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Abstract: Background: In recent years, vigorous debate has developed concerning how
conflicts contribute to the spread of infectious diseases, and in particular, the role of
post-conflict situations in the epidemiology of HIV/AIDS. This study details the agespecific
mortality patterns among the population in the central provincial capital of
Beira, Mozambique, during and after the Mozambican civil war which ended in 1992.
Methods: Data was collected from the death register at Beira’s Central Hospital
between 1985 and 2003 and descriptively analyzed.
Results: The data show two distinct periods: before and after the peace agreements in
1992. Before 1992 (during the civil war), the main impact of mortality was on
children below 5 years of age, including still births, accounting for 58% of all deaths.
After the war ended in 1992, the pattern shifted dramatically and rapidly to the 15-49
year old age group which accounted for 49% of all deaths by 2003.
Conclusions: As under-5 mortality rates were decreasing at the end of the conflict,
rates for 24-49 year old adults began to dramatically increase due to AIDS. This
study demonstrates that strategies can be implemented during conflicts to decrease
mortality rates in one vulnerable population but post-conflict dynamics can bring
together other factors which contribute to the rapid spread of other infectious diseases
in other vulnerable populations.
Abstract: The Portfolio of Mine Action Projects is a resource tool and reference document for donors, policy-makers, advocates, and national and international mine action implementers. The country and territory-specific proposals in the portfolio reflect strategic responses developed in the field to address all aspects of the problem of landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW). This country and territory-based approach aims to present as comprehensive a picture as possible of the full range of mine action needs in particular countries and thematic issues related to mine action. The portfolio ideally reflects projects developed by mine- and ERW-affected countries and territories based on their priorities and strategies; the approaches are endorsed by national authorities. The portfolio does not automatically entail full-scale direct mine action assistance by the United Nations, but is in essence a tool for collaborative resource mobilization, coordination and planning of mine action activities involving partners and stakeholders. A country portfolio coordinator (CPC) leads each country portfolio team and coordinates the submission of proposals to the portfolio’s headquarters team. While the majority of the CPCs are UN officials, this role is increasingly being assumed by national authorities. The country portfolio teams include representatives from national and local authorities, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the United Nations and the private sector. Locally based donor representatives are invited to attend preparation meetings. Each portfolio chapter contains a synopsis of the scope of the landmine and ERW problem, a description of how mine action is coordinated, and a snapshot of local mine action strategies. Many of the strategies complement or are integrated into broader development and humanitarian frameworks such as national development plans, the UN development assistance frameworks and national poverty reduction plans. This 14th edition of the annual Portfolio of Mine Action Projects features overviews and project outlines for 29 countries, territories or missions affected by landmines and explosive remnants of war. There are 238 projects in the 2011 portfolio. Africa accounts for the largest number: 92.
Abstract: Militias, rebels and Islamist militants: human insecurity and state crises in Africa explores how armed non-state groups have emerged as key players in African politics and armed conflicts since the 1990s. The book is a critical, multidisciplinary and comprehensive study of the threats that militias, rebels and Islamist militants pose to human security and the state in Africa. Through case studies utilising multidisciplinary approaches and concepts, analytical frameworks and perspectives cutting across the social sciences and humanities, the book conceptualises armed non-state groups in Africa through their links to the state. After contextualising these groups in history, culture, economics, politics, law and other factors, a systematic effort is made to locate their roots in group identity, social deprivation, resource competition, elite manipulations, the youth problématique, economic decline, poor political leadership and governance crisis. Differentiating militias from insurgents, rebel groups and extremist religious movements, the book illustrates how some of the groups have sustained themselves, undermining both human security and the state capacity to provide it. The responses to their threats by local communities, states, regional mechanisms and initiatives, and the international communities are analysed. The findings provide a conceptual reference for scholars and practical recommendations for policymakers.
Abstract: For the past 60 years, the United Nations has been keeping foes apart in strife-torn parts
of the world, and rebuilding countries and communities afterwards. In the UN’s peace
operations in Africa, India has been an active partner since its peacekeeping mission in the
Congo in 1960. In this paper, all references to ‘the Congo’ denote the Democratic Republic
of Congo (formerly Zaire), and not the Republic of Congo (or Congo–Brazzaville).
This paper explores India’s peacekeeping efforts in Africa over the last five decades.
It analyses the reasons for India’s engagement in African peace missions, and finds that
different motives and incentives appear to be driving India’s peacekeeping. Some of these
can be explained along Cold War fault lines.
A chronological account of India’s peacekeeping actions in Africa illustrates that country’s
commitment to securing peace, the depth of involvement, the fatalities bravely borne and
the hardships endured. Even more important, the record shows that India continues to use
the experience that has been gained to refine its approach to peacekeeping.
In conclusion, the paper offers a forecast of what form India’s commitments to Africa’s
peacekeeping requirements are likely to take in the future. India may well develop criteria
that require a greater return on investment than has been the case over the last halfcentury.
A more tempered approach — particularly in view of India’s global aspirations
— seems likely.
Abstract: Seven actual or potential conflict situations around the world deteriorated and none improved in September 2010, according to the latest issue of the International Crisis Group’s monthly bulletin CrisisWatch.Guinea saw increased political and ethnic divisions, exacerbated by controversies related to the presidential elections. Two days of violent clashes in the capital between rival supporters of the two presidential candidates, Alpha Conde and Cellou Diallo, left one person dead and dozens injured. Continued delays in the timing of the run-off and Diallo’s rejection of the appointment of the election commission’s new head led to further tensions between the two camps.
In Sri Lanka moves by President Rajapaksa to consolidate his power through a de facto constitutional coup transformed the political terrain. On 8 September the parliament passed the 18th Amendment to the Constitution, which gives the President nearly unbridled power by scrapping term limits on the presidency, abolishing the Constitutional Council and allowing the President to appoint directly officials to the judiciary, police and electoral bodies.
More protesters were killed by police in Kashmir as anti-India demonstrations continued and spread to new areas, bringing the death toll from the demonstrations since June to over 100. The Indian government on 25 September announced an eight-point plan aimed at calming the situation. Separatist leaders rejected the initiative and said that protests will continue.
The situation in Burundi deteriorated as violent clashes between security forces and armed groups increased, alongside kidnappings and fatal attacks on civilians. There are increasingly credible indications that elements disgruntled with elections held earlier this year have re-established bases and taken up arms in the Rukoko and Kibira areas. However, local authorities deny that former rebels are regrouping and insist that bandits are behind the recent attacks.
The month saw a new upsurge of violence in Russia’s restive North Caucasus region, demonstrating the growing ability of guerrillas to carry out major operations. In the deadliest terrorist strike anywhere in Russia since the March subway bombings in Moscow, a suicide attack killed at least 17 at a market in the capital of North Ossetia. A spate of bold guerrilla attacks also struck security personnel and infrastructure in Dagestan. The situation in Ecuador took a dramatic turn at the end of the month when disaffected members of the police and armed forces staged a protest against proposed austerity measures, taking control of the National Assembly building and airport and laying siege to a hospital where President Correa had sought refuge. President Correa later said the revolt amounted to an attempted coup. Meanwhile, in Mozambique 13 people were killed and over 170 injured in three days of riots that took place early in the month over food and energy price increases.
Abstract: Close to two decades after the end of the civil war in
Mozambique, the country is yet to complete the reintegration
of the demobilised combatants into society. In early 2009,
the government of Mozambique embarked on a programme
that envisages assisting with the reintegration of an estimated
100 000 former fighters.
It would be assumed that most of these former fighters
agitating for compensation could have reintegrated naturally
into the society by now. This however is not the case, and
the Mozambican government has been designing a new
programme that aims to address various demands synthesised
into 18 points. This paper sought to understand why the
former fighters are raising these issues, and how the government
intends to respond. At the time of writing this paper,
the process was still in its formative stages and therefore not
conclusive. The analysis builds on interviews with associations
of ex-combatants, government officials and civil society
organisations, as well as information from secondary sources.
Abstract: Mozambique has long been cast as a donor success story. Levels of poverty have fallen significantly in
recent years. At the same time, economic growth has increased and Mozambique has managed to ride
out the global economic crisis relatively well. The government of Mozambique and donors can take a lot
of credit for these achievements. But the pace of poverty reduction now appears to be slowing, perhaps as the easy wins are increasingly
being banked. This may also be associated with declining standards of democratic and political governance.
Indeed, there are signs that democratic space is being monopolized as an elite element within the ruling
party, FRELIMO (the Liberation Front of Mozambique), consolidates its political and economic hold on
power to the detriment of both reforming elements of the party and other opposition groups, and with
potential impacts on (human) security. A number of direct threats to peace and security may flow from the increasingly weak nature of
governance and enforcement institutions. Corruption and organized crime may permit the operation
in Mozambique of transnational trafficking networks, dealing in everything from drugs and people to
weapons and cars. The existence of such networks alone is not the main problem, although they may
pose a security threat to the region and beyond, and to a lesser extent to Mozambique itself. The real
issue is that the culture of impunity that has grown up around these illegal activities and their sponsors
is a countervailing force working directly against government-led efforts to deliver basic services and to
reduce poverty.
Abstract: This review examines the response of UNHCR and other stakeholders to three distinct
but interrelated mixed migratory movements that are currently taking place to and
within southern Africa. First, a movement of people from the Horn of Africa to South
Africa, generally transiting through Kenya, Tanzania, Malawi, Mozambique and, to
some extent, Zimbabwe; second, a movement of people from the Great Lakes region
of Africa (Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda) to South Africa, a
proportion of whom are also taking up residence in Malawi and Mozambique; and
third, the large-scale departure of Zimbabwean citizens from their country of origin,
the majority of them also moving to South Africa. The
second chapter of the report focuses on the irregular movement of people to and
through Malawi and Mozambique. The chapter examines the way in which the
journey is organized, the protection risks encountered by those engaged in this
movement, as well as the challenges that it has posed for UNHCR and the two states
concerned.
The report draws attention to the fact many of the refugees involved in this
movement, especially those from the Horn of Africa, have their own notion of
protection - one that does not correspond to UNHCR’s traditional approach to the
issue of asylum. Chapter 3 of the report analyzes the much larger movement of people from
Zimbabwe to South Africa, an influx that continues at a rapid rate, despite the recent
political and economic changes that have taken place in their country of origin and
despite the xenophobic violence that continues to threaten foreign nationals living in
South Africa. The fourth chapter of the report provides a more detailed account of the way that
UNHCR, the authorities, regional organizations, civil society and other actors have
responded to the large-scale mixed migration that South Africa has experienced in
recent years.
Abstract: The consequences of civil war have been widely analyzed, but one of its aspect, yet
important, remains marginally investigated: the human cost of the combats. Indeed, most of
recent literature has focused on the numbers of dead and wounded, while little scope has been
given to survivors’ health, whether they have been injured or not. Given that survivors are the
ones who bear the burden of reconstruction, the evaluation of the health costs of civil conflict,
is therefore crucial for the conception and the implementation of proper economic policies.
This paper is an attempt in this direction. It aims at assessing the impact of the fifteen year
long Mozambican civil war on the long-run health and nutritional status of adult women,
measured by their height-for-age z-score (HAZ). In this perspective, two sets of data are used:
the household survey data derived from Demographic and Health Survey (DHS+ 2003) which
provides individual level information and in particular a set of anthropometric measures
combined with an original, event dataset reporting the timing and location of battles and
military actions that took place during this war. In accordance with the existing literature on
this topic, I find that women who were exposed to the conflict during the early stages of their
lives have, on average, a weaker health in comparison to other women, reflected by a lower
HAZ. Using the Infancy-Childhood-Puberty Curves, a concept given by the medical literature
studying the human growth process, I point out that this negative effect depends both on the
age of entry into civil war and on the number of months spent in conflict. Furthermore, this
study indicates that months of civil war before a woman’s birth also have a negative impact
on her health highlighting thus the importance of the prenatal conditions. Moreover, as recent
works have shown, a poor health status induces other adverse effects in the long run. All of
these effects emphasize the importance of preventing civil wars and stopping ongoing
conflicts.
Abstract: Southern Africa has embarked on one of the world’s most ambitious security co-operation initiatives, seeking to roll out the principles of the United Nations at regional levels. This book examines the triangular relationship between democratisation, the character of democracy and its deficits, and national security practices and perceptions of eleven southern African states. It explores what impact these processes and practices have had on the collaborative security project in the region. Based on national studies conducted by African academics and security practitioners over three years, it includes an examination of the way security is conceived and managed, as well as a comparative analysis of regional security co-operation in the developing world. This book includes: Chapter 1: Democratic Governance and Security: A Conceptual Exploration, by Andre du Pisani; Chapter 2: Comparative Perspectives on Regional Security Co-operation among Developing Countries, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 3: Southern African Security in Historical Perspective, by Abillah H. Omari and Paulino Macaringue; Chapter 4: Botswana, by Mpho G. Molomo, Zibani Maundeni, Bertha Osei-Hwedie, Ian Taylor, and Shelly Whitman; Chapter 5: Lesotho, by Khabele Matlosa; Chapter 6: Mauritius, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 7: Mozambique, by Anicia Lalá; Chapter 8: Namibia, by Bill Lindeke, Phanuel Kaapama, and Leslie Blaauw; Chapter 9: Seychelles, by Anthoni van Nieuwkerk and William M. Bell; Chapter 10: South Africa, by Maxi Schoeman; Chapter 11: Swaziland, by Joseph Bheki Mzizi; Chapter 12: Tanzania Mohammed, by Omar Maundi; Chapter 13: Zambia, by Bizeck Jube Phiri; Chapter 14: Zimbabwe, by Ken D. Manungo; and Chapter 15: Conclusions, by Gavin Cawthra, Khabele Matlosa, and Anthoni van Nieuwkerk.
Abstract: Providing cash transfers to poor households to alleviate poverty has been popular in many middle-income countries, and is an emerging programme approach for a number of low-income countries. As their popularity grows among donors and governments, much is being learnt about the politics that drive cash transfers, as well as important design and implementation issues. The evidence informing cash transfer design has to date been drawn largely from stable and peaceful countries. There has been little discussion however about the role of cash transfers in post-conflict or fragile contexts. This Project Briefing draws on emerging evidence on the experience of cash transfers in fragile and post-conflict states. It highlights specific examples from two case studies on cash transfers in Sierra Leone and Nepal, countries recovering from ten year civil conflicts. It focuses on three aspects of cash transfers in post-conflict contexts: the lessons of existing cash transfer experiences; how much cash transfers contribute to poverty reduction; and the role of cash transfer programming in the context of new state development and social cohesion in a fragile peace process. The case studies were part of a three-year study on cash transfers by ODI, funded by the Swiss Agency for Development Cooperation.
Abstract: In nations emerging from war, the immediate postwar period sets the
stage for the future direction of the country. Referred to by former Afghan
finance minister Ashraf Ghani as an “open moment,” this phase
rarely lives up to the hopes and expectations of the country’s citizens
or the international community. An upsurge in corruption and a lack of
accountability, which frequently become entrenched during this time,
can breed popular disenchantment with international donors and with
the interim government and erode trust in democracy and its institutions,
thereby eating away at the legitimacy of the postwar state.
The results can be devastating: Half of all postwar countries resume
violent conflict within ten years. Disaffected, excluded citizens are liable
to become spoilers. To illustrate, in early 2008 Mullah Abdul Salam,
a former Taliban commander who defected and became district governor
of Musa Qala, Afghanistan, explained to the U.S. ambassador that
the failure of aid to arrive and the flourishing of corruption fostered
support for the Taliban.
Abstract: In a region apparently awash with weapons and plagued with rising levels of
armed crime, Malawi is a welcome exception to these characteristics. In early
2007 there were only 9,320 legally registered firearms in Malawi excluding
those used by the security forces, compared to just under 87,000 in Zambia and nearly 4 million in South Africa. Though a country of an estimated 13 million people,
in the 5 years between 1996 and 2000 Malawi suffered just 2,161 reported
cases of armed robbery. For 2005
the figure was 316 and for 2004 it was 263, according to figures provided by the
Malawi Police Service (MPS). Even leaving aside South Africa, where there were
119,726 recorded cases of aggravated robbery in 2006, Malawi’s
armed crime statistics still compare favourably with the rest of the region. In
neighbouring Zambia, for example, where there is a population of only 10
million people, there were 3,168 reported cases of armed robbery in the 5 years
between 1998 and 2002.
Abstract: From Angola to Sierra Leone, Rwanda to Guinea Bissau and Congo DR to Mozambique, two defining elements unite all peace agreements brokered after the Cold War to end civil wars in Africa. The trend runs round the world, from Bosnia to El Salvador and Afghanistan to East Timor. Liberal democracy and free market systems are two elements fastened to the heart of states recovering from violent conflicts, ostensibly to assist these countries make the transition to peace from a state of anarchy and bloodbath.
Indeed, fundamental values of the global agenda in the last two decades have hinged on multi-party democracy and laissez faire capitalism. Weaving democracy and free market economy into peace agreements are based on a number of assumptions. Democracy, unlike other forms of governance, has inherent checks and balances to mitigate the inclination to resort to violence to resolve political differences. Central to the assumption underlining free market economy is that markets (and not states) are better guarantors of development (defined as material prosperity) for all because, adherents argue, the benefits will trickle down even to the weakest and most disadvantaged in society. But it is also the case that multi-party democracy and free market are the dominant political and economic models of development in the new world order, in which there’s substantively still only one global policeman.
Historically, there have been many forms of legitimacy but surely in the 21st century, the only serious form of legitimacy is democracy. Thus, multi-party elections are today about the only internationally acceptable route to power. However, elections have turned out to be one of the ways to appease top echelons of feuding factions to a conflict in states rebuilding after long periods of civil war. In effect, elections may produce outcomes that may be described as ‘democratic’ but may not necessarily lead to peace or development.
Many studies around the world have established links between development and democracy. However, the causal relationship, if any, between Africa’s marginally improved economic performance and the democratisation wave that swept across Sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s and the early years of the 21st century remain a hugely contested issue. Nevertheless, the value and significance of open, free and fair elections in countries transitioning from conflict to peace or consolidation of peace can hardly be underestimated. Successful political and governance transition is central to any post-conflict nation-building project. Rebuilding public institutions such as roads, hospitals, schools, law courts, prisons and regulatory agencies is fundamental to sustainability of the state.
Abstract: Peace agreements form a crucial entry point for security sector reform (SSR). However, there has been little consistency in the way that security sector reform provisions have been approached (or implemented) in peace agreements. This report is the result of a research project which examines peace agreements from eight countries in Africa (Mozambique, Zimbabwe, South Africa, Sudan, Burundi, DRC, Sierra Leone and Liberia), two from Central America (El Salvador and Guatemala) and one from Asia (East Timor). The report demonstrates that there is a potentially high price to be paid for failing to integrate issues of SSR into peace negotiations and agreements at the very outset, or for doing so in a selective and shallow manner. The risks are detailed and recommendations for future provisions in peace agreements are presented.
Abstract: This report is submitted in accordance with Human Rights Council resolution 6/32 and covers the period May to December 2008. It first addresses three thematic issues: the status of the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement (Guiding Principles) 10 years after their submission to the Commission on Human Rights; the protection of persons displaced by natural disaster; and the inclusion of the issue of internal displacement and the people it affects in peace processes. The second part of this report addresses the country mission to Georgia of the Representative of the Secretary-General on the human rights of internally displaced persons, his working visits to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia, Honduras, Kenya, Madagascar, Mozambique, Sri Lanka and Timor-Leste, and other activities supporting constructive dialogue with Governments and intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations involved in the response to internal displacement.
Abstract: In spite of the fact that UN peacekeeping operations are a relative new field for scholarly research,
the literature on the subject has grown into a substantial body. This article distils from
this body of scholarly literature eleven clusters of factors for success and failure for UN
peacekeeping operations in general and tests these on four case studies – Cambodia, Mozambique,
Rwanda and El Salvador – of one particular type of UN peacekeeping operation: the
UN peace-building operations. It concludes that although the results of the four cases of UN
peace-building operations largely confirm the factors for success and failure as found in literature
for UN peacekeeping operations in general, theory on UN peace-building operations
still needs adjustment and fine tuning. Amongst others, it appears from the cases that two
factors that receive a lot of attention in literature – the non-use of force by the operation and
the need for a clear and detailed mandate – are less important.
Abstract: The problem of civilians becoming unintentional victims of landmine detonation in the world today is one that cannot be underestimated in terms of its importance to global and local humanitarian efforts. The human-life and financial costs associated with landmine detonation are paramount, and are being addressed by the Global community via the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping and its associated agency UNMAS (The United Nations Mine Action Service). In terms of human-life cost, the current statistic is that every 28 seconds a person steps on a landmine, resulting in 6500 – 20,000 new casualties per year. These tragic events are happening in at least 84 states, and every world region is affected. It is the intent of this literature review to enlighten the reader in two main topic areas. The first is that of mine action and our understanding of it, with specific regard to what is generally understood to be the most affected continent: Africa. A comprehensive description and discussion of the geo-political status of mine action in Southern Africa and its relation to development will be set out.
The second topic area that will be reviewed is that of predictive GIS modeling, as it applies to mine action. The intent is to put forth the scientific (i.e.: based on peer-reviewed publications) background information that justifies and supports an experiment that will be conducted. The goal, in general lay terms, will be to see whether it is possible to predict with a reasonable, usable, and repeatable amount of accuracy the delineating outlines of where minefields are located in a specific geographical study area. It is hoped that the effort with predictive GIS modeling will yield a technique that is valid for use across a variety of study areas. Having said this, the study area that is the concentration of this review is the region of Southern Africa and it must be acknowledged that the results, if positive, may not be transferrable to different Geo-political regions.
Abstract: IPI is pleased to introduce a new series of working papers on regional capacities to respond to security
challenges in Africa. The broad range of United Nations, African Union, and subregional peacekeeping,
peacemaking, and peacebuilding initiatives in Africa underscore a new sense of multilayered partnership in the
search for the peaceful resolution of conflicts in Africa. As the total number of conflicts on the continent has
been significantly reduced in the past decade, there is widespread recognition of the opportunities for a more
stable and peaceful future for Africa. But there is also a profound awareness of the fragility of recent peace
agreements, whether in Kenya, Liberia, or Côte d’Ivoire. Furthermore, continued violence in the Sudan, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Zimbabwe; the long absence of a viable central government in Somalia;
and continued tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea—to name only a few cases—reflect the legacy of
unresolved historic disputes and ongoing power struggles...The southern African region is now
generally defined in political terms as
those countries that are members of the
Southern African Development
Community (SADC) (the geographic
definition is usually somewhat more
limited). Currently there are fifteen
member states of the SADC: Angola,
Botswana, the Democratic Republic of the
Congo (DRC), Lesotho, Madagascar,
Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique,
Namibia, the Seychelles, South Africa,
Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and
Zimbabwe.
These countries are disparate in many
ways: they vary greatly in size, population,
and levels of economic growth, and
include some of the poorest countries in
the world, but also some of the richest in
Africa. Six of them are landlocked; two of
them are Indian Ocean islands. They
share a common history of colonization—variously
involving French, British, Belgian, and German
imperial powers—and this continues to impact
significantly on the nature of governance and
politics in the region. Many, but not all, of the
countries of the region experienced periods of
European settler colonialism, resulting in armed
liberation struggles for independence. Several of
them also endured apartheid or various forms of
racial segregation and oppression as a result of that
history of settler colonialism.
Conflict and war has marked the region considerably,
particularly conflicts over apartheid and
colonialism, which engulfed most of southern
Africa and led to millions of deaths. Angola and
Mozambique suffered further from post-independence
civil wars, fueled in part by South Africa and
Rhodesia. After a bloody civil war following the
collapse of Mobutu Sese-Seko’s authoritarian
regime in the DRC in the second half of the 1990s,
however, the region is, for the first time in forty
years, almost completely at peace, except for
residual conflicts in the east of the DRC.
Nevertheless, there remain profound threats to
human and state security, many of them fueled by
poverty, marginalization, and the weakness of
states.
Abstract: La région des Grands Lacs en Afrique centrale et orientale
a été ravagée par des confl its pendant plus de dix
ans. Les guerres dans la région ont conduit à des mouvements
massifs de population, qui ont eux-mêmes
constitué un motif supplémentaire de confl it. Par exemple,
l’un des fl ux de population les plus importants
et les plus rapides de l’histoire récente a fait suite au
génocide de 1994 au Rwanda qui a causé la mort de
près d’un million de personnes. Des acteurs armés et
des auteurs de violations graves des droits de l’homme
étaient mêlés à une foule de réfugiés authentiques
dans ce fl ux sans précédent. L’incapacité de gérer cette
situation complexe a contribué au déclenchement et
à la poursuite du confl it en République Démocratique
du Congo (RDC).
Aujourd’hui, la région s’efforce de revenir sur la voie
de la paix et du développement. Des accords de paix
ont été signés au Burundi, au Sud Soudan et en RDC.
Des négociations sont en cours pour mettre un terme
à la guerre dans le nord de l’Ouganda avec le soutien
de plusieurs Etats africains. Grâce à ces évolutions, un
grand nombre de réfugiés et de personnes déplacées à
l’intérieur de leur propre pays («personnes déplacées»)
ont été en mesure de rentrer chez eux dans l’ensemble
de la région, que ce soit en Angola, au Burundi, au
Sud Soudan et, dans une certaine mesure, dans le
nord de l’Ouganda. Ce guide a été conçu pour aider les lecteurs à comprendre
le cadre politique, juridique et institutionnel de la
CIRGL. Il se concentre sur les trois protocoles du pilier
social et humanitaire de la Conférence internationale
sur la région des Grands Lacs les plus pertinents pour
la protection des droits des personnes déplacées.3 Nous
espérons que ce guide aidera les défenseurs des droits
des personnes déplacées dans la région à utiliser le Pacte
sur les Grands Lacs pour élaborer des politiques et des
décisions au bénéfi ce des personnes déplacées.
Abstract: Mozambique poses some stark questions. Can peace be built on poverty and rising inequality? Are elections and expanded schooling enough when there are no jobs? What happens to a growing group of young people who leave school with a basic education but no economic prospects – do ‘marginal’ youth in towns and cities pose a threat of political and criminal violence?
Mozambique is a ‘donor darling’, with relatively high levels of aid. This year (2007) the World Bank talked of Mozambique’s ‘blistering pace of economic growth’ while the IMF said ‘Mozambique is a success story in Sub-Saharan Africa, benefiting from sustained large foreign aid inflows, strong and broad-based growth and deep poverty reduction.’ Yet, despite this apparent success, the World Bank and UNICEF talk of what both call the ‘paradox’ of rising chronic child malnutrition in the face of GDP growth. And in a 2006 survey, three-quarters of Mozambicans said that in the past five years their economic position had remained the same or become worse.
The capital Maputo shows the symbols of growth – major new construction and traffic jams of expensive cars. But visitors, the large aid industry contingent, and writers of IMF and World Bank reports rarely see the poor urban neighbourhoods, small towns and rural areas where most Mozambicans live. Interviews in rural areas frequently draw the response: ‘The war ended 15 years ago, but we are still poor.’ Various studies discussed in detail below show that the fruits of Mozambique’s ‘blistering pace of economic growth’ have gone almost entirely to the better off, and in the past few years, the poor have become poorer. Inequalities are increasing between urban and rural and between north and south. But the biggest inequality increases are between better off and poor within individual provinces – not between regions or between language groups, but within them. In this paper, we look first at Mozambique’s three decades of war, and then at what we see as the key – and often ignored – issue of the economy. We argue that Mozambique is not the success story that has been painted, and that the donors seem wilfully blind to growing problems of increasing poverty and jobless youth.
Abstract: The Great Lakes region of central and eastern Africa has been torn apart by conflict for more than a decade. The region's wars have resulted in, and have been further propelled by, massive population movements. For example, one of the largest and fastest population flows in recent history followed the 1994 genocide in Rwanda which claimed nearly a million lives. This unprecedented flow included armed actors and those who had committed serious human rights abuses, amid throngs of genuine refugees. The failure to address this complex situation contributed to the outbreak and continuation of conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It was in response to these linked challenges and the need to tackle them comprehensively and transnationally that the United Nations (UN) and African Union (AU) initiated the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR). The objective was to bring all the countries of the region together "to dialogue and agree on a strategy to bring peace and prosperity to the Great Lakes region." This Guide is intended to help readers understand the political, legal and institutional framework of the ICGLR. It focuses on the three protocols in the social and humanitarian pillar which are the most relevant for protecting the rights of displaced people. We hope that the Guide will help advocates for the rights of displaced people in the region to use the Great Lakes Pact to shape policies and decisions for the benefit of the displaced.
Abstract: Poorer countries are less safe than rich ones. Most of the world’s
current armed conflicts are raging in the global South, and more
than one-third of all countries mired in poverty have experienced
war since the late 1990s. The same patterns hold true for criminal violence:
many poorer countries—and an alarming number of medium-income
states—are exposed to high rates of homicide, armed assault, and
victimization associated with collective or criminal violence.
The international community has been relatively slow to act on this linkage
between armed violence and human development. While it is widely
recognized that security is necessary for development, and that underdevelopment
can lead to insecurity, there is little analysis of how improved
security can enhance human development. The anecdotal experience is
clear: armed violence disrupts markets; displaces populations; destroys
schools, clinics, and roads; and scars families, communities, and societies.
More than 500,000 people die violently every year, most of them in the
developing world, and the vast majority as a result of small arms and light
weapons. And high levels of armed violence undermine aid effectiveness.
This background paper is intended to assist policy-makers and practitioners
to better understand the relevance of armed violence prevention and
reduction to their daily work. It also highlights the efforts of an important
multilateral initiative designed to help reduce the global burden of armed
violence around the world. The Geneva Declaration on Armed Violence and
Development adopts a three-track approach to achieving measurable
reductions in armed violence by 2015. A core group of 12 countries are
leading the development of concrete measures concerning (1) advocacy,
dissemination, and coordination; (2) mapping and monitoring; and (3)
practical programming. The paper also signals a number
of ways to engage with the issue
of armed violence, especially in
the development sector, and
offers recommendations to
advance the agenda. It focuses
on (i) defining armed violence; (ii)
reviewing the different contexts
of armed violence; (iii) considering the state of research on linkages
between armed violence and development; (iii) international responses;
(iv) policy and programming gaps; (v) the function of the Geneva Declaration
and its measuring and programming components; and (vi) recommendations.
In this way, the paper offers a template for concerted action.
Abstract: This paper evaluates the economic returns to improved households access to infrastructure, public services and land in the context of a large landmine clearance program in post-war Mozambique. The International Campaign to Ban Landmines production and use estimates that there are more than 80 billion landmines in the ground in more than 80 countries. Despite the scale of the problem and large investments by OECD countries to clear mines in low income countries, the economic consequences of landmine contamination have been so
far unexamined by economists working on the economics of wars, perhaps due to the lack of data thus far. The evaluation uses a unique dataset on landmine contamination intensity covering 126 Mozambican districts to evaluate the causal impact of landmine contamination on income and welfare. The method uses a difference-in-difference estimator to correct for selection in landmine placement. I find large and statistically significant effects of landmine contamination on poverty (in level and depth) and consumption per capita. Hence, the cost-benefit analysis indicates that despite the high cost to clear a mine under reasonable assumptions the program generates a positive return.
Abstract: Le Mozambique offre l'example d’une heureuse transition après un conflit : le pays a enregistré une croissance économique impressionnante de 8 pour cent
en moyenne entre 2000 et 2006, et il a su préserver sa stabilité macro-économique et politique. Cette forte expansion reste stimulée avant tout par les
« mégaprojets » financés par des capitaux étrangers et par des afflux massifs d’aide internationale.
