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Abstract: I consider it a singular honour to have been invited today by Chatham House
to address this august forum. The Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS), which I represent, is a regional organisation which has,
over the years, gained your attention only for the unfortunate reasons of state
implosion and instability caused by bad governance and marginalisation. I
therefore welcome the opportunity to throw further light on its objectives,
challenges, and achievements, which factors have effectively brought
together fifteen West African states in the enterprise of improving upon the
living standards of 230 million people as well as integrating them.
The term ‘Chatham House Rule’ is today an internationally-accepted cliché
that this Institute has contributed to international diplomacy discourse, a
reference norm in rigorous and policy-oriented exchanges on global peace
and security. I therefore view your invitation to lead today’s discourse about
‘Democracy in the context of Regional Integration in West Africa’ as an
unique honour for me personally, and a recognition of ECOWAS as a leading
brand in regional integration.
Ladies and gentlemen, the evolution of ECOWAS can only be properly
understood against the backdrop of the fascinating history and circumstances
of West Africa since establishing contact with the world beyond its borders.
The fact that slavery, colonialism, as well as racial and economic
marginalisation, had left an intrinsic yearning for freedom, unity and solidarity
among peoples of African descent everywhere defines its wish to integrate its
states and peoples.
Abstract: This special research report provides an analysis of a set of new issues that have been emerging in the West African subregion and possible implications for the Security Council in the coming year(s). It identifies some key emerging threats to peace and security in the 16-state subregion and their linkages to existing security challenges. The report points to a key feature: the fact that some of the new threats are essentially criminal rather than political in nature. However, it explains also the growing political and security implications. The report also highlights action already taken by the Council to recognise these threats and considers options available to the Council to tackle these issues going forward.
The raw material for the study was derived from literature research; field research in a number of countries in the West African subregion (including Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Senegal, Ghana and Nigeria); and interviews in the region with diplomats, government officials and officials of relevant international intergovernmental bodies (e.g. UN Office in West Africa or UNOWA, UN Office for Drugs and Crime or UNODC, the Economic Community of West African States or ECOWAS and the AU), NGOs and academics.
Abstract: This report presents the analysis and recommendations
of the Atlantic Council’s Michael S. Ansari Africa
Center in cooperation with the On the Horizon Project
to advance U.S. strategic interests in West Africa. Unaddressed problems of poor governance, severe poverty,
widespread public corruption, and growing insecurity from the
presence of criminal and militant enterprises engaged in theft,
terrorism, trafficking, piracy, poaching, and pollution will
continue to punish local populations and create conditions
of instability that undermine public order from greater levels
of armed confl ict and mass migration and threaten the
reliable flow of oil from the region. As noted in a recent United
Nations report, the “combination of coups from the top and
insurgencies from below render West Africa in the opinion of
the UN the least politically stable region in the world.” While this report focuses on the maritime
domain, the Atlantic Council approaches the regional
security challenges from a broad perspective. Security
issues are holistic and must be addressed as such. The
dynamics and consequences of insecurity in the maritime
domain are part of a wider, more complex political and
security dynamic encompassing rule of law, governance,
public capacities, and economic and human development
across geographic, societal, and national domains. Just
as the causes, manifestations, and consequences
of insecurity are comprehensive, so too must be the
preventatives and remedies.
This document provides a broad strategic-level analysis
and corresponding recommendations for action that can,
and we believe should, be supported and implemented
by U.S. and allied policymakers, African leaders, and key
stakeholders.
Abstract: In Cameroon, prejudice against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender
people is both very personal and very public. The Cameroon Penal Code
punishes “sexual relations with a person of the same sex” with a prison term
and a fine. The relevant article, 347 bis, became law in 1972, and until five
years ago, there was little information publicly available on its enforcement.
But on May 21, 2005, police arrested 32 people at a nightclub in the first of a
series of high-profile arrests and prosecutions continuing to the present.
Beyond arrest, gay, lesbian, and bisexual Cameroonians are at higher risk for
other problems. Police and prison officers routinely abuse detainees they
suspect of same-sex sexual relationships. Gay, lesbian, bisexual, and
transgender people may be more vulnerable to violent attacks inside and
outside the home, as they often avoid reporting a crime for fear of being
arrested, in turn, for homosexuality. Lesbian women can lose custody of their
children and be ostracized by their families. Those who are at risk for
HIV/AIDS infection or who are HIV positive have difficulty obtaining medical
and legal services. A general climate of fear means that rigid gender codes
are strictly enforced and people live out their lives in secrecy.
Abstract: This paper aims to appraise and map the security challenges that have faced West African countries since independence with a special focus on the period after 1990. It also assesses the efforts made by various national, regional, continental and extra-African actors and makes suggestions on how the shortcomings in these efforts could be improved. An effort is made to show the evolution of at least some of the challenges over the years, in the hope that this could contribute to a better formulation of policy responses.
The study is based on extensive review of existing literature, complemented by field research in the region undertaken in July and August 2010, in addition to general familiarity with the region from many previous research visits on related subjects.
Without neglecting other issues that could be considered as security threats, and without attempting any hierarchical ordering of these threats, the paper focuses on the following six major issues: i) armed conflict, ii) military coups and unconstitutional changes of government; iii) mismanagement of electoral processes; iv) transnational criminality, particularly drug trafficking, terrorism and maritime piracy in the Gulf of Guinea; v) poverty and illiteracy; vi) climate change and environmental degradation.
Abstract: Après 28 ans sous la présidence de Paul Biya, le Cameroun
est dans une situation de grande instabilité potentielle
à l’approche de l’élection présidentielle prévue en
2011. Le flou constitutionnel et légal qui prévaut, les
rivalités entre les barons du régime, les tentatives du gouvernement
pour contrôler le processus électoral, la rupture
du contrat politique entre gouvernants et gouvernés,
l’importante paupérisation et les nombreuses insatisfactions
de la population, le niveau élevé de la corruption
ainsi que les frustrations d’une grande partie de l’armée
font craindre la possibilité d’une crise majeure. Pour
l’éviter, Biya et son gouvernement doivent restaurer
l’indépendance de l’organe chargé d’organiser et de superviser
les élections, rendre institutionnelle et impartiale
la lutte contre la corruption et garantir la neutralité des
forces de sécurité. Ils doivent aussi, de manière urgente,
mettre en place les institutions prévues par la Constitution
de 1996, afin d’éviter une vacance du pouvoir et l’éventualité
de violences lors d’une transition, y compris si
celle-ci était causée par un événement imprévu comme le
décès en fonction du président, aujourd’hui âgé de 77 ans.
Les partenaires les plus influents du Cameroun, en particulier
la France et les Etats-Unis, doivent apporter un
soutien actif à ces mesures afin d’empêcher des troubles.
Abstract: This paper sketches a conceptual framework of international conflict dynamics
and resolution, examines the geopolitics of the Bakassi dispute between Nigeria
and Cameroon, and outlines socio-economic implications of its peaceful
settlement. Neglect and subsequent discovery of oil deposits subjected the
Bakassi Peninsula to claims and counter-claims for sovereignty, military
occupation and recourse to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). The ICJ’s
ruling in 2002 in favour of Cameroon, although based on sound historical
evidence, faced implementation difficulties. However, following mediation by
the United Nations (UN) Secretary-General, good faith by protagonists, the
Green-tree Agreement and subsequent instruments, Nigeria completed the
withdrawal of its military, police and administration from the Bakassi Peninsula
by 14 August 2008. Putting aside disruptive activities by social movements,
the entire process could be viewed as a model in peaceful resolution of border
conflicts. Implications of the settlement anchor on expenditure-reducing
and expenditure-switching effects, wealth-generating effects, and enhanced cross-border activities. Infrastructural developments and effective presence are
considered essential elements in border management policies.
Abstract: Cameroon’s apparent stability in a turbulent region cannot be taken for granted. The co-option of elites through the distribution of state largesse, and the emigration of many educated young people provide a certain safety valve for tensions, but the failure of reform and continued poor governance mean people no longer believe in the rule of law or peaceful political change. Multiple risks of conflict exist in the build-up to presidential elections in 2011 and beyond. This background report, Crisis Group’s first on Cameroon, analyses the historical roots of the current impasse.
Cameroon’s history shows a pattern of apparent stability followed by violent crisis. Today, the nation-building project has become frayed, as the economy has stagnated, and unemployment and inequality have risen. The economy is weighed down by corruption and inertia, and the population sees very little from what economic growth there has been, mainly through exploitation of natural resources. While potential organising forces are weak and dissipated, popular anger is high.
The regime retains its old conservative reflexes, but the experiences and expectations of a youthful population have moved on. The political opposition is weakened by internal fractures and an erosion of democratic space, leaving few channels to express legitimate discontent. The explosion of anger in February 2008, stimulated by Biya’s decision to alter the constitution to seek a further term in office, showed the dangers of this situation.
Cameroon has many features of other countries which have fallen into conflict, including highly centralised and personalised leadership, political manipulation of ethnic tensions and very widespread corruption.
Abstract: On May 12, 2009, the UN General Assembly will elect 18 new Human Rights Council members. Twenty countries are candidates. However, each is not competing against all of the others, but rather only against the ones from the same UN regional group. In this year’s election, all but two regional groups have submitted the same amount of candidates as available seats. The Asian Group has 5 countries vying for 5 available seats, the Latin American and Caribbean Group (―GRULAC‖) has 3 countries vying for 3 available seats, and the Western European and Others Group (―WEOG‖) has 3 countries vying for 3 available seats. This does not mean that the candidate countries for these groups will automatically be elected; in order to become a Council member, a country must receive the votes of at least 97 of the 192 General Assembly member states (an absolute majority). Competition between the candidates exists only in the African Group, where 6 countries are vying for 5 available seats, and in the Eastern European Group, where 3 countries are vying for 2 available seats.
Abstract: For more than 10 years, Amnesty International has received reports of human rights
violations that were ordered, condoned or perpetrated by the Cameroonian authorities
in contravention of their national and international human rights obligations. These
violations include: arbitrary arrests and unlawful detentions; extrajudicial executions;
threats against and ill-treatment of human rights defenders and journalists; denial of
the rights to freedom of expression and association; harsh prison conditions; torture
and other forms of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment; failure to protect the
human rights of women and girls; and persecution of men and women on the grounds
of their actual or imputed sexual orientation. This report provides examples of these
violations, for which the perpetrators have enjoyed almost total impunity. Amnesty
International is also concerned that, despite a global trend towards abolition of the
death penalty, the Cameroonian government continues to impose death sentences. This report is not an exhaustive account of human rights violations that have
occurred in Cameroon, and it covers only those parts of the country where Amnesty
International has trusted contacts. This is merely a snapshot of the human rights
situation in Cameroon over the past five years. Amnesty International is publishing this report in order to inform the
international community of its human rights concerns in Cameroon and the continuing
failure of the government to protect ordinary people from human rights abuses. The
report also seeks to appeal to the Cameroonian authorities to take all necessary
political and legal measures, as well as to provide resources to promote and protect
human rights, including by bringing an end to the widespread and persistent impunity
enjoyed by the security forces and government officials.
Abstract: Depuis plus de dix ans, Amnesty International reçoit des informations faisant état de
violations des droits humains ordonnées, cautionnées ou perpétrées par les autorités
camerounaises au mépris de leurs obligations nationales et internationales en matière
de droits humains. Ces violations sont très diverses : arrestations arbitraires et
détentions illégales ; exécutions extrajudiciaires ; menaces et mauvais traitements
visant des défenseurs des droits humains et des journalistes ; privation des droits à la
liberté d’expression et d’association ; conditions carcérales pénibles ; torture et autres
formes de traitement cruel, inhumain ou dégradant ; absence de protection des droits
humains des femmes et des fillettes ; et persécution d’hommes et de femmes en raison
de leur orientation sexuelle réelle ou présumée. Vous trouverez dans le présent rapport
des exemples de ces violations, dont les auteurs ont bénéficié d’une impunité quasi
totale. Amnesty International est également préoccupée par le fait que le
gouvernement camerounais continue à prononcer des sentences capitales, malgré la
tendance mondiale à l’abolition de la peine de mort. Amnesty International publie le présent rapport dans le but d’informer la
communauté internationale des inquiétudes que lui inspirent la situation des droits
humains au Cameroun et l’inaction permanente du gouvernement en matière de
protection de la population contre les atteintes aux droits humains. Elle lance
également un appel aux autorités camerounaises, et leur demande de prendre toutes
les mesures politiques, juridiques et financières nécessaires pour promouvoir et
protéger les droits humains, y compris en mettant un terme à l’impunité généralisée et
persistante dont jouissent les forces de sécurité et les représentants du gouvernement.
Abstract: Contrary to common belief that Cameroon is a haven of peace in a
turbulent Central African sub region, this paper demonstrates that the
absence of war in the country does not imply that it is peaceful. Given
the linguistic and cultural diversity of the country with its more than 289
ethnic groups and a colonial legacy of French and English cultures and
languages, plus remnants of a German sub-stratum, it should be clear
that there are many potential ingredients for conflicts in Cameroon. The
politicians seem to have nurtured these cultural and/or linguistic diversities
in ways that fuel conflict and can even spark civil war. The tension
that results from these ethnic and/or linguistic and religious splinters is
not overt, however, due to the repressive nature of the regime in place.
However, this tension continues to grow, to the detriment of the country’s
socio-economic development. There is therefore an acute need for
measures to defuse such cultural conflicts which have the potential of
sparking future civil strife in the country.
Abstract: On July 18, 2007, the
International Peace Institute
(formerly International Peace
Academy) co-hosted an international
policy conference in New
York titled, "Pacific Settlement of
Border Disputes: Lessons from
the Resolution of the Bakassi
Dispute." The conference was
organized in collaboration with
the University of Yaoundé II,
Cameroon; the Nigeria Institute
of International Affairs (NIIA);
and the Commonwealth Secretariat
in London, with additional
support from the Cameroonian
and Nigerian governments. The
main aims of the conference
were to deepen the knowledge of
the international community on
border disputes in Africa and to
provide a sophisticated understanding of lessons
learned from the resolution of such localized cases
as Bakassi since these may be applicable elsewhere.
The meeting brought together fifty senior
government officials and policymakers from
Cameroon and Nigeria, the Commonwealth
Secretariat, the United Nations, the African Union,
and regional economic communities. Participants
also included mediators, academic experts, and
civil society actors from Africa, Europe, and North
America.
As was identified by the conference participants,
the resolution of the Bakassi dispute highlighted
valuable lessons in conflict management. These
include the importance of strong leadership and its
perseverance to overcome domestic reluctance; the
strategic role of an impartial mediator—in this case
former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan—in
providing an environment of trust through his
"good offices" role within the context of Chapter VI
of the UN Charter; the valuable role of the
Cameroon-Nigeria Mixed Commission (CNMC)
in monitoring the implementation of the Nigerian
administration’s withdrawal and transfer of
authority in the maritime zone to the government
of Cameroon; and the importance of sustained
international commitment to preventive diplomacy
and rule of law in compliance with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) judgment.
Conference participants expressed particular
concern about existing and potential threats to the
process, including the following:
(a) hostilities toward the government of Cameroon
among inhabitants of the Bakassi area;
(b) continuing harassment and acts of violence
perpetrated by the Cameroonian gendarmes;
(c) complications, and harassment of individuals,
caused by the identification process;
(d) failure by the government of Cameroon to fulfill
its pledges for economic and social development;
(e) isolated acts of violence committed by Nigerian
armed forces; and
(f) concerns that the new Nigerian government,
which took office in May 2007, would not be
fully committed to comprehensive implementation
of the peace process by June 2008.
This report seeks to set the dispute into context,
highlight key features of its resolution as a model of
international negotiation, identify the challenges
facing the ongoing implementation of the ICJ
ruling, and outline lessons learned and recommendations
which could be applied elsewhere.
Abstract: UNHCR's deputy chief told key donors on Thursday that a comprehensive assessment of the needs of refugees and other people cared for by the refugee agency in eight pilot countries has revealed some substantial and disturbing gaps that must be addressed.
Deputy High Commissioner for Refugees L. Craig Johnstone was launching "Refugee Realities" at the annual meeting of UNHCR's governing Executive Committee. The UNHCR report, based on the pilot Global Needs Assessment, presents a sobering picture of gaps in several areas, including shelter, health, education, food security, sanitation and the prevention of sexual violence. Nearly a third of those unmet needs were basic and essential services.
"Anyone who visits a refugee camp or sees the needs of refugees and asylum seekers living in urban areas can be in no doubt that more needs to be done," said Johnstone, who is leading the effort to mainstream Global Needs Assessment into UNHCR's overall budgeting process. "Obviously, meeting the needs of our beneficiaries and ensuring their basic rights will require more resources."
The pilot assessment, set to be rolled out worldwide in UNHCR operations for the 2010-2011 planning cycle, was carried out in Cameroon, Ecuador, Georgia, Rwanda, Tanzania, Thailand, Yemen and Zambia earlier this year.
Abstract: La CEA/BSR-AC vient de lancer la onzième édition de son trimestriel avec pour nouveau titre: "Echos d'Afrique Centrale" afin d'ouvrir un espace plus large aux activités et événements relatifs au développement socioéconomique de la sous-region.
Abstract: Refoulement/Protection Physique : Il n’y eut pas de rapports de refoulement en 2006.
La Détention/L’Accès aux Cours : Les autorités ne détenirent aucun réfugié pour l’entrée, la présence, le mouvement, ou le travail illégal, bien qu presque une fois par semaine, la police et les gendarmes détenirent des réfugiés et des postulants pour l’asile qui ne reconnaissaient pas les documents d’identité du UNHCR. La police détenait parfois des réfugiés, comme elle le faisait pour les citoyens, au-delà des 72 heures permises par la loi pour les enquêtes criminelles. Le Département d’État des Etats-Unis décrit les conditions des prisons pendant l’année comme étant « dures et une menace sur la vie » parce que les réfugiés étaient battus, déshabillés, et confiné aux cellules surpeuplées et malpropres. L’UNHCR surveilla la détention des réfugiés et des postulants pour l’asile. Les détenus pouvaient mettre en question leur détention devant un tribunal indépendant avec un représentant en conseil à leurs propres frais.
La Liberté de Mouvement et de Domicile : Il n’y avait pas de camps au Cameroun, mais la police et les gendarmes dans les provinces de l’est de d’Adamaoua extorquaient de l’argent des réfugiés de prima facie qui ne possédaient pas de certificats, lorsqu’ils tentaient de voyager. Les réfugiés et les postulants pour l’asile inscrits, qui portaient des cartes d’identité, étaient généralement libres de voyager à travers le pays et de s’installer où bon leur semblait, mais le gouvernement demandait aux postulants pour l’asile de notifier les autorités d’immigration de tout changement d’adresse.
Le Droit de Gagner sa Vie : Les réfugiés de prima facie et les postulants pour l’asile ne pouvaient pas travailler légalement. La Loi des Réfugiés accordait aux réfugiés inscrits le droit de travailler, d’être propriétaire et des transférer leurs biens et terres, et de pratiquer leurs professions au même niveau que les citoyens. D’autres droits étaient avançés avec la Loi de 1997 d’Entrée et de Résidence, qui exigeait un contrat de travail approuvé par le Ministre du Travail, et un certificat médical par un docteur reconnu, ceci avant l’arrivée. La loi de 1997 exigeait aussi que toute personne cherchant à pratiquer sa profession ou à s’engager dans des activités industrielles, agricoles, pastorales, commerciales, manuelles, ou artisiques, devait posséder un visa d’entrée de la duration nécessaire, et les autorités devaient autoriser le travail ou l’activité particulière. Pour obtenir des permis de travail, les postulants devaient se rendre au Ministère des Affaires Étrangères et paier des frais. Le Ministère des Affaires Étrangères transférait alors le dossier au Ministère du Travail, qui distribuait les permis à peu près trois mois plus tard.
Le Secours Public et l’Éducation : Le gouvernement coopéra avec l’UNHCR et les agences humanitaires pour assister les réfugiés. La Loi des Réfugiés accorda aux réfugiés l’éducation et le secours public au même niveau que pour les citoyens.
Abstract: L’économie a montré des signes de reprise en 2007,malgré une baisse de la production pétrolière qui entrave la croissance au Cameroun depuis 2005. La
croissance a été estimée à 3.6 pour cent en 2007, contre 3.2 pour cent en 2006. Cet élan devrait se poursuivre, avec 4.8 et 4.6 pour cent de croissance projetés en 2008 et 2009. Les investissements publics devraient tirer
l’activité, grâce aux ressources importantes tirées des allègements de dette. L’entrée en vigueur d’une réforme fiscale, en 2008, devrait par ailleurs réduire la dépendance du pays à l’égard de ses recettes pétrolières, en recul constant.
Abstract: Le présent rapport fait la synthèse de la première grande étude continentale visant à mesurer et contrôler les « Progrès accomplis sur la voie de la bonne gouvernance en Afrique », entreprise par la Commission économique pour l’Afrique. Dans le cadre de cette étude, des enquêtes et des recherches ont été menées sur 28 pays. Les résultats complets et l’analyse de l’étude seront
publiés en 2005 dans le premier «Rapport sur la gouvernance en Afrique ».
La CEA a entrepris ce travail pour évaluer l’idée que les citoyens se font de l’état de la gouvernance en Afrique, pour rassembler des informations sur les meilleures pratiques et pour identifier les principaux besoins de la région en
matière de développement des capacités. Le projet a identifié quatre tendances positives sur la voie de la création d’États compétents en Afrique: transitions démocratiques, ouverture politique, liberté d’expression et obligation comptable, et gestion économique.
Abstract: Le Rapport sur la gouvernance en Afrique est le fruit de larges travaux de recherche sur les pratiques de gouvernance entrepris dans 27 pays africains par la Commission économique pour l’Afrique (CEA), par l’intermédiaire d’instituts nationaux de recherche, qui ont recueilli, ensemble par échantillonnage, les opinions de plus de 50 000 ménages et de 2 000 experts. Les conclusions, soumises à la CEA entre 2002 et 2004, ont fait l’objet d’un processus rigoureux d’examens auxquels ont participé des experts nationaux et internationaux travaillant sur la gouvernance et les questions politiques et économiques.
Ce rapport est la première grande étude de ce type initiée par les pays africains, qui vise à analyser de façon empirique les opinions des citoyens quant à l’état de la gouvernance dans leurs pays, tout en mettant en évidence les principaux déficits de capacité dans les pratiques et institutions de gouvernance et en recommandant des pratiques optimales et des solutions pour y faire face. On s’est attaché à assurer l’appropriation locale de l’ensemble empirique de résultats afin de renforcer l’efficacité et la légitimité de la prise de décisions et de l’effort de sensibilisation aux niveaux national et infrarégional. Les données ainsi générées peuvent être utilisées pour mesurer la performance des gouvernements et de toutes les principales parties prenantes dans leur réponse aux préoccupations exprimées par les citoyens et pour suivre la mesure dans laquelle le contrat qu’ils ont passé entre eux est respecté. Nous avons pris soin de ne pas être trop directif. Le Rapport sur la gouvernance en Afrique contient des recommandations qui découlent essentiellement des réalités propres aux pays, car, pour être durable, la gouvernance doit être replacée dans son contexte et internalisée.
Abstract: Ce rapport contient des résumés sur les régions suivants: Afrique australe, Afrique de l’Est, Afrique de l’Ouest et Afrique centrale, et Afrique centrale, et aussi sur les thèmes suivantes: le double défi de la tuberculose et du VIH, circonsion masculine et préventions du VIH, epidémies latentes parmi les hommes ayant des rapports sexuels avec des hommes, la consommation de drogues injectables: un facteur croissant dans plusiers épidémies de VIH de L'Afrique Subsaharienne, et signes de changements vers des comportements à moindre risque.
Abstract: While the Chad/Cameroon oil pipeline is being officially touted as beneficial development for the people in Cameroon, the Bagyeli have seen a myriad of negative consequences and few if any positive effects. The Bagyeli are foragers living in the rainforest of Cameroon near the terminus of the pipeline. For the Bagyeli, the pipeline has meant a loss of their habitat and a decline in the foodstuffs they rely on. Through the in-migration of people seeking employment and the increased impoverishment of the Bagyeli, there has been an increased risk of HIV infection as well as an increase in other diseases. As more areas in Chad and Cameroon, as well as other regions of the world, are being opened for oil exploration, the impacts this has on indigenous peoples’ health must be understood and acted upon.
Abstract: Au Cameroun, au Gabon, en RCA et au Tchad, la stabilité se voit surtout menacée par le fait que ces états ne sont pas suffisamment capables à garantir la sécurité de leurs populations. Ceci est entre autre à mettre en rapport avec la nouvelle conception élargie de la sécurité. Face à l’ampleur de certains défis ou à leur nature transnationale, l’Etat présente un acteur non approprié pour répondre à l’ensemble des besoins sécuritaires de ses ressortissants. Cette
étude vise à montrer que le régionalisme pourrait permettre une approche adéquate pour parer aux menaces de déstabilisation. En Afrique centrale, il se pose cependant le problème que malgré leur relance dans les années 1990, les processus de régionalisation n’ont toujours pas permis de dégager les capacités nécessaires pour une approche efficace des défis contemporains. Ceci peut non seulement s’expliquer par l’orientation économique mais surtout aussi par la structure intergouvernementale des deux organisations régionales, la CEMAC et la CEEAC. En accordant une place prédominante aux représentants des Etats, ces
processus ne semblent pas avoir été adaptés au nouveau contexte international et aborder les questions pertinentes pour la sécurité humaine. En se fondant sur une analyse des théories du régionalisme et en faisant appel à l’exemple de la SADC et de la CEDEAO, cette étude cherche à montrer qu’une ouverture des structures régionales aux acteurs non-étatiques pourra constituer une voie pour rendre le régionalisme plus performant sur le plan sécuritaire et renforcer son effet sur la stabilité. Ainsi serait-il possible d’envisager le passage de l’état de coopération à une logique d’intégration régionale.
Abstract: The United Nations has started distributing food to about 26,000 refugees from the Central African Republic who have fled to neighbouring Cameroon to escape fighting.
Abstract: In the last three years, Chad's economy has experienced strong economic growth from its oil industry. In 2004, foreign investments into Chad and petroleum exports via the Chad-Cameroon pipeline were the primary driving forces behind the country's considerable real gross domestic product growth (GDP) rate of 30 percent. In 2005, high oil prices attributed to Chad's GDP growth rate of 7 percent. Investments in Chad's oil industry have led to growth in other areas as well, such as the trade, transportation, and public services sectors. Additional economic growth is expected to come from foreign investment in new oil exploration licenses that are to be offered in 2007. Although oil production was not impeded, Chad experienced civil strife throughout 2006, which included rebel forces marching on the capital, N'Djamena. Cameroon's economy has exhibited steady economic growth since the mid 1990's. However, the country saw a slight decline in real GDP growth after the completion of the Chad-Cameroon pipeline. In 2005, the real GDP growth rate was 2.6 percent. High energy prices have helped offset economic growth declines, but they have also increased inflationary pressures in Cameroon. In 2005, inflation was 2 percent. In May 2006, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank indicated that Cameroon had completed its obligations under the Enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative. Cameroon will now receive more than $1 billion in bilateral debt relief and additional multilateral aid, which together, will provide a 50 percent reduction in the country's total external debt.
Abstract: Southern Cameroons nationalists continue with their efforts in an attempt to secure a sovereign state, despite the daunting reality of human rights abuse and unprovoked killings that haunt communities living in the threatened region of the country. Without declared charges against them, victims continued to be held in prisons for extended periods of time. Although the case for Southern Cameroons renders in the eye of the international community, still no accord has been made to quell contention between the peoples.
