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Abstract: The Centre for Conflict Resolution (CCR) in Cape Town, South Africa, held a two-day policy seminar
on 19 and 20 May 2008 at Kopanong Hotel and Conference Centre in Johannesburg, South Africa. The experiences and lessons at the local level in South Africa became a vital building block to expand
interventions to the rest of southern Africa, beginning in Lesotho, Swaziland and Zimbabwe. CCR selected the
three countries to inform interventions at the regional level on the basis of a shared common history and similar
governance challenges following transitions to democracy. The Centre’s work aims to bring together key actors
to resolve conflict utilising constructive approaches. To this end, CCR has sought to engage key actors in
government and civil society in long-term capacity and skills-building exercises in order to enhance their
knowledge and practice of constructive conflict management approaches while simultaneously building trust
and confidence between polarised groups. Ultimately, this approach seeks to create opportunities for political
and social dialogue between diverse groups.
Abstract: Southern Africa has embarked on one of the world’s most ambitious security co-operation initiatives, seeking to roll out the principles of the United Nations at regional levels. This book examines the triangular relationship between democratisation, the character of democracy and its deficits, and national security practices and perceptions of eleven southern African states. It explores what impact these processes and practices have had on the collaborative security project in the region. Based on national studies conducted by African academics and security practitioners over three years, it includes an examination of the way security is conceived and managed, as well as a comparative analysis of regional security co-operation in the developing world. This book includes: Chapter 1: Democratic Governance and Security: A Conceptual Exploration, by Andre du Pisani; Chapter 2: Comparative Perspectives on Regional Security Co-operation among Developing Countries, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 3: Southern African Security in Historical Perspective, by Abillah H. Omari and Paulino Macaringue; Chapter 4: Botswana, by Mpho G. Molomo, Zibani Maundeni, Bertha Osei-Hwedie, Ian Taylor, and Shelly Whitman; Chapter 5: Lesotho, by Khabele Matlosa; Chapter 6: Mauritius, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 7: Mozambique, by Anicia Lalá; Chapter 8: Namibia, by Bill Lindeke, Phanuel Kaapama, and Leslie Blaauw; Chapter 9: Seychelles, by Anthoni van Nieuwkerk and William M. Bell; Chapter 10: South Africa, by Maxi Schoeman; Chapter 11: Swaziland, by Joseph Bheki Mzizi; Chapter 12: Tanzania Mohammed, by Omar Maundi; Chapter 13: Zambia, by Bizeck Jube Phiri; Chapter 14: Zimbabwe, by Ken D. Manungo; and Chapter 15: Conclusions, by Gavin Cawthra, Khabele Matlosa, and Anthoni van Nieuwkerk.
Abstract: The problem of civilians becoming unintentional victims of landmine detonation in the world today is one that cannot be underestimated in terms of its importance to global and local humanitarian efforts. The human-life and financial costs associated with landmine detonation are paramount, and are being addressed by the Global community via the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping and its associated agency UNMAS (The United Nations Mine Action Service). In terms of human-life cost, the current statistic is that every 28 seconds a person steps on a landmine, resulting in 6500 – 20,000 new casualties per year. These tragic events are happening in at least 84 states, and every world region is affected. It is the intent of this literature review to enlighten the reader in two main topic areas. The first is that of mine action and our understanding of it, with specific regard to what is generally understood to be the most affected continent: Africa. A comprehensive description and discussion of the geo-political status of mine action in Southern Africa and its relation to development will be set out.
The second topic area that will be reviewed is that of predictive GIS modeling, as it applies to mine action. The intent is to put forth the scientific (i.e.: based on peer-reviewed publications) background information that justifies and supports an experiment that will be conducted. The goal, in general lay terms, will be to see whether it is possible to predict with a reasonable, usable, and repeatable amount of accuracy the delineating outlines of where minefields are located in a specific geographical study area. It is hoped that the effort with predictive GIS modeling will yield a technique that is valid for use across a variety of study areas. Having said this, the study area that is the concentration of this review is the region of Southern Africa and it must be acknowledged that the results, if positive, may not be transferrable to different Geo-political regions.
Abstract: IPI is pleased to introduce a new series of working papers on regional capacities to respond to security
challenges in Africa. The broad range of United Nations, African Union, and subregional peacekeeping,
peacemaking, and peacebuilding initiatives in Africa underscore a new sense of multilayered partnership in the
search for the peaceful resolution of conflicts in Africa. As the total number of conflicts on the continent has
been significantly reduced in the past decade, there is widespread recognition of the opportunities for a more
stable and peaceful future for Africa. But there is also a profound awareness of the fragility of recent peace
agreements, whether in Kenya, Liberia, or Côte d’Ivoire. Furthermore, continued violence in the Sudan, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Zimbabwe; the long absence of a viable central government in Somalia;
and continued tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea—to name only a few cases—reflect the legacy of
unresolved historic disputes and ongoing power struggles...The southern African region is now
generally defined in political terms as
those countries that are members of the
Southern African Development
Community (SADC) (the geographic
definition is usually somewhat more
limited). Currently there are fifteen
member states of the SADC: Angola,
Botswana, the Democratic Republic of the
Congo (DRC), Lesotho, Madagascar,
Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique,
Namibia, the Seychelles, South Africa,
Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and
Zimbabwe.
These countries are disparate in many
ways: they vary greatly in size, population,
and levels of economic growth, and
include some of the poorest countries in
the world, but also some of the richest in
Africa. Six of them are landlocked; two of
them are Indian Ocean islands. They
share a common history of colonization—variously
involving French, British, Belgian, and German
imperial powers—and this continues to impact
significantly on the nature of governance and
politics in the region. Many, but not all, of the
countries of the region experienced periods of
European settler colonialism, resulting in armed
liberation struggles for independence. Several of
them also endured apartheid or various forms of
racial segregation and oppression as a result of that
history of settler colonialism.
Conflict and war has marked the region considerably,
particularly conflicts over apartheid and
colonialism, which engulfed most of southern
Africa and led to millions of deaths. Angola and
Mozambique suffered further from post-independence
civil wars, fueled in part by South Africa and
Rhodesia. After a bloody civil war following the
collapse of Mobutu Sese-Seko’s authoritarian
regime in the DRC in the second half of the 1990s,
however, the region is, for the first time in forty
years, almost completely at peace, except for
residual conflicts in the east of the DRC.
Nevertheless, there remain profound threats to
human and state security, many of them fueled by
poverty, marginalization, and the weakness of
states.
Abstract: Le présent rapport fait la synthèse de la première grande étude continentale visant à mesurer et contrôler les « Progrès accomplis sur la voie de la bonne gouvernance en Afrique », entreprise par la Commission économique pour l’Afrique. Dans le cadre de cette étude, des enquêtes et des recherches ont été menées sur 28 pays. Les résultats complets et l’analyse de l’étude seront
publiés en 2005 dans le premier «Rapport sur la gouvernance en Afrique ».
La CEA a entrepris ce travail pour évaluer l’idée que les citoyens se font de l’état de la gouvernance en Afrique, pour rassembler des informations sur les meilleures pratiques et pour identifier les principaux besoins de la région en
matière de développement des capacités. Le projet a identifié quatre tendances positives sur la voie de la création d’États compétents en Afrique: transitions démocratiques, ouverture politique, liberté d’expression et obligation comptable, et gestion économique.
Abstract: Le Rapport sur la gouvernance en Afrique est le fruit de larges travaux de recherche sur les pratiques de gouvernance entrepris dans 27 pays africains par la Commission économique pour l’Afrique (CEA), par l’intermédiaire d’instituts nationaux de recherche, qui ont recueilli, ensemble par échantillonnage, les opinions de plus de 50 000 ménages et de 2 000 experts. Les conclusions, soumises à la CEA entre 2002 et 2004, ont fait l’objet d’un processus rigoureux d’examens auxquels ont participé des experts nationaux et internationaux travaillant sur la gouvernance et les questions politiques et économiques.
Ce rapport est la première grande étude de ce type initiée par les pays africains, qui vise à analyser de façon empirique les opinions des citoyens quant à l’état de la gouvernance dans leurs pays, tout en mettant en évidence les principaux déficits de capacité dans les pratiques et institutions de gouvernance et en recommandant des pratiques optimales et des solutions pour y faire face. On s’est attaché à assurer l’appropriation locale de l’ensemble empirique de résultats afin de renforcer l’efficacité et la légitimité de la prise de décisions et de l’effort de sensibilisation aux niveaux national et infrarégional. Les données ainsi générées peuvent être utilisées pour mesurer la performance des gouvernements et de toutes les principales parties prenantes dans leur réponse aux préoccupations exprimées par les citoyens et pour suivre la mesure dans laquelle le contrat qu’ils ont passé entre eux est respecté. Nous avons pris soin de ne pas être trop directif. Le Rapport sur la gouvernance en Afrique contient des recommandations qui découlent essentiellement des réalités propres aux pays, car, pour être durable, la gouvernance doit être replacée dans son contexte et internalisée.
Abstract: Ce rapport contient des résumés sur les régions suivants: Afrique australe, Afrique de l’Est, Afrique de l’Ouest et Afrique centrale, et Afrique centrale, et aussi sur les thèmes suivantes: le double défi de la tuberculose et du VIH, circonsion masculine et préventions du VIH, epidémies latentes parmi les hommes ayant des rapports sexuels avec des hommes, la consommation de drogues injectables: un facteur croissant dans plusiers épidémies de VIH de L'Afrique Subsaharienne, et signes de changements vers des comportements à moindre risque.
Abstract: Violence against children is a significant global health and human rights problem, and a growing concern in
sub-Saharan Africa. The problem of violence against children spans geographical boundaries, culture, race,
class, and religion. It can be expressed in the form of physical or sexual assault or abuse, psychological or emotional abuse, and deprivation or neglect. Violence against children is a profound violation of human
rights and has devastating short- and long-term mental and physical health consequences. This report focuses primarily on sexual violence against female children. According to the World Report on Violence and Health, sexual violence is defined as “any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual comments or advances, or acts to traffic, or otherwise directed, against a person’s sexuality using
coercion, by any person regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any setting, including but not limited to home and work.” Existing research shows that sexual violence is a major health problem throughout the world. Although nationally representative studies on child sexual violence are limited in sub-Saharan Africa, available data show that sexual violence against children is an important problem in the region.
Abstract: The Southern African Development Community (SADC) has been in existence since 1980, when it was formed as a loose alliance of nine majority-ruled States in Southern Africa known as the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC), with the main aim of coordinating development projects in order to lessen economic dependence on the then apartheid South Africa. The founding Member States are: Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. SADCC was formed in Lusaka, Zambia on April 1, 1980, following the adoption of the Lusaka Declaration - Southern Africa: Towards Economic Liberation. The transformation of the organization from a Coordinating Conference into a Development Community (SADC) took place on August 17, 1992 in Windhoek, Namibia when the Declaration and Treaty was signed at the Summit of Heads of State and Government thereby giving the organization a legal character. The Member States are Angola, Botswana, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. SADC headquarters are in Gaborone, Botswana. The objective of SADC: Achieve development and economic growth, alleviate poverty, enhance the standard and quality of life of the people of Southern Africa and support the socially disadvantaged through regional integration; Evolve common political values, systems and institutions; Promote and defend peace and security; Promote self-sustaining development on the basis of collective self-reliance, and the interdependence of Member States; Achieve complementarity between national and regional strategies and programmes; Promote and maximise productive employment and utilisation of resources of the Region; Achieve sustainable utilisation of natural resources and effective protection of the environment; Strengthen and consolidate the long-standing historical, social and cultural affinities and links among the people of the Region.
Abstract: The Tribunal of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) is the newest operationalized subregional court in Africa. Provided for under Article 16 of the 1992 Declaration and Treaty Establishing the Southern African Development Community, the Community's members approved the Protocol required to set up the Tribunal in 2000. Despite the ratification requirements in the Protocol itself, the Protocol entered into force with the signature of the Agreement Amending the Treaty of SADC in August 2001. The Agreement Amending the Treaty marked a renewed energy in the integration of the Community, making the Protocol on the Tribunal an integral part of the Treaty and thus automatically applicable to all Member States. The renewed energy of the Community however, was not reflected in a swift establishment of the Tribunal. The first judges of the Tribunal were not sworn in until November 2005.
Abstract: To oversee the implementation and interpretation of the COMESA agreement, the Treaty established a Court of Justice, modeled on the European Court of Justice. Like the European Court of Justice, the COMESA Court of Justice can be seized of a matter by one of several ways. First, a member State may bring another member State or the Council before the Court for breach of the Treaty or failure to fulfill an obligation thereunder. Providing the Common Market with independent monitoring and enforcement power, the Treaty permits the Secretary General (with the agreement of the Council) also to bring a member State before the Court for failure to fulfill its Treaty obligations. Like the European Court of Justice, the COMESA Courtxc3xads decisions have precedence over any decisions of national courts.
Abstract: The Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC), which evolved into the Southern African Development Community (SADC) , has been in existence since 1980. The original nine member-countries were Angola , Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. South Africa joined SADC in 1994 followed by Mauritius (1995), and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC, 1997). In 2005, SADC granted Madagascar membership. In addition to belonging to SADC, Angola, DRC, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe are members of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA). In order to facilitate development in the region, member-states in SADC formulated various objectives which the community works to achieve. Among those objectives are the promotion of regional economic integration, creation of intra-governmental policies, and sustainable utilization of natural resources. In addition to the broader objectives of SADC, the region's Trade Protocol calls for member-states to further liberalize intra-regional trade, while eliminating trade barriers in order to establish a Free Trade Area (FTA) by 2008. The creation of the FTA is part of a strategic plan announced by the SADC executive secretary in 2004, which also includes the establishment of an SADC customs union by 2010, a common market pact by 2012, and establishment of an SADC central bank and preparation for a single SADC currency by 2016.
Abstract: Human security is the dominant discourse within international, regional
and sub-regional organisations tasked with security and development. It
has displaced the traditional state security paradigm with its preoccupation
with protecting national interests and state borders through the projection of
power. Although the basic tenets that constitute the human security paradigm
can be traced to various alternative approaches voiced on development and
security, it was the United Nations Development Programme's (UNDP)
Human Development Report of 1994 that gave concrete expression to, and
was later used to popularise, this approach to security. That report, drawing
on the UN's Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International
Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, employed the phrase
xe2x80x98freedom from want and freedom from fear' to advocate a people-centred
approach to security, to link development to security, and to broaden both
the identification of possible threats and the actors responsible for producing
and resolving insecurity.
The Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) has integrated
the human security approach into its constructions of, and policy
frameworks for, peace and security. Southern Africa, a region defined by
its anti-colonial and civil wars, is undoubtedly enjoying an unprecedented
measure of peace and stability, despite continued tensions in Zimbabwe,
Swaziland and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Peace agreements
in Mozambique, South Africa, Angola and the DRC created an enabling
environment for democratisation and development to take root. However,
the xe2x80x98peace dividend' has yet to materialise for the vast majority of
citizens in Southern Africa. The road map for transforming these states
and the everyday lives of their citizenry has been drafted in the many protocols, policies and strategic frameworks, and much of the institutional
apparatus is already in place. Yet, there remains a marked disjuncture
between the region's goals and aspirations, and the implementation and/or
outcomes thereof. The often-stated reasons for this are lack of capacity,
resources and political will. However, in the absence of contextualisation,
these reasons remain vague and, therefore, without the specificities
for redress.
This monograph broadly sets out to (1) unpack the conceptual, methodological
and institutional issues that emerge from the adoption of a human security
perspective; (2) indicate some of the major human security challenges
confronting Southern Africa and; (3) highlight the implications for policy
research and capacity-building in the region.
Abstract: Swaziland is a modified traditional monarchy with executive, legislative, and limited judicial powers ultimately vested in the King (Mswati III). The King ruled according to unwritten law and custom, in conjunction with a partially elected parliament and an accompanying structure of published laws and implementing agencies. Municipal elections during the year and 2003 parliamentary elections increased representative government; however, political power continued to rest largely with the King and his circle of traditional advisors, including the Queen Mother. The judiciary was generally independent; however, the King and other government officials infringed on the judiciary's independence by attempting to influence or reverse court decisions.
Both the Umbutfo Swaziland Defense Force and the Royal Swaziland Police are responsible for external and internal security. The police are under the authority of the Prime Minister, while the Defense Force reports to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Some communities questioned the ability of the police to operate effectively at the community level and have formed community police. Civilian authorities maintained effective control of the security forces. Some members of the security forces and the community police committed numerous human rights abuses.
Abstract: There is no gainsaying that while most Southern African Development Community (SADC) states have embraced liberal democracy, in practice, they are implementing electoral practices that are essentially a narrower form of liberal democracy. The likely impact of the election principles and guidelines adopted by the SADC Heads of State and Government at the 2004 Summit in Mauritius is open to question. Is democracy equal to, or synonymous with, elections per se? What exactly is the relationship between elections and democracy? This paper attempts to answer these questions, but we will also indirectly point to the uncertain future of electoral democracy in the SADC region and the challenges faced when institutionalising liberal democracy.
Abstract: This chapter focuses on Swaziland and examines its motivations for
establishing defence and security institutions. Swaziland was one of
three British High Commission territories that included Botswana and
Lesotho. The country gained independence on 6 September 1968; but
before tackling the late 1960s post-colonial era we will discuss, as
background, the colonial period and its legacy vis-Ã -vis the military
history of Swaziland.
Abstract: The frustration building in Swaziland -- an anachronistic absolute monarchy with desperate humanitarian problems -- risks turning to violence unless the international community helps push for reforms. A new political arrangement is needed that harmonises history, culture and traditions with democracy based on universal suffrage and popular participation. A constitutional monarchy should be introduced that eliminates all vestiges of the 1973 state of emergency; legalises parties; establishes a directly elected House of Assembly with oversight of royal spending and an elected prime minister as head of government; and provides civilian oversight of professional security services. The world has been too willing to accept the royalists' line that change must come very slowly. The longer Swaziland takes to return to constitutional monarchy the greater the risk of instability for the country and region.
Abstract: This paper gives an overview of the main characteristics of organised crime in Southern Africa and highlights the features that predispose the sub-region to terrorism. It also draws upon lessons from the conflicts in the two areas cited above. [Also available in HTML at: http://www.iss.org.za/pubs/papers/101/Paper101.htm].
Abstract: The year 2005 is being touted as the one in
which Africa stakes its claim on the international agenda, topping the list of priorities for the Group of Eight (G8) the European Union (EU) and, increasingly, US foreign policy. Indeed the continent has received better media attention in recent months, stimulated by reinvigorated peace processes and the G7's agenda for poverty eradication in Africa that is led by the United Kingdom. Nevertheless, poverty and
hunger still characterise life for most of the
continent's inhabitants who are denied agency
over their livelihoods as a result of a complex
mix of reinforcing structural, political and
environmental factors.
The following pages identify HIV/AIDS and
food insecurity (particularly in rural areas) as the two most severe and interrelated humanitarian
issues currently facing southern Africa. It is
argued t#hat the current situation must be
contextualised as an xe2x80x98entangling crisis' of climatic factors, chronic poverty, the failure of economic and political governance, and the impact of HIV/AIDS on the ability of individuals to
respond independently.
Abstract: Since the events of 11 September, regional organisations around the globe have realigned themselves to confront the new security threats posed by terrorism. While these threats can, and do, affect southern Africa in many ways, there has yet to be strong action taken at a regional level, and commitments to dealing with the issue have been varied. This essay attempts to explore why terrorism should demand more attention from southern African states, and reasons why those states should confront the issue through regional apparatuses. It also examines areas that the SADC region will have to fine-tune in order to successfully implement security measures against terrorism. The essay seeks to take stock of the present capacity within the region as well as learn from what other regions around the world are doing. It highlights how other regions have already taken steps to mitigate their collective vulnerabilities by emphasising coordination, cooperation and harmonization among members. The essay highlights how, by integrating international models with existing regional capacity, southern African states can - and should - begin to confront the threats that terrorism poses to the region.
Abstract: The following pages identify HIV/AIDS and food insecurity (particularly in the rural areas) as the two most severe and interrelated humanitarian issues currently facing Southern Africa. It is argued that the current situation must be contexualised as an xe2x80x98entangling crisis' of climatic factors, chronic poverty, the failure of economic and political governance, and the impact of HIV/AIDS on the ability of individuals to respond independently. The foregrounding of human security as a way of ensuring global stability (through preventative action) is gaining momentum particularly by major aid donor countries. But with only ten years left to meet the 2015 deadline for the millennium development goals there is an urgent need to reassess the most pressing issues facing African states and the communities that comprise them.
Abstract: Little information is available on the trafficking of persons in Swaziland. However, one report indicates that women and children from Swaziland are trafficked for purposes of sexual exploitation to neighboring South Africa, one of the major trafficking destinations in southern Africa.
