two distinct areas:
the participation of women in peace processes, and the inclusion of issues of
importance to women in the substance of the talks. While these aspects are
closely linked, increased participation of women does not immediately lead to
addressing gender in the substance of mediation processes. Specific expertise
and attention, in addition to participation, is required. Both will have an impact
on the sustainability of a peace agreement, and both require attention and a
specific set of strategies. This distinction is brought into sharp relief with an
examination of the Kenya mediation process after the crisis following elections
in December 2007. While the Kenyan process has been hailed as an example
of good practice due to the high level and high profile of women involved,
this does not tell the full story – of both the successes and the challenges of
addressing gender issues in the mediation process.
Abstract: In creating the International Criminal Court (ICC), the drafters of the Rome Statute assigned primary responsibility for dealing with its specified crimes to national authorities. The ICC may exercise jurisdiction only where a state is not willing and able to carry out “genuine” investigations and prosecutions of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. This principle of complementarity not only sets forth a key test for admissibility of cases in The Hague; it also places a heavy burden on individual states to help achieve the Rome Statute’s overarching goal: ending impunity for grave atrocities.
Despite the wishes and best efforts of a host of governments, multilateral agencies, and
international actors, complementarity remains elusive in many places. This is due to an array of factors, including shortage of resources, lack of technical capacity, and absence of political will. Thus, over eight years after the Rome Statute came into effect, many questions remain about complementarity and how it can be furthered in countries scarred by mass crimes. These questions include: How has the international community supported post-conflict states in developing the capacity and will to carry out fair trials on the basis of genuine investigations and prosecutions? Are these efforts integrated into more general rule-of-law programming? How well are these efforts coordinated among donors and between donors and recipient governments? And What lessons can be learned for ongoing and future efforts to support complementarity?
In February and March 2010 and then again in September and October 2010, the Open
Society Foundations conducted assessments in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC),
Uganda, and Kenya in an attempt to develop more detailed answers to these and related
questions. This report seeks to address such questions, and in doing so, to promote
complementarity and ultimately help end impunity. The report focuses on DRC, Uganda, and Kenya because all three countries have suffered recently from atrocity crimes that have resulted in ICC investigations. Further, all three have barriers to national level prosecutions.
However, the three countries also have the potential to conduct prosecutions and trials, if the right mix of resources, technical assistance, and political will were brought to bear. This report, then, seeks to examine the barriers to complementarity in DRC, Uganda, and Kenya, and the changes needed to overcome those barriers.
Abstract: The contemporary challenge facing the Nile basin countries is that of how to establish a legal framework for the utilization of its waters that is acceptable to all.
This issue brief provides a sketch of the major issues under discussion and summarizes the current state of the negotiations over the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA).
Negotiations for a CFA started in 1997 and have not yet been concluded. The CFA seeks to establish a permanent Nile River Basin Commission through which member countries would act together to manage and develop the resources of the river. The countries constituting the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI) are Burundi, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda.
There has been noticeable tension among the NBI countries due to disagreements over what constitutes the equitable utilization of water. Potential conflicts over the waters of the Nile River stem from the increased need for water for irrigation, as well as from the rise in the hydropower needs of the riparian countries.
Abstract: Kenya’s violations of the human rights of Somali refugees and asylum-seekers are putting thousands of lives at risk.
From life without peace to peace without life describes how thousands fleeing violence in Somalia are unable to find refuge, protection and lasting solutions in Kenya, due to the closure of the border between the two countries almost four years ago amid security concerns. Amnesty International describes how since the border was closed, Kenyan security forces have forcibly returned asylum-seekers and refugees to Somalia; demanded bribes and arbitrarily arrested and detained them. Somalis are regularly harassed by Kenyan police at the border areas, in the Dadaab refugee camps in north-eastern Kenya and in urban areas, including Nairobi. Amnesty International is calling on the Kenyan government to ensure that Somalis fleeing gross human rights abuses and indiscriminate violence are given refuge and adequate protection on Kenyan soil.
Abstract: While the international community has not succeeded in bringing stability to Somalia, it can succeed in improving the lives of Somali refugees. The single most important way the donor community can assist the Somali people is through increasing educational opportunities. Humanitarian assistance alone cannot meet the needs of three generations of Somali refugees. Donors and the United Nations must provide greater development funding to refugees and host communities living in and around Dadaab. To improve urban protection UNHCR must dedicate more staff for registration in Nairobi and, along with donors, prioritize support for local Kenyan NGOs assisting urban refugees. Along with policy recommendations, this brief provides information on refugees, their numbers and camps across Somalia.
Abstract: Militias, rebels and Islamist militants: human insecurity and state crises in Africa explores how armed non-state groups have emerged as key players in African politics and armed conflicts since the 1990s. The book is a critical, multidisciplinary and comprehensive study of the threats that militias, rebels and Islamist militants pose to human security and the state in Africa. Through case studies utilising multidisciplinary approaches and concepts, analytical frameworks and perspectives cutting across the social sciences and humanities, the book conceptualises armed non-state groups in Africa through their links to the state. After contextualising these groups in history, culture, economics, politics, law and other factors, a systematic effort is made to locate their roots in group identity, social deprivation, resource competition, elite manipulations, the youth problématique, economic decline, poor political leadership and governance crisis. Differentiating militias from insurgents, rebel groups and extremist religious movements, the book illustrates how some of the groups have sustained themselves, undermining both human security and the state capacity to provide it. The responses to their threats by local communities, states, regional mechanisms and initiatives, and the international communities are analysed. The findings provide a conceptual reference for scholars and practical recommendations for policymakers.
Abstract: The present report, covering the period 1 August 2009 to 31 July 2010, is the
sixth annual report of the International Criminal Court submitted to the United
Nations. It covers the main developments in the activities of the Court and other
developments of relevance to the relationship between the Court and the United
Nations. The Court is seized of five situations. The situations in Uganda, the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and the Central African Republic were each previously
referred to the Court by those States, themselves Parties to the Rome Statute. The
situation in Darfur, the Sudan was referred by the United Nations Security Council.
In each case, the Prosecutor decided that there was a reasonable basis to open
investigations. During the reporting period, Pre-Trial Chamber II authorized the
Prosecutor to initiate an investigation into the situation in Kenya in relation to crimes
against humanity committed between 1 June 2005 and 26 November 2009. Further,
the Office of the Prosecutor is conducting preliminary examinations in various
situations, including in Afghanistan, Colombia, Côte d’Ivoire, Georgia, Guinea and
Palestine.
Abstract: This IRIN report discusses the effect on the local community of the spill over of violence from Somalia into Kenya. It suggests that local farmers have abandoned their land, and community programmes and humanitarian operations have been ‘disrupted’. The report also suggests that some humanitarian workers have received threats from Somali groups, and that the small arms trade between the countries is doing well from the situation. It discusses the security reviews that are being carried out by many NGOs in the area, and also the increased budget and expenditure for security that many are now dealing with.
Abstract: The proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Kenya poses special problems of security. Kenya has long and undermanned borders with two conflict zones: the Horn of Africa and the eastern region, including northern Uganda. The gun traffickers find ready customers in the crime-ridden city of Nairobi and among the pastoralists of northern Kenya who find it necessary to defend their communities and whose traditions include the carrying of weapons. Sustainable development in Kenya requires special efforts in controlling the traffic and use of small arms.
Abstract: Peacebuilding after the 2007–08 postelection violence in Kenya is inextricably linked to
the challenges of dealing with the hundreds of thousands of people that the violence internally
displaced—a problem recognized in the national accord drawn up after the violence
occurred. Effective resettlement of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and reconciliation should be
a key indicator of successful peacebuilding, which in turn requires appropriate monitoring
and evaluation of resettlement, reconciliation, and compensation efforts. In addition to the
broader reforms stipulated in the national accord, the legislature and judiciary should be
encouraged to more systematically address the grievances around internal displacement. Currently, nongovernmental peacebuilding organizations continue to be urban and Nairobicentric,
focusing on sporadic small projects, youth exchanges, and workshops. They rarely
tap into informal or formal networks of local people and institutions, and no rigorous
monitoring and reporting of previous hot spots of violence occur in an institutionalized
and continuous manner.
Abstract: The Towards Enhancing the Capacity of the African Union in Mediation report is based on a seminar organised by the African Union Commission on 15 and 16 October 2009. Armed conflict is one of the greatest threats to Africa’s development. Today, many African countries are in the throes of civil conflict, several more face a heightened risk of experiencing armed violence, while others are recently emerging from protracted wars. The challenges ahead are sobering. The African Union (AU) organised a seminar entitled ‘Towards Enhancing the Capacity of the African Union in Mediation’, which was held at the Commission of the African Union, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia on 15 and 16 October 2009. The seminar was the culmination of a series of consultations launched in late 2008, in collaboration with the United Nations (UN) and other stakeholders, to reflect on lessons learned from mediation experiences in Africa. The Addis Ababa seminar brought together policymakers, mediation experts and civil society actors to develop a more strategic approach in enhancing the AU’s mediation capacity. In so doing the participants addressed the following themes: improving the AU’s performance in mediation, consolidating and integrating the approaches of the AU and the RECs in mediation, and discussing collaboration with partners including the UN. This report provides a succinct contextual framework to capture the essence of the discussions and subsequent recommendations presented at the seminar.
