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Abstract: Enthusiasts of human security argue that what is needed in the post-Cold-War period is a
foreign policy agenda that is more ‘people-centred’ than the state-centred focus of security
policy during the Cold War period. Among the most enthusiastic proponents of the human
security paradigm in the 1990s was the Canadian government, which, in partnership with
a number of other like-minded governments, sought to press the human security agenda,
taking a number of human security initiatives. However, since the late 1990s, we have seen
a paradox: the concept has attracted increased attention from scholars while its salience
among policy-makers appears to be declining. Using the case of the Canadian government’s
policy towards the crisis in Timor in September 1999, we explore the difficulty that
policy-makers have had in moving human security from the rhetorical realm to the level of
concrete policy that makes a difference to the safety of people whose security is threatened.
We conclude that there was a significant gap between Canada’s human security rhetoric
and Ottawa’s actual policy in Timor. While the Canadian government did eventually
contribute troops to the International Force, East Timor (INTERFET), we show that
Canada’s response was slow, cautious, and minimalist. There was neither the willingness
nor the capacity to be at the forefront of the efforts to send a robust force to East Timor.
This case demonstrates some important limits of the human security agenda, and why this
agenda remained so firmly in the realm of the rhetorical in the 1990s.
Efforts
Abstract: The Examples from the Ground are concrete illustrations of ways in which a gender perspective has been integrated in different security sector institutions around the world. They range from measures to counter human trafficking in Kosovo, to women’s organisations’ involvement with security institutions in Nepal, to female parliamentarians’ contribution to post-conflict reconstruction in Rwanda. These examples can help policymakers, trainers and educators better understand and demonstrate the linkages between gender and SSR.
The examples are organised around the following nine themes, for which a short introduction is provided:
• Police Reform and Gender
• Defence Reform and Gender
• Justice Reform and Gender
• Penal Reform and Gender
• Border Management and Gender
• Parliamentary Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• National Security Policy-Making and Gender
• Civil Society Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• SSR Assessment, Monitoring and Evaluation and Gender
Individual examples can also be downloaded individually, in English or in French, at: http://gssrtraining.ch/index.php?option=com_content&view;=article&id;=4&Itemid;=131⟨=en
Abstract: The unresolved status of thousands of former refugees who
fled across the border following a 1999 vote for independence
remains a challenge to Timor-Leste’s long-term stability.
Many were never well integrated into host communities
and are being drawn back across the border in small but
increasing numbers by relative economic and political
stability in the new state. These returns should be encouraged
by both countries as a good opportunity to promote reconciliation
between the two communities divided by the
border. Doing so will expose the costs of impunity for the
violence that surrounded the 1999 referendum and highlight
the failure to implement practical recommendations
from its two truth commissions, the CAVR and the Commission
on Truth and Friendship. Timor-Leste’s leadership
may yet decide that some form of amnesty is the best way
forward, but the country cannot afford to further delay broad
discussion on solutions.
A quarter of a million people fled the province of East Timor
after the 1999 referendum, many forcibly displaced by Indonesian
security forces and militia. Some of the thousands
remaining in West Timor are there for economic reasons;
many others because of pressure from family members
and community leaders. This latter group are still poorly
integrated into their host communities, refuse to leave old
refugee camps, and are frustrated by the end of official assistance.
Political stability in Timor-Leste and the promise of
access to land are making the prospect of return more attractive.
But misinformation, an unclear legal basis for leaving
Indonesia, and fear that their access to property and basic
political rights will not be upheld are holding them back.
Abstract: This paper will analyze some aspects about impact of international
cooperation in security sector reform in three countries located in different continents and with
different historical realities. These countries were selected because their local experiences could show
us several elements about how international donors have acted and how local societies have assumed
this help. The first two countries are East Timor and Liberia, these societies are living under a statebuilding
process - and even a nation-building process - after a several years of internal war related
with particular local and international elements. On the other hand, I chose Colombia. Although this
country currently is suffering an internal conflict I consider very important to study a conflict society
with post conflict societies, this academic exercise could be useful to learn about advantages and
disadvantages of international cooperation in a broadly perspective, not only in peaceful settings but
also in societies ‘under fire’ as Colombian.
Abstract: Political intervention and a lack of accountability for serious crimes are two significant challenges facing the justice system in Timor-Leste. President Ramos-Horta has emphasized political reconciliation over prosecutorial justice, granting pardons in high-profile cases, even those involving crimes against humanity. The fourth edition of the Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste discusses the negative impact these presidential pardons have had on the development of the justice system, the broader security sector and the country’s future stability.
Abstract: The paper examines as a case study the territory of Timor-Leste (East Timor), the small half-island located about four hundreds miles north of Australia and east of Java, Indonesia. In particular the focus is upon the evolution and progression of the territory from colony to independent nation-state and the patterns of conflict and settlement that have marked the disputed and contested area and its people. A central narrative is that, while independence for East Timor looked most unlikely in the late 1990s, a confluence of developments and factors combined to enhance the prospects and reality of this outcome in 1999.
The paper examines a number of themes including: the historical and geo-political context; the brief interregnum between de facto Portuguese decolonisation and Indonesian re-colonisation; the invasion and occupation of the territory by Indonesia; referendum and independence for East Timor; post-conflict matters of justice; the international dimension; and the comparative dimensions of the East Timor case study.
Abstract: Timor-Leste’s request in May 2006 that Portugal, Malaysia, Australia and New Zealand send troops to restore order came just a year after the last UN peacekeepers had departed and four years into the country’s independence. The 2006 violence that claimed at least 37 lives and drove 155,000 people (15% of the population) from their homes sent shock waves through an already fragile polity.
The complex causes of the 2006 conflict have been treated in depth elsewhere. This note looks specifically at how the government used public finance management (PFM) policies to help address the enormous short-term challenges of a fragile situation in the aftermath of the 2006 crisis. The government capitalized on a rapid increase in oil revenues and through administrative measures that delegated more responsibility for spending decisions to line ministries, achieved a rapid increase in the rate of public spending on cash transfers, goods and services and public works. This note starts by summarizing the evolving challenges of the post-independence PFM system, the fragility of 2006/07, and the changed fiscal outlook following the surge in petroleum revenue. It then looks at the government’s PFM policies that helped it to address urgent demands and successfully restore short-term stability. The note concludes by drawing possible lessons from this period for other post-conflict situations.
Abstract: Community-driven development (or CDD) projects are now a major component of World Bank assistance to many developing countries. While varying greatly in size and form, such projects aim to ensure that communities have substantive control in deciding how project funds should be used. Giving beneficiaries the power to manage project resources is believed by its proponents to lead to more efficient and effective fund use. It is also claimed that project-initiated participatory processes can have wider ‘spillover’ impacts, building local institutions and leadership, enhancing civic capacity, improving social relations and boosting state legitimacy.
This paper briefly reviews the World Bank’s experience of using CDD in conflict-affected and post-conflict areas of the East Asia and Pacific region. The region has been at the forefront of developing large-scale CDD programming including high profile ‘flagships’ such as the Kecamatan Development Program (KDP) in Indonesia and the Kapitbisig Laban Sa Kahirapan-Comprehensive and Integrated Delivery of Social Services (KALAHI-CIDSS) project in the Philippines.
How successful have such efforts been? Through what mechanisms have projects had impacts (or not)? And what factors—related to project design or to the context in which programs are operating—have affected performance? This paper provides a framework for assessing the impacts of CDD projects in post-conflict and conflict-affected areas. It tries to unpack the potential causal channels through which projects may have their desired, or other, impacts. It then looks at the evidence on whether and how projects have achieved these outcomes, focusing on a range of recent and current projects in Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Timor-Leste. The analysis summarizes results, draws on comparative evidence from other projects in the region and elsewhere, and seeks to identify factors that explain variation in outcomes and project performance. The paper concludes with a short summary of what we know, what we don’t, and potential future directions for research and programming.
Abstract: This report examines recent developments in police reform and the broader justice and security sectors and recommends the UN reduce the size of its policing contingent. Since 2008, the Timorese have shown themselves determined to handle internal threats without the support of the UN, despite playing host to a UN police contingent larger than anywhere in the world apart from Darfur and Haiti. A reduction would align the UN mission’s size with reality, as the local force has long answered to its own command rather than UN police. The size of the policing contingent of the UN Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT) should be sharply reduced to prepare for the peace operation’s eventual end and encourage the country to assume full responsibility for ensuring its own security and future stability.
Abstract: This paper discusses children's participation and protection in the work of the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (CAVR) in Timor-Leste. It presents an overview of CAVR's efforts to ensure children's safe participation in CAVR activities, documenting violations against children and communicating CAVR's message to children. The paper assesses the strengths and weaknesses of the CAVR and analyzes underlying causes for the results. Through elaboration of lessons learned from the CAVR experience, the paper provides recommendations for truth commissions' engagement with children in the future. The paper concludes that despite the absence of a legal requirement in the mandate, the CAVR made a commendable effort to research and document children's experiences of the conflict. However, a lack of policy on child participation and child protection contributed to the failure to engage with children both during and after the CAVR. It is suggested that a holistic approach to the CAVR's activities could have help avoid this missed opportunity for Timor-Leste's young generation to engage in the country's nation building and carry forward the CAVR's recommendations.
Abstract: A little more than a decade after independence and the violence and displacement that accompanied it, Timor-Leste remains a country in transition. While it has stabilized in the post-independence period, the after-effects of the 2006 crisis continue to play an important role in the political debate and security atmosphere in the country. Communal violence remains at times a feature of life in rural areas, and small arms—left over from the pre-independence period and more recently leaked from defence and police forces—sometimes fuel both gang-related and community violence.
This report brings together research and analysis produced for the Timor- Leste Armed Violence Assessment (TLAVA) over the period 2008–10. Based on consultations with stakeholders in Timor-Leste, the project focused on three specific areas:
1. an assessment of the risk factors, impacts, and socio-economic costs of armed violence in relation to population health—particularly women, children and male youths, and internally displaced persons (IDPs);
2. a review of the dynamics of armed violence associated with 'high-risk' groups such as gangs, specific communities in affected districts, petitioners, veterans, and state institutions, and potential triggers such as elections; and
3. the role of arms (e.g. bladed, home-made or 'craft', and manufactured) as a factor contributing to armed violence.
Abstract: Pillage means theft during war. Although the prohibition against pillage dates to the Roman Empire, pillaging is a modern war crime that can be enforced before international and domestic criminal courts. Following World War II, several businessmen were convicted for commercial pillage of natural resources. And although pillage has been prosecuted in recent years, commercial actors are seldom held accountable for their role in fuelling conflict.
Reviving corporate liability for pillaging natural resources is not simply about protecting property rights during conflict—it can also play a significant role in preventing atrocity. Since the end of the Cold War, the illegal exploitation of natural resources has become a prevalent means of financing conflict. In countries including Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, East Timor, Iraq, Liberia, Myanmar, and Sierra Leone, the illicit trade in natural resources has not only created incentives for violence, but has also furnished warring parties with the finances necessary to sustain some of the most brutal hostilities in recent history.
Abstract: Over the last decade, the international community
has been working toward a new and broader concept
of security, drawing input from a number of
governments, non-governmental organizations and
civil society groups as well as scholars and other
prominent individuals. This new concept—known
as human security—calls on states to ensure the
survival, livelihood and dignity of their inhabitants.
At the same time, it encourages e≠orts to equip
people to act more e≠ectively on their own behalf. Following the report by the Commission on Human Security, Human Security Now, this booklet seeks to show practical applications of human security and give the concept a human face. Between March-June 2006, in preparation for this publication, the Human Security Unit, a freelance journalist and a team of photographers visited dozens of project sites, conducting hundreds of interviews with local staff and beneficiaries. From these many compelling initiatives, nine stories were selected that reflect the range of issues, regions and institutions involved in human security work around the globe. Human security represents a fundamentally new
way of thinking about a range of contemporary
challenges—from hunger, poverty and failing
schools to armed conflict, forced migration and
human tra≤cking. Because these issues are closely
intertwined, human security emphasizes the need
for multi-sectoral responses and collaboration
among all stakeholders. Moreover, it aims to bridge
the gaps between security, humanitarian assistance,
human rights and development aid.
Abstract: Ten years ago, on 31 October 2000, the United Nations Security Council took
an important and unprecedented step into new territory. Recognizing the vulnerability
of women and girls to violence during and after armed conflict, and the
absence or low level of women’s representation in efforts to prevent war, build
peace and restore devastated societies, the Council passed resolution 1325. The
resolution sought formally for the first time in the Security Council to end this neglect and actively to promote and draw
on the untapped potential of women everywhere
on issues of peace and security.
The release of the 2010 edition of The
State of World Population report coincides
with the 10th anniversary of that historic
resolution. The report highlights how women
in conflict and post-conflict situations—as
well as in emergencies or protracted crises—
are faring a decade later.
The 2010 report is different from previous
editions, which took an academic
approach to topics related to the mandate
and work of UNFPA, the United Nations
Population Fund. The current report takes
a more journalistic approach, drawing on
the experiences of women and girls, men
and boys, living in the wake of conflict and
other catastrophic disruptions. This report is constructed around
interviews and reporting in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Haiti, Jordan, Liberia, the
Occupied Palestinian Territory (West Bank),
Timor-Leste and Uganda.
Abstract: It has long been recognized that the arts hold the power to expose wounds of conflict, soothe tormented spirits and teach lessons about war and peace. Children in refugee camps draw stick figures of men with guns and houses aflame. In countries as vastly different as Uganda and Afghanistan, informal or more professional drama groups give audiences a chance to laugh or cry or just say, Yes, that's the way it was—or is. Young Sri Lankans have turned to fiction to explore a violent era of civil war and a tsunami of epic pro-portions. Cambodians in refugee camps a generation ago kept alive classical Khmer dancing as a precious link to their ruined country's heritage. Almost everywhere today, creative responses to tragedy go on in many forms.
Abstract: Over the past six decades Dili has seen sudden outbursts of collective armed violence on numerous occasions, characterized by elevated homicide rates (including revenge killings), severe and widespread trauma, the degradation of infrastructure, forced and opportunistic migration, land grabs and disputes, and a widespread sense of social injustice and impunity.
This Geneva Declaration Working Paper reviews the causes and symptoms of urban violence in Dili, Timor-Leste, with a special focus on historical developments that have shaped current violence dynamics and risk factors. Based on a randomized household survey, focus group interviews, and an extensive literature review, it argues that the city’s history—as well as its complex political, economic, and social ties with the surrounding rural areas—are crucial to understanding the factors that shape urban violence in Dili.
Abstract: This brief presents the progress to date in developing
a typology of wartime rape as a first step toward
understanding the different consequences of this form
of violence in war. This publication focuses solely on
wartime rape perpetrated by armed groups against
civilians, though this form of violence is perpetrated
more widely by, and against, different actors during
war. The wider perpetration of rape against other
actors is not presented in this brief, but is nevertheless
included in the Typology. The Typology is a product of
two phases of research: a) an initial phase (November
2008–May 2009) where a preliminary typology was
created based on an examination of two country
cases of wartime rape: Bosnia and Herzegovina,
and El Salvador; and b) a second phase (September
2009–May 2010) where the typology was refined
according to data collected from a review of the
literature on ten additional country cases of wartime
rape (Cambodia, Colombia, Democratic Republic
of the Congo, Liberia, Nepal, Papua New Guinea/
Bougainville, Peru, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Timor Leste).
The Typology was designed on the basis of a definition
of wartime, which includes a myriad of war dynamics
that surround and influence the perpetration of
rape, and which can be organized into the following
‘themes’:
type of conflict in which wartime rape occurs;
characteristics of the armed group;
motivations for the rape;
characteristics of the rapist;
characteristics of the raped person; and
characteristics of the rape.
Abstract: As the shots rang out across the capital Dili in April and May 2006, what had been
hailed as a 'success story' of externally supported nation-building processes lay in
ruins. Timor-Leste had, for the previous six years, been held up as the United
Nations' most successful mission. A key element of this had been the donordriven
disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) and security sector
reform (SSR) processes through which ex-combatants had been integrated into
the new national security forces. It was now precisely the members of these
security forces who were fighting each other in the streets.
According to the Development Assistance Committee of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, the ultimate goal of international support to SSR processes is to ‘increase the ability of partner countries to meet the
range of security needs within their societies in a manner consistent with
democratic norms and sound principles of governance and the rule of law.’
Security is explicitly presented within the broader framework of human security,
with specific reference to the needs of vulnerable groups such as women, children
and minority groups.This paper will assess, from a gender perspective, the DDR/SSR processes which
were carried out in Timor-Leste, focusing mainly on events from the end of the
Indonesian military occupation in September 1999 to the implosion of the security
sector in April 2006. Following a brief introduction to the historical background
of the situation and the DDR process in particular, sections 3 and 4 discuss the
formation of gender roles in East Timorese society and their relevance to security
issues. Sections 5 and 6 analyse the development of the East Timorese armed
forces and police force before the 2006 crisis, particularly looking at how gender
issues were addressed and impacted upon the institutions. Section 7 gives a brief
overview of the 2006 crisis and subsequent events. Section 8 presents an outlook
for the future of SSR in Timor-Leste as of the time of writing – in November
2009. The paper concludes with a brief analysis and policy recommendations.
Abstract: Peacebuilding and statebuilding are reinforcing processes that support the building of effective, legitimate, accountable and
responsive states. These overlapping but distinct processes are essential elements for guiding national and international
efforts in addressing state fragility and promoting peace and stability in situations of conflict and fragility.
The Synthesis Report was prepared to inform discussions at the first meeting of the International Dialogue on Peacebuilding
and Statebuilding on 9-10 April 2010 in Dili, Timor-Leste. “The Dialogue” is an ongoing discussion process that engages
representatives of national and regional governments, bilateral and multilateral development partners and civil society in
an open and frank conversation about improving peacebuilding and statebuilding efforts in fragile and conflict-affected
situations. This report identifies seven peacebuilding and statebuilding priorities as stepping stones to reach the Millennium
Development Goals in conflict-affected and fragile states. The report also identifies bottlenecks and emerging good practices,
drawing on findings of seven multi-stakeholder consultations that were carried out as part of the Dialogue in Burundi,
Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Conto, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Southern Sudan, and Timor-Leste.
Abstract: Refugees, whether persecuted as a result of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, are excluded (sometimes in a very deliberate manner) from the structures of political power in their country of origin. The search for solutions to refugee situations is thus in part a struggle of the politically excluded for political inclusion. This paper consists of five parts. In the first section, the nature and dynamics of political participation are considered. The importance of political activity in general to democratic ideals of government is examined, as is the specific importance of political participation – both symbolic and substantive – to displaced populations.
The second part of the paper looks briefly at UNHCR's past and present engagement with refugee politics. In the following section, the political and logistical challenges of refugee participation in country of origin elections are considered. The fourth section looks at other forms of peaceful political engagement, including emerging transnational political activities. These analyzes draw on material from a number of case studies, including but not limited to Eritrea (1993), Bosnia (1996), Liberia (1997 and 2002) Kosovo (1999), East Timor (1999), Afghanistan (2004, 2009), Iraqi (2005, 2010) and Southern Sudan (2010, 2011).
The fifth and final part of the paper offers a number of conclusions and recommendations on how UNHCR might further develop its role in relation to refugee participation in country of origin politics.
Abstract: Eight years after independence, Timor-Leste is still without
a legal basis for determining ownership of land. In its
absence, the challenges of enforcing property rights have
grown more complex and increased the potential for conflict.
The politically charged task of sifting through overlapping
claims inherited from the country’s two colonial
administrations has been complicated by widespread illegal
occupation of property after the displacement of over
half the population that followed the 1999 referendum.
The legal and social uncertainties this created magnified
the effects of the country’s 2006 crisis, causing further
mass displacement in the capital and beyond. Resolution
of these uncertainties through new laws, regulations and
policies is necessary to reduce conflict, diminish the risk
of further instability and to provide a clear way to resolve
past and future disputes.
Abstract: In this document, Amnesty International provides a legal analysis of the 2009 Penal Code and the
extent to which it has incorporated so far provisions from the Rome Statute and implemented other
international criminal law.
There are a number of positive elements in the 2009 Penal Code with respect to crimes under
international law. In particular, Amnesty International welcomes the inclusion of most crimes under
the Rome Statute, as well as torture. The organization also welcomes Article 117 of the Penal Code,
which states that criminal proceedings and the penalties for genocide, crimes against humanity and
war crimes are not subject to statutes of limitations, as well as Article 8 (b) providing for the
obligation to extradite or prosecute persons suspected or accused of having committed those
crimes.
Amnesty International recognizes these first steps as important developments in the fight against
impunity and implementation of Timor-Leste’s complementarity obligations under the Rome
Statute. However, Amnesty International is concerned that some aspects of the Penal Code are not
consistent with the Rome Statute and other conventional, as well as customary international law.
Abstract: This edition of the Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste examines the rise of national government ownership of the security sector reform (SSR) process. The report examines Timor-Leste's draft National Security Policy and new legislative framework for the security sector. It also explores Timor-Leste's unresolved security issues dating back to the 2006 crisis; namely the overlapping mandates of the police and the armed forces and the rise of paramilitary policing. Timor-Leste is showing troubling signs of police militarization and the blurring of lines between internal and external security responsibilities, as reflected in recent police operations, dubbed “ninja operations,” in the west of the country.
Abstract: Indonesia and Timor-Leste have done much to normalise relations ten years after the end to Indonesian rule in the former province, but the goodwill between capitals is not yet matched by full cooperation on the border. The costs are greatest in Oecusse, Timor-Leste’s isolated enclave inside Indonesian West Timor. Negotiators have so far failed to agree on two segments of Oecusse’s border, leaving open the risk that minor local disputes could be politicised and escalate into larger conflicts. Without a final demarcation, steps to improve management of the porous border have stalled. Initiatives that would promote exchanges and lessen the enclave’s isolation remain unimplemented. As the bonds between the two nations grow, they should prioritise this unfinished business. Leaving it unresolved can only promote crime, corruption and the possibility of conflict.
The security threat to Oecusse and its 67,000 inhabitants has sharply decreased since independence. While the unresolved border segments remain a catalyst for occasional tensions, no violence has taken place in recent years. Settlement of the border issue requires both national and local responses. The governments must work with renewed urgency to resolve the remaining disputed segments. Whatever border is agreed will not satisfy everyone. To alleviate this discontent, local arrangements for cross-border activities should be promoted. Without such flexibility, long-standing local disputes will fester and could escalate into active conflict.
Abstract: As the Obama Administration continues its efforts to broker a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians, this report looks beyond the issues of the day and focuses on what an international peacekeeping force to defend a two-state solution might look like. Though no individual case study can replicate the challenges of the Middle East, the authors extract lessons learned from other peacekeeping operations - including military and political lessons -that could be applicable. Editor and contributing author Andrew Exum writes, “There should be no doubt that peacekeeping in a future Palestinian state would be fraught with difficulties, not simply because of the unique history and circumstances of the region but also because the international record of such operations is mixed. As this project makes clear, policymakers should tread cautiously when considering such an option. Any initiative to broker peace in the Middle East carries risk, but the more risks policymakers and leaders understand beforehand, the better prepared they will be to mitigate and manage them.” Security for Peace takes an “end-around” approach to the problems of the Levant, imagining the goal – the establishment of a future Palestinian state – and asking what kind of security arrangement would be necessary to serve as a facilitator for such a state.
