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Abstract: This policy brief focuses on a case study. It is suggested that an environmental disaster during the summer of 2010 in the Black Sea region triggered in winter 2011 a food crisis in the Arab World; in turn, this led to massive riots, revolts, political instability, a NATO operation and, alas, an oil crisis that accentuates an already suffering global economy. Coextensively, it may be suggested that an environmental crisis triggered a political crisis, which escalated in a series of conflicts that are of major concern for traditional security structures in Europe and beyond. In sum, the argument is made that as a result of this experience, the human security agenda must have a direct effect on our traditional security agenda. The question addressed at this point is how these interrelated chains of events affect the security establishment and our notions of a ‘high strategy.’
Abstract: A key ally of the United States, long-standing member of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization and a candidate for membership in the
European Union , Turkey has strong ties to the West and to the East
in a volatile, yet strategic region of the world. Turkey sits geographically
at the crossroads of civilizations, but has only in the last decade of the
post-Cold War environment assumed the confidence and trappings of a
geopolitically pivotal player. As a non-permanent member of the United
Nations Security Council from 2008–2010, a G-20 founding member since
2008, and holder of the post of Secretary General of the Organization
of the Islamic Conference since 2005, Turkey’s global rise is
unprecedented. Turkey’s newly discovered role in global politics has its
benefits, but also its challenges that need to be assessed.
This report is a valuable contribution towards these assessments of future
scenarios for Turkey. As idealized and highly stylized extremes, no single
scenario of the three can be seen as fully predictive, but simply plausible
potential outcomes. The distinguished practitioners and scholars gathered
together represent the best thinkers of our day on Turkey and their
perspectives offer us important insights. Not a single participant or reader
will agree with every part of this report, but given the nature of the exercise
it offers a unique perspective on a valuable and increasingly important
strategic player on the global scene. This report could not be more timely
given upcoming elections and the winds of change sweeping Turkey’s
neighborhood. It is an important contribution to our understanding of
one of the most dynamic players on the international stage today
Abstract: Normalisation between Greece and Turkey has come far
since tensions in the Aegean Sea threatened war three times
between the NATO allies. Trade, investments and mutual
cooperation and tourism have taken off, sidelining issues
like the Cyprus problem, which first stirred up the Aegean
dispute in the early 1970s. Frequent bilateral talks and Turkey’s
unofficial 2011 suspension of military over-flights of
Greek islands suggest that the time may be ripe for a solution
to that dispute. Turkey’s strong new government elected
in June is interested in further asserting itself as a responsible
regional power, solving problems in its neighbourhood
and clearing obstacles to its European Union accession.
With Athens in the midst of a financial crisis and needing
any economic lift and increased security it can find, this
unnecessary and still potentially dangerous conflict should
be resolved. A good strategy would be a synchronised set of
steps to prepare public opinion on both sides, leading to a
bilateral agreement and including, if needed, eventual recourse
to international adjudication.
Abstract: For decades, the Kurdish question has been Turkey's most intractable problem, and one that has mired both the country's domestic development and
foreign relations. Domestically, Turkey has suffered greatly from its inability to resolve the issue. The Kurdistan Workers Party's armed campaign
against the government, coupled with the regular use of terrorism, drew the Turkish government into a long war that has gone on, with minor interruptions, for over two decades – and in which counter-insurgency tactics contributed to further alienating large sections of the country's Kurdish population. Close to 40,000 people have perished, and increasingly, it has become clear that there is no military solution to the problem. Likewise, as repeated elections in Turkey's southeast have shown, Kurdish nationalism is a reality that will not go away through economic development – long the assumption of Turkey's elites.
Abstract: The big-picture issues at the crossroads of peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding were taken up by the Security Council in September 2010, under the presidency of Turkey. Leading up to that discussion, Turkey held numerous bilateral consultations, and, with the support of IPI, organized an expert meeting on these issues in New York in May 2010 and an informal retreat in Istanbul for members of the Council in June 2010.
This publication is intended to document some of that process, and includes the Statement by the President of the Security Council, the outcome summary of the June retreat, and the set of papers that were presented there. Three of these papers draw lessons from the UN’s experiences in different areas of the world (Afghanistan, the Balkans, and the Great Lakes region of Africa), and one paper analyzes cross-cutting themes.
Table of Contents:
Introduction, Francesco Mancini
Meeting Note
Security Council Istanbul Retreat: At The Crossroads of Peacemaking, Peacekeeping, and Peacebuilding
Adam C. Smith and Vanessa Wyeth, Rapporteurs
Discussion Papers
Peacemaking In Afghanistan: A Role For The United Nations?
Gerard Russell
The Security Council And Peacekeeping In The Balkans, 1992-2010
Richard Gowan and Daniel Korski
The Great Lakes of Africa (Burundi, The Drc, And The LRA-Affected Areas)
François Grignon
Composite Paper on Cross-Cutting Themes
International Peace Institute
Annex
Statement by the President of the Security Council
Abstract: The phrase “Cherkessian Factor” usually refers to the influence exerted by the ethnic solidarity of the Cherkessian (Abkhaz-Adyg) peoples, both those located in the Russian Federation and the Cherkessian diaspora in Turkey, Jordan, Israel, Lebanon, and Egypt. This influence is felt on political, social, and cultural processes in the Caucasus and in countries with a large Cherkessian population. It is increasingly likely that this Cherkessian factor will lead to further destabilization in the North Caucasus.
The Carnegie Moscow Center, as part of the Black Sea Peacebuilding Network, hosted a discussion on the Cherkessian factor. Alexander Skakov of the Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, and Nikolay Silaev of the Center for Caucasian Studies, Moscow State Institute of International Relations, spoke on this factor and its potential influence. Carnegie’s Andrei Ryabov moderated.
The speakers concluded by discussing possible avenues for resolving the tensions created by the Cherkessian factor in the North Caucasus, including full-scale privatization of land ownership; implementation of the provisions of federal law for municipalities; and effective action against corruption. They argued that such reforms would “permit a significant portion of the population to return to normal economic activity, which is currently impossible, and would thus automatically reduce the unhealthy interest in politically charged questions of ethnic identity … and in radical Islamism.” However, they warned the Russian government does not seem to recognize the necessity of such reforms to help stem the increasing violence in the region.
Abstract: The brutal murder of the head of Turkey's Catholic Church, Bishop Luigi Padovese, on June 3, 2010, has rattled the country's small, diverse, and hard-pressed Christian community. The 62-year-old bishop, who spearheaded the Vatican's efforts to improve Muslim-Christian relations in Turkey, was stabbed repeatedly at his Iskenderun home by his driver and bodyguard Murat Altun, who concluded the slaughter by decapitating Padovese and shouting, "I killed the Great Satan. Allahu Akhbar!" He then told the police that he had acted in obedience to a "command from God."
Though bearing all the hallmarks of a jihadist execution, the murder was met by denials and obfuscation—not only by the Turkish authorities but also by Western governments and the Vatican. This is not wholly surprising. In the post-9/11 era, it has become commonplace to deny connections between Islam and acts of violence despite much evidence to the contrary. But while this denial has undoubtedly sought to win the hearts and minds of Muslims, as opposed to Christians, Jews, or any other religious group, it has served to encourage Islamist terrorism and to exacerbate the persecution of non-Muslim minorities even in the most secularized Muslim states. For all President Barack Obama's high praise for its "strong, vibrant, secular democracy," and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's "Alliance of Civilizations" rhetoric, Turkey is very much entrenched in the clash of civilizations paradigm. Unless Ankara is prepared to combat the widespread "Christophobia" that fuels violence and other forms of repression, the country's Christians are doomed to remain an oppressed and discriminated against minority, and Turkey's aspirations of democratic transformation and full integration with Europe will remain stillborn.
Abstract: The objective of this report is to provide a comprehensive, long-term and regional framework for thinking about water in the Middle East, which can be implemented with specific policy decisions, beginning in the immediate future, by individual countries or small groups of countries without waiting for all the countries in the region to move forward.
Such a framework recognises the potential of water to deliver a new form of peace – the blue peace – while presenting long term scenarios of risks of wars and humanitarian crisis.
The report takes a comprehensive view of rivers, tributaries, lakes and underground water bodies. It is based on the recognition of linkages between watercourses. It is not only impossible for any one country to manage a water body in isolation from other riparian countries but it is also impossible to manage a water body without examining its linkages with other watercourses in the region.
The report takes a long-term view. The countries that are friendly today may be antagonistic tomorrow and the ones which are enemies today may be friends tomorrow. The history of merely last ten years in the Middle East demonstrates how quickly the geopolitical scene changes. The political equations of today cannot be assumed to remain constant during the next decade and beyond. Our vision, therefore, should not be imprisoned by the current context. We have to anticipate alternative political trajectories for the next couple of decades in order to find solutions that are sustainable in the long run.
The report provides a regional perspective. Since watercourses, both surface and underground, do not understand political boundaries, it would be natural to have a regional approach to water management. The nation centric approach is unnatural and therefore unsustainable.
Abstract: Ban Ki Moon’s long awaited progress report on the negotiations in Cyprus did not come up with a final recommendation on how long the United Nations will be committed to engage in Cyprus. However, he warned that the UN would not continue indefinitely to spend efforts and money on a process that does not seem to render any progress. The underlying question is why so much time has been spent on a process that does not seem to be leading toward a successful conclusion.
In order to assess this question this ECMI Issue Brief #25 addresses a couple of interrelated questions, such as how a desired future solution should be devised for the respective communities. Is there a real desire to change the current political system on behalf of the Greek Cypriot community? Does the Turkish Cypriot community really wish to enter a multi-cultural political set-up in which it shall play a minority role albeit one that will include extensive participation rights? What are the interests of external actors, notably Turkey, the European Union and the United States of America? Finally, are there push factors that would make a solution possible or might there be an overarching interest that unites various actors in the secret desire to perpetuate the situation and preserve the so called “Cyprus Problem”?
Abstract: China’s rise on the international stage has been accompanied by an increase in its military’s presence. Beijing’s expanding ambition is prompting calls on the country’s leaders to be more proactive in protecting its national interests. These calls by Chinese analysts have raised concerns about the military’s capability to mobilize troops to defend the country’s vast borders.
Abstract: Since the recent revolts in the Middle East began, there has been much debate about the position of the Muslim Brotherhood and its role in the future of the Arab world. But the Muslim Brotherhood also has a long-standing and substantial presence in the West. Vidino’s paper explores the various Western incarnations of the movement, discussing their ideology, tactics and strategies and how they differ based on their geographical location.
The paper also provides a detailed analysis of the current debate within Western governments and among analysts about the level of engagement that both civil society and politicians should have with Western Brotherhood groups. Distinguishing between ‘optimists’ and ‘pessimists’, Vidino shows how deeply divided views on the Brotherhood in the West currently are. Vidino’s extensive field work has found that Western governments swing erratically from one position to the other, often unable to craft coherent policies.
Abstract: This report collects statistics from a variety of sources on casualties sustained during Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF), which began on October 7, 2001, and is ongoing. OEF actions take place primarily in Afghanistan; however, OEF casualties also includes American casualties in Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Guantanamo Bay (Cuba), Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Jordan, Kenya, Kyrgyzstan, the Philippines, Seychelles, Sudan, Tajikistan, Turkey, and Yemen. Casualty data of U.S. military forces are compiled by the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD), as tallied from the agency's press releases. Also included are statistics on those wounded but not killed.
Because the estimates of Afghan casualties contained in this report are based on varying time periods and have been created using different methodologies, readers should exercise caution when using them and should look to them as guideposts rather than as statements of fact. This report will be updated as needed.
Abstract: Poor conflict-affected countries tend to have large numbers of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and, in at least some cases, large numbers of refugees. But the figures should be treated with caution; in some cases, such as Angola and Sierra Leone, governments simply decided that there are no longer IDPs, even if in fact many of those displaced by the conflicts have yet to find durable solutions. It is important to note that displacement is not confined to poor conflict affected states, but it is also a characteristic of some middle income countries, some of which have stable governments, such as Georgia, Colombia, Azerbaijan, Syria and Turkey.
This report was prepared for the Education for All Global Monitoring Report 2011. It explores patterns of displacement and the linkages between armed conflict and education. Some recommendations include:
• That UN agencies and civil society organizations provide necessary technical support to governments to adopt the necessary laws and policies to ensure that IDPs and refugees have access to education.
• That UN agencies, NGOs and bilateral donors ensure that programs developed to provide education to IDPs and refugees take into consideration the broader context of DACs, for example in ensuring that host and return communities are supported in their efforts to provide educational opportunities to the displaced or returnees.
• That GMR highlight the importance of humanitarian and development actors working together to develop ways to re-establish educational systems in post-conflict settings.
Abstract: With the Cyprus reunification negotiations under way since 2008 at an impasse, dramatic steps are needed. As the stalemate continues, the costs for Greek and Turkish Cypriots, Turkey and the European Union (EU) are growing. Neither Greek Cypriots nor Turkish Cypriots can fulfil their potential on an island whose future is divided, uncertain, militarised and facing new economic difficulties. Time is making it ever harder to reunify the island, divided politically since Greek Cypriots seized control of the Republic of Cyprus in 1963 and militarily since a Turkish invasion in 1974 created a Turkish Cypriot zone on its northern third. After nearly four decades, the sides remain far apart even on the meaning of the talks’ agreed goal, a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation. While there has long been peace, and relative freedom to interact since 2003, trade and visits between the two communities across the Green Line are decreasing.
Lack of a settlement damages everyone’s interests and keeps frustrations high. More than 200,000 Cypriots are still internally displaced persons (IDPs), and Turkish troops remain in overwhelming force. Few outside the military command in Ankara know if there are 21,000 soldiers, as Turkey says, or 43,000, as Greek Cypriots claim – a dispute that is one indication among many of the distrust and lack of information. Crisis Group has detailed in four reports since 2006 how the interests of the 1.1 million Cypriots and outside parties would be best met with a comprehensive political settlement. This remains the ideal, but as it is unrealistic in the coming months, ICG proposes interim unilateral steps.
Abstract: Israeli military forces on the early hours of 31 May 2010 attacked in international waters an international and multi-faith convoy of six ships organized by a coalition of NGOs from 37 countries transporting certified humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip. The attack took place 72 nautical miles from the nearest coast, and 64 nautical miles from the zone declared unlawfully, as will be seen, blockaded by Israel. As a result of the attack, eight Turkish citizens and one US citizen of Turkish descent were killed. Over 70 passengers from a host of nationalities were wounded. One of these remains in a coma to this day.
The vessels that set sail from Turkey had been duly inspected for security, immigration and customs. The passengers on board, their personal belongings and the large volume of humanitarian aid had also been thoroughly checked. It was firmly established that there were no firearms or any sort of weapon on board the vessels. Those Turkish ports from where the ships in the convoy set sail are duly certified under the International Ship and Port Facility Security Code (ISPS) of the International Maritime Organization.
The Israeli forces mounted a full-fledged and well-planned attack with frigates, helicopters, zodiacs, submarines, and elite combat troops heavily armed with machine guns, laser-guided rifles, pistols and modified paintball rifles. The Israeli soldiers shot from the helicopter onto the Mavi Marmara using live ammunition and killing two passengers before any Israeli soldier descended on the deck. During the attack, excessive, indiscriminate and disproportionate force was used by the Israeli soldiers against the civilians on board. The Israeli military action was of excessive disproportion to such magnitude that the United Nations Human Rights Council Fact-Finding Mission used the terms "totally unnecessary and incredible violence ... unacceptable level of brutality". The
passengers only exercised a lawful right of self-defense, without any firearms, against the armed attack of the Israeli forces.
Abstract: As Human Right Association (IHD) and Human Right Foundation of Turkey (HRFT), we are declaring 2009 Human Rights Violations Report concurrently prepared by IHD and HRFT.
Considering alleged violations under the titles of fundamental rights in 2009, we want to state that they are similar with those occurred in 2008 and violations, except the title of death in clashes, have increasingly continued.
When violations of right to life are evaluated under the subtitles, we see that violations, which were made by security forces and called as extra-judicial execution, have increasingly continued. The amendments in the Law on the Duties and Competencies of Police (PSVK), which facilitates the authorization of security force to use gun is one of the main reasons behind increase. As it is mentioned in 2009 IHD Special Village Guard Report, increase in numbers of death by village guard would continue unless the village guard system is abolished. The massacre of Bilge Village is a typical and cruel example of this issue.
Deaths in prison and under custody go on. Regarding the issue, points emphasized in the IHD 2009 Special Prison Reports should urgently be considered. In this context, Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture should be ratified and National Committee for Prevention of Torture should be established. Additionally, it will be useful to make arrangement on control of Police and Gendarme, which is on agenda of the government, to fight against to violations in prison and custody as soon as possible.
In 2009, many civilians were injured and died because of explosion of mines and unidentified ordinances. In 2009, only a legal regulation on disposing of mines in the border of Syria was made but any measure was not taken to clear the other mined areas inside Turkey.
Abstract: The Human Rights Association has received many notifications about possible mass graves. In addition to the remains found in the Mutki district, other parts of Bitlis province are believed to hold mass graves containing the bones of some 350 people. This map shows mass graves that have already been identified.
Abstract: For reasons detailed below, on January 3, 2009 Israel established a
naval blockade off the coast of the Gaza Strip as part of its armed conflict
with Hamas. In the days preceding May 31, 2010, a flotilla of six vessels
approached the coastline of Israel, with approximately 700 persons on
board. The largest of the ships in the flotilla, the Mavi Marmara, had
approximately 590 passengers and crew on board. On May 31, 2010, IDF
forces intercepted and boarded the Mavi Marmara during an operation to
enforce the naval blockade against the Gaza Strip. During the boarding
and takeover of the ship, the IDF forces encountered violent resistance.
When the hostilities ended, nine of the ship’s passengers had been killed
and fifty-five were wounded. Nine IDF soldiers were also wounded.
On June 14, 2010 the Government of Israel established an
independent public Commission to examine various aspects of the
actions taken by the State of Israel. Supreme Court Justice Emeritus
Jacob Türkel was appointed to chair the Commission, and the late
Prof. Shabtai Rosenne, Major-General (res.) Amos Horev, Ambassador
Reuven Merhav and Professor Miguel Deutch were appointed as
members. On September 29, 2010 Prof. Shabtai Rosenne passed away.
Two foreign experts were also appointed to act as observers: Lord David
Trimble and Brigadier-General (ret.) Kenneth Watkin.
The first part of the report, which is being submitted now,
examines the legality of the naval blockade imposed on the Gaza Strip
and the legality of the actions carried out by the IDF in order to enforce
the naval blockade and in accordance with the rules of international
law. The actions and identities of the organizers and participants of the
flotilla are also examined. In an additional part of the report, which will
be submitted at a later date, the Commission shall address the question
that was presented in paragraph 5 of the Government resolution of June
14, 2010, namely whether the investigation and inquiry mechanism that
is practiced in Israel in general, and as applied with regard to the current
incident, is consistent with the duties of the State of Israel pursuant to
the rules of international law. Moreover, in that part of the report we
shall also consider additional questions that arose in the course of the
Commission’s work, including questions that have importance from a
domestic Israeli perspective.
Abstract: Turkey has given information about the Mavi Marmara attack in its interim report, indicating, "it is a central principle of international law that when a state violates its international obligations, it has a duty to make reparations for the wrongs committed and provide for compensation."
Turkey submitted its interim report to the interrogation panel on September 1, 2010 which was established up on a request by the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon.
The report first gives information about the incident, "Israeli military forces on the early hours of 31 May 2010 attacked in international waters an international land multi-faith convoy of six ships organized by a coalition of NGOs from 37 countries transporting certified humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip. The attack took place 72 nautical miles from the coast of Israel. As a result of the attack on the Mavi Marmara, the passenger vessel with 600 civilians on board, nine civilians were killed, eight of whom were Turkish citizens and one was US citizen of Turkish descent. More than 40 civilians were also injured."
Abstract: This report covers the period from January
2008 until June 2010, and attempts to distill the
information Geneva Call and its numerous local
partners have collected on humanitarian mine
action in areas where the organization works,
specifically in locations where armed NSAs that
have signed the Deed of Commitment operate.
As such, the reader will find information on
landmine issues in parts of the world that do not
often get much attention.
Cognizant also of the fact that each of Geneva
Call’s signatories to the Deed of Commitment
was once a non-signatory, it is useful to examine
examples of armed NSAs Geneva Call currently
engages and whose position concerning AP
mines is evolving.
In each of the cases presented below,
NSAs, though not yet willing to commit to
the mine ban, are actively involved in humanitarian
mine action in some form, at times
independently, at others with the assistance
of international mine action agencies.
Abstract: Media, politics and the Cyprus Problem are the main themes of the present study. While
each topic on its own occupies an important place in the islandʼs daily life, the three are
very closely interrelated; political actors are, by far, the most prominent if not the almost
exclusive group on the media stage, and the Cyprus Problem is the main topic of discourse. All
developments and any references, whether significant or minimal, to aspects of the Problem,
become news items and give political party leaders and others the opportunity to access the
media and present their views and comments. However, issues related to the media in Cyprus
have been very little researched.
Our study focuses on the analysis of media content and discourses on television and in
newspapers on both sides of the dividing line. The material studied is the main television news
bulletin on Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot channels, broadcast in the evening; in the case of
newspapers, the focus is on editorials and leading news articles in the Turkish and Greek
language dailies. We chose to leave out English language newspapers given that they address a
public that could hardly compare to the readers of the other dailies.
The aim of this research is to examine how the media cover issues related to aspects of the
Cyprus Problem and political actors, the authorities and political parties. The main subjects of
interest are the nature of the Cyprus Problem and the envisaged or preferred solution, matters of
identity, representations about the other parties engaged in the conflict, positions vis-à-vis the
European Union, and the relationship with the authorities and political forces on each side. We
sought answers to questions related to the approaches and positions the media adopt, and their
views as these are expressed in editorials and comments, or that transpire between the lines as
hidden or implied meaning. In addition to describing the main features of media treatment of the
respective issues, we felt it was important to delve deeper and attempt to ascertain the underlying
values guiding media choices and approaches.
Abstract: In Turkey, many hundreds of people currently face prosecution, or are serving substantial
sentences for terrorism convictions. Their “crime” was to engage in peaceful protest, or to
throw stones or burn a tire at a protest. Legal amendments since 2005, along with case law
since 2008, have allowed courts in Turkey to convict demonstrators under the harshest
terrorism laws, by invoking two articles of the Turkish Penal Code in combination with the
Anti-Terror Law. In July 2010, as this report was being finalized, the government passed legal
amendments to improve the treatment of child demonstrators; but this report focuses
mainly on adult demonstrators, whose treatment remains harsh, disproportionate and
ultimately violates several human rights norms.
The vast majority of demonstrators currently being prosecuted under terrorism laws is
Kurdish, and the laws are usually invoked in the mainly Kurdish-populated areas of
southeast Turkey, or in Adana and Mersin and other cities with large Kurdish populations.
People whose writings and commentary on “the Kurdish question” in Turkey support
positions perceived to be similar to those of the outlawed armed Kurdistan Workers’ Party
(PKK) have long faced particularly harsh punishment under Turkish law. Now the courts are
applying the same or even harsher punishments to regular people who take to the streets to
demonstrate support for opinions the authorities perceive to be similar to those of the PKK.
While many of the prosecutions discussed in this report involve allegations of stonethrowing
or tire-burning at demonstrations, the government’s increasingly harsh punishment
of Kurdish demonstrators does not appear to be a response to demonstrators’ violent acts,
but rather to their perceived ideological support for the PKK. The present laws fall foul of the
standards required by human rights law and the rule of law that criminal offenses must be
defined precisely and in a foreseeable manner (the requirement of legality). Their
application in the manner documented in this report amounts to an arbitrary use of criminal
law in violation of international human rights standards and the rule of law. The laws also
offend against international law as they criminalize the legitimate exercise of freedom of
opinion, expression, and assembly.
Abstract: Internal displacement can jeopardise children’s right to education, in both protracted and emergency situations.
This case study focuses on two factors that affect displaced
children’s ability to exercise their right to education:
poverty and discrimination. It is based on IDMC
research in Turkey in November 2009, on IDMC’s routine
monitoring of internal displacement in Turkey, and on
desk study of relevant publications.
Being forced to flee conflict, generalised violence or human
rights violations frequently increases poverty among
the population displaced. Families may lose possessions
and documents in flight as well as access to their homes
and land, and may be displaced to areas where their traditional
livelihoods and skills are not relevant or cannot
be exercised. Many IDPs move to areas where there is
great competition for few opportunities, such as urban
slums or other poor areas, and their arrival among host
communities can stretch existing resources there. The
resulting poverty can be accompanied by a decline in
access and quality of education; children may be forced
to work to provide family income or else to marry early,
while families may be unable to pay school fees or associated
expenses.
Abstract: Some people(s) are more aected
by and less protected from these sources of insecurity. Particular communities become more disadvantaged
for reasons ranging from economic deprivation, state ideology, ethnic background,
physical disabilities, religion, sexual identity and/or orientation, age, class and color. This research
is on the human security demands of a number of civil society actors representing and/or
working for some of the poor, less powerful and marginalized segments of society in Turkey which
this paper refers to as communities of (in)security. Ten civil society actors representing and/or
working for certain segments of Kurdish people, women wearing headscarves, physically disabled
people, gypsies, homeless children, asylum seekers, the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and
transsexual community and women are examined in this paper. With the term
communities of (in)security, the paper seeks to highlight communities of people who experience
various insecurities within the supposedly peaceful security communities (of states) in the world
and take action to eradicate their insecurities.
Abstract: Since 2006, thousands of children in Turkey, some as young as 12, have been prosecuted
under anti-terrorism legislation solely for their alleged participation in demonstrations
focused on issues of concern to members of the Kurdish community. While Amnesty
International recognizes the obligation of the Turkish authorities to maintain order and to
prevent damage to property during the sometimes violent demonstrations, Amnesty
International is gravely concerned at the systematic violation of the rights of the child
committed during the arrest, detention and trial of these children. While arrests and
prosecutions continue, Amnesty International is also concerned that proposed amendments
to the Anti-Terrorism Law2 aimed at improving the situation for children prosecuted as a
result of their participation in demonstrations will not prevent further violations occurring.
