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Abstract: Ban Ki Moon’s long awaited progress report on the negotiations in Cyprus did not come up with a final recommendation on how long the United Nations will be committed to engage in Cyprus. However, he warned that the UN would not continue indefinitely to spend efforts and money on a process that does not seem to render any progress. The underlying question is why so much time has been spent on a process that does not seem to be leading toward a successful conclusion.
In order to assess this question this ECMI Issue Brief #25 addresses a couple of interrelated questions, such as how a desired future solution should be devised for the respective communities. Is there a real desire to change the current political system on behalf of the Greek Cypriot community? Does the Turkish Cypriot community really wish to enter a multi-cultural political set-up in which it shall play a minority role albeit one that will include extensive participation rights? What are the interests of external actors, notably Turkey, the European Union and the United States of America? Finally, are there push factors that would make a solution possible or might there be an overarching interest that unites various actors in the secret desire to perpetuate the situation and preserve the so called “Cyprus Problem”?
Abstract: The Portfolio of Mine Action Projects is a resource tool and reference document for donors, policy-makers, advocates, and national and international mine action implementers. The country and territory-specific proposals in the portfolio reflect strategic responses developed in the field to address all aspects of the problem of landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW). This country and territory-based approach aims to present as comprehensive a picture as possible of the full range of mine action needs in particular countries and thematic issues related to mine action. The portfolio ideally reflects projects developed by mine- and ERW-affected countries and territories based on their priorities and strategies; the approaches are endorsed by national authorities. The portfolio does not automatically entail full-scale direct mine action assistance by the United Nations, but is in essence a tool for collaborative resource mobilization, coordination and planning of mine action activities involving partners and stakeholders. A country portfolio coordinator (CPC) leads each country portfolio team and coordinates the submission of proposals to the portfolio’s headquarters team. While the majority of the CPCs are UN officials, this role is increasingly being assumed by national authorities. The country portfolio teams include representatives from national and local authorities, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the United Nations and the private sector. Locally based donor representatives are invited to attend preparation meetings. Each portfolio chapter contains a synopsis of the scope of the landmine and ERW problem, a description of how mine action is coordinated, and a snapshot of local mine action strategies. Many of the strategies complement or are integrated into broader development and humanitarian frameworks such as national development plans, the UN development assistance frameworks and national poverty reduction plans. This 14th edition of the annual Portfolio of Mine Action Projects features overviews and project outlines for 29 countries, territories or missions affected by landmines and explosive remnants of war. There are 238 projects in the 2011 portfolio. Africa accounts for the largest number: 92.
Abstract: With the Cyprus reunification negotiations under way since 2008 at an impasse, dramatic steps are needed. As the stalemate continues, the costs for Greek and Turkish Cypriots, Turkey and the European Union (EU) are growing. Neither Greek Cypriots nor Turkish Cypriots can fulfil their potential on an island whose future is divided, uncertain, militarised and facing new economic difficulties. Time is making it ever harder to reunify the island, divided politically since Greek Cypriots seized control of the Republic of Cyprus in 1963 and militarily since a Turkish invasion in 1974 created a Turkish Cypriot zone on its northern third. After nearly four decades, the sides remain far apart even on the meaning of the talks’ agreed goal, a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation. While there has long been peace, and relative freedom to interact since 2003, trade and visits between the two communities across the Green Line are decreasing.
Lack of a settlement damages everyone’s interests and keeps frustrations high. More than 200,000 Cypriots are still internally displaced persons (IDPs), and Turkish troops remain in overwhelming force. Few outside the military command in Ankara know if there are 21,000 soldiers, as Turkey says, or 43,000, as Greek Cypriots claim – a dispute that is one indication among many of the distrust and lack of information. Crisis Group has detailed in four reports since 2006 how the interests of the 1.1 million Cypriots and outside parties would be best met with a comprehensive political settlement. This remains the ideal, but as it is unrealistic in the coming months, ICG proposes interim unilateral steps.
Abstract: Media, politics and the Cyprus Problem are the main themes of the present study. While
each topic on its own occupies an important place in the islandʼs daily life, the three are
very closely interrelated; political actors are, by far, the most prominent if not the almost
exclusive group on the media stage, and the Cyprus Problem is the main topic of discourse. All
developments and any references, whether significant or minimal, to aspects of the Problem,
become news items and give political party leaders and others the opportunity to access the
media and present their views and comments. However, issues related to the media in Cyprus
have been very little researched.
Our study focuses on the analysis of media content and discourses on television and in
newspapers on both sides of the dividing line. The material studied is the main television news
bulletin on Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot channels, broadcast in the evening; in the case of
newspapers, the focus is on editorials and leading news articles in the Turkish and Greek
language dailies. We chose to leave out English language newspapers given that they address a
public that could hardly compare to the readers of the other dailies.
The aim of this research is to examine how the media cover issues related to aspects of the
Cyprus Problem and political actors, the authorities and political parties. The main subjects of
interest are the nature of the Cyprus Problem and the envisaged or preferred solution, matters of
identity, representations about the other parties engaged in the conflict, positions vis-à-vis the
European Union, and the relationship with the authorities and political forces on each side. We
sought answers to questions related to the approaches and positions the media adopt, and their
views as these are expressed in editorials and comments, or that transpire between the lines as
hidden or implied meaning. In addition to describing the main features of media treatment of the
respective issues, we felt it was important to delve deeper and attempt to ascertain the underlying
values guiding media choices and approaches.
Abstract: The present report on the United Nations operation in Cyprus covers
developments from 21 November 2009 to 20 May 2010. It brings up to date, since
the issuance of my last report (S/2009/609) on 25 November 2009, the record of
activities carried out by the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus
(UNFICYP) pursuant to Security Council resolution 186 (1964) and subsequent
Council resolutions, most recently resolution 1898 (2009). The activities of my
mission of good offices in Cyprus are covered separately in my report dated 11 May
2010 (S/2010/238). As at 30 April, the strength of the military component stood at 859, including
all ranks, and the strength of the police component stood at 69 (see annex). The main efforts of UNFICYP during the reporting period have focused on
maintaining the stability of the buffer zone and contributing to the overall United
Nations effort in support of the peace process. The opposing forces have cooperated
very well with UNFICYP military forces and the situation in the buffer zone has
remained stable. Regular meetings between the UNFICYP Force Commander and
Commanders of the opposing forces continued to be positive and beneficial for
maintaining the stable environment on the island.
Abstract: The chances of an internal resolution of the enduring Cyprus conflict are receding. This reinforces the temptation of many to embrace a “European solution” as the way forward. But the European Union's understanding of democracy is less principled than Greek Cypriots would like it to be, says Hubert Faustmann. “The view of some in the Greek Cypriot political arena that a European solution is on the cards is unwise and shows their ignorance of the European Union […] I’m afraid that, from the very beginning, many Greek Cypriots have regarded the European Union not as a balance of rights and responsibilities that people assume when they join, but as a one-way ticket to getting everything they want and haven’t been able to get out of the international community over the previous period.” David (Lord) Hannay: quoted in Jean Christou, “European solution? Dream on”, Cyprus Mail, 4 November 2004. The perennial Cyprus conflict passes another stage on 18 April 2010 when elections within the Turkish Cypriot community in the northern part of the island are held. The probable outcome is the coming to power of a hardliner who is likely to spoil the chances both of reconciliation with the Greek-Cypriot-dominated Republic of Cyprus and of political progress more generally. This bleak political prospect is confirmation of the continued blockage of one the most enduring international political disputes of the age - despite hopes of a breakthrough raised most recently in 2004 by the (ultimately abortive) “Annan plan” - the United Nations’ blueprint to reunify Cyprus. This article examines one of the most persistent arguments of Greek Cypriot opponents to the kind of solution envisaged in the Annan plan: that a notional “European solution” can be achieved as the instrument of moving beyond the intractable situation on the island.
Abstract: In order to assess the impact of peacebuilding activities in Cyprus we conducted a number of interviews with individuals from both Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities and with third parties involved in the Cyprus issue. The purpose of the interviews was to enable an analysis of individual reflections on their involvement in the peace process in Cyprus and to assess their impact. All the interviews were transcribed with the interviewees’ consent. Many of the interviewees are remarkable in that they have been a part of the most important citizen-based rapprochement/peacebuilding groups in Cyprus who worked for peace for decades. They created a process of dialogue and encounters which, since the events in 1974, has been unique in its intensity and extent. The report summarizes the history of the conflict and civil society peacebuilding activities in Cyprus, along with the topics: civil society peacebuilding activities in cyprus; interview results: experiences with the Cyprus peace process: Turkish Cypriot analysis, Greek Cypriot analysis, external participants' analysis; convergence and divergence: analyzing interview results for cumulative impact: Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots, international interviewees.
Abstract: The Security Council today renewed for another six months the 45-year-old United Nations peacekeeping mission in Cyprus, citing “a rare opportunity to make decisive progress in a timely fashion” to reunify the Mediterranean island after a history of fighting between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities.
In a resolution adopted by 14 votes to one, with only Turkey opposing, the 15-member body strongly urged the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot leaders “to increase the momentum in the negotiations to ensure the full exploitation of this opportunity to reach a comprehensive settlement based on a bicommunal, bizonal federation with political equality.”
Greek Cypriot leader Dimitris Christofias and Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat have been meeting regularly for more than a year under UN auspices in a bid to establish a Federal Government with a single international personality, along with a Turkish Cypriot Constituent State and a Greek Cypriot Constituent State, which would be of equal status.
The Council extended the mandate of the UN peacekeeping mission in Cyprus (UNFICYP) until 15 June, 2010. Now mustering 926 uniformed personnel – 858 troops and 68 police – supported by 40 international civilian staff, the mission was first established in 1964 to prevent further fighting between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities. After hostilities erupted again in 1974, its responsibilities were expanded to supervise ceasefire lines, maintain a buffer zone and undertake humanitarian activities.
Abstract: The present report on the United Nations operation in Cyprus covers
developments from 11 May to 20 November 2009 and brings up to date the record
of activities carried out by the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus
(UNFICYP) pursuant to Security Council resolution 186 (1964) and subsequent
Council resolutions, most recently resolution 1873 (2009). The activities of my
mission of good offices in Cyprus are covered separately in my report S/2009/610
dated 30 November 2009. As at 31 October, the strength of the military component of UNFICYP stood at
858, including all ranks, and the strength of the police component stood at 69 (see
annex).
Abstract: Three decades of efforts to reunify Cyprus are about to end, leaving a stark choice ahead between a hostile, de facto partition of the island and a collaborative federation between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities living in two constituent states. Most actors agree that the window of opportunity for this bicommunal, bizonal settlement will close by April 2010, the date of the next Turkish Cypriot elections, when the pro-settlement leader risks losing his office to a more hardline candidate. If no accord is reached by then, it will be the fourth major set of UN-facilitated peace talks to fail, and there is a widespread feeling that if the current like-minded, pro-solution Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders cannot compromise on a federal solution, nobody can. To avoid the heavy costs this would entail for all concerned, the two leaders should stand shoulder to shoulder to overcome domestic cynicism and complete the talks, Turkey and Greece must break taboos preventing full communication with both sides on the island, and European Union (EU) states must rapidly engage in support of the process to avoid the potential for future instability if they complacently accept continuation of the dispute.
A real chance still exists in 2009-2010 to end the division in Cyprus in conformity with the long-established negotiating parameters of a federal reunification. The current Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders share more common ground than any of their predecessors and have gone some distance over the past year toward a comprehensive settlement. But failure will mean an indefinite partition of the island, leading to more strains in EU-Turkey relations, new frictions in the east Mediterranean, less EU-NATO cooperation, acceleration of the centrifugal forces scattering the Turkish Cypriots and new risks to the prosperity and security of Greek Cypriots.
Abstract: The troubled peace talks have resumed in Cyprus after Greek Cypriot officials boycotted them in the first week of September. As the second part of the negotiations began, the Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat and his Greek Cypriot counterpart Dimitris Christofias met for their 41st meeting aimed at finding a solution to the issue.
Newspapers in Cyprus reported that the international community has been working on two possible plans. Priority is ascribed to the plan that targets finding a solution based on a bi-communal, bi-zonal framework based on political equality, with the existence of two founding states of equal status. This plan also entails a form of Turkish guarantee over the solution, and a united Cyprus would become a member of the European Union. In the event that Talat and Christofias fail to agree on a solution, according to the Fileleftheros newspaper, the second plan will be put into effect. This entails the removal of the isolation and embargoes on Northern Cyprus, and possibly adopting a "Taiwanization" model, providing an immediate upgrade politically and economically to the country. According to Greek Cypriot newspapers this plan, will only be implemented if a solution cannot be reached by 2010.
In a television interview, Talat stated that in the second part of the meetings the agenda will include how to deal with property issues relating to displaced persons who left after the 1974 war, agreeing a revised map, and Greek, Turkish and British guarantor agreements. The most important issue relates to "reign and power sharing" Talat added. He suggested that during the second part of the talks that the parties will concentrate on discussing these three issues.
Abstract: The latest round of negotiations for a comprehensive settlement on the divided island of
Cyprus are likely to reach a decisive phase in late 2009 or early 2010. After 45 years of on-off
talks, it is sensible to contemplate failure. Circumstances have changed, however. Most
importantly, (Greek) Cyprus is now an EU member and Turkey’s role in the Cyprus settlement
is closely linked with its own EU accession negotiations. The costs of failure of the Cyprus negotiations could range from a breakdown in EU-Turkey relations to bad blood between Ankara and Athens, with collateral damage to EU-NATO co-operation. The benefits of success would not only comprise an economically thriving Cyprus but also wider regional stability and improved prospects for a successful conclusion of Turkey’s EU accession process. A bi-zonal, bi-communal federation – as envisaged in the Annan plan that the Greek Cypriots
rejected in 2004 – remains the only viable solution. It is the Turkish and Greek Cypriots
themselves who need to shape and own the necessary compromises. The EU, although in many
ways central to the prospects of a Cyprus settlement, does not have a strong role to play in the
negotiations. Its most positive contribution would be to keep the Turkish accession talks alive
and ensure steady progress.
Abstract: This fourth edition of the Yearbook on Peace Processes analyses the conflicts in which
negotiations are being held to reach a peace agreement, regardless of whether these negotiations
are formalised, are in the exploratory phases, are bearing fruit or, to the contrary, are stalled or
enmeshed in crisis. It also analyses certain cases in which the negotiations or explorations are
partial, that is, they do not encompass all the armed groups present in the country (as is the case
of Afghanistan and Iraq, for example). The majority of the negotiations are linked to armed
conflicts, but other situations are also analysed in which despite the fact that there are currently
no armed clashes taking place, the parties have yet to reach a permanent agreement to put an end
to the hostilities and disputes still pending. Thus, the negotiations are relevant for preventing the
beginning or resurgence of new armed confrontations.
The way of organising the analysis of almost every case follows a standard pattern, namely: 1) a
brief synopsis of the background of the conflict, with a short description of the armed groups and
the main players participating in the conflict; 2) the lead-up to the peace process; 3) the events
that took place throughout 2007; 4) a table displaying the most noteworthy events in the year in
summarised form; and 5) a list of websites where the conflict can be monitored. At the start of
each country there is a small insert with basic information on the conflict in question; in the
section entitled “Armed Actors” in this insert, the governmental armed forces are not included.
Abstract: The Security Council today extended the mandate of the United Nations peacekeeping force in Cyprus, known as UNFICYP, while urging the leaders of the Mediterranean island’s Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities to pick up the pace of their reunification talks.
The Council decided, with Turkey voting against, to keep the mission – which has been in operation since 1964 after the eruption of intercommunal violence between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities – in place until 15 December 2009.
In May 2008, Greek Cypriot leader Dimitris Christofias and Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat committed themselves to working towards “a bicommunal, bizonal federation with political equality, as defined by relevant Security Council resolutions.”
That partnership would comprise a Federal Government with a single international personality, along with a Turkish Cypriot Constituent State and a Greek Cypriot Constituent State, which will be of equal status.
In today’s resolution, the 15-member Council stressed “that there now exists a rare opportunity to make decisive progress,” commending Mr. Christofias and Mr. Talat for their political leadership and welcoming progress made to date.
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, in his latest report to the Council on UNFICYP, encouraged the two leaders to accelerate the momentum in their UN-backed reunification talks.
Abstract: The present report on the United Nations operation in Cyprus covers
developments from 24 November 2008 to 10 May 2009 and brings up to date the
record of activities carried out by the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus
(UNFICYP) pursuant to Security Council resolution 186 (1964) and subsequent
Council resolutions, most recently resolution 1847 (2008). The report also
elaborates on the activities of my Special Adviser on Cyprus in the context of my
good offices mission.
As at 30 April, the strength of the military component stood at 859, including
all ranks, and the strength of the police component stood at 69 (see annex).
Abstract: The Council will hold consultations on 22 May and is expected to agree on the renewal of the mandate of the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP). It is also expected to discuss the most recent report of the Secretary-General on Cyprus. The Secretary General’s Special Representative in Cyprus Tayé-Brook Zerihoun is expected to brief the Council. The Council decided to bring forward this mandate renewal to May (it expires on 15 June) to avoid the possible perceptions of conflict of interest due to the fact that Turkey has the presidency of the Council in June.
Abstract: The Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot leaders have continued to meet regularly and have held talks on a number of issues, including property, governance and EU matters. On 21 April they started to address economic issues, and Special Representative of the Secretary-General Tayé-Brook Zerihoun said that there was quite a lot of convergence on EU and economic matters.
The two leaders still have to address the issues of territory and security, after which a second round is expected to start where issues of disagreement will be explored in greater detail.
On 19 April parliamentary elections were held in Northern Cyprus. The opposition National Unity Party led by Dervis Eroglu gained 44 percent of the votes and 26 seats in parliament, while Talat’s Republican Party gained only 29 percent of the votes. Eroglu is expected to assume a larger role in the Turkish Cypriot leadership, in a cohabitation setting.
On 21 April, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said in a speech to members of his ruling party that it would be “very wrong” for the new Turkish Cypriot government to end the negotiations or continue the negotiations on a different basis than the one that has been followed so far. At a press conference the same day, Turkish President Abdullah Gül emphasised that Talat was representing the Turkish Cypriots in negotiations with Greek Cypriots. This was in response to Eroglu’s comments on 19 April that there were other alternatives to reunification. Eroglu however also said that reunification talks would continue, and that his party would support Talat’s role as chief negotiator, but insisted that he would appoint a representative to join Talat in the talks.
Abstract: Commissioner Thomas Hammarberg and his delegation visited the Republic of Cyprus from 7 to 10 July 2008. In the course of the visit, the Commissioner held discussions with State authorities and non-governmental organizations on a number of human rights issues, focusing on asylum, detention of migrants and trafficking in human beings and including visits to two relevant institutions.
I. Asylum seekers and refugees. The Commissioner is aware of the challenges the Cypriot authorities face being a top recipient of asylum seekers in Europe and commends the authorities’ efforts to speed up procedures and to increase the number of eligibility officers. In view of the continuous influx of asylum seekers and refugees via the Green Line, the Commissioner recommends further reinforcement of the Asylum Service while at the same time seeking practical cooperation to discourage this influx. As to social protection of asylum seekers and refugees, in particular welfare assistance and health care, the Commissioner reiterates the importance of prompt, understandable information. He calls upon the authorities to eliminate bureaucratic obstacles through effective coordination and cooperation of all authorities involved. Noting that a bill is being drafted to provide for free legal aid, the Commissioner urges the authorities to remedy the current lacuna by prompt adoption of the new law.
II. Detention of rejected asylum seekers and migrants awaiting deportation. The Commissioner is concerned about continuous reports, notably by the CPT and the UNHCR, of lengthy detention of aliens in inadequate conditions. He urges the authorities to keep the number of rejected asylum seekers and irregular migrants and the time they must spend in detention to a strict minimum and to ensure adequate conditions, including making available a variety of meaningful activities. The Commissioner notes with appreciation that average detention time pending deportation seems to have decreased since greater use is made of the discretionary administrative measures for release. He encourages the authorities to make full use of these measures. Having noted that many detainees appear to lack information about the envisaged length of their detention, the Commissioner urges the authorities to instruct police officers more clearly and enable them to explain to detainees the administrative measures allowing for a decision on their release. The Commissioner calls on the authorities to ensure access to judicial review of deportation and detention decisions in practice as well as to guarantee that detainees can regularly receive visitors including members of NGOs.
III. Trafficking in human beings. The Commissioner notes with appreciation legislative and administrative measures taken since 2005 in the context of the National Action Plan on Combating Trafficking in Human Beings as well as criminal legislation enacted in 2007 which includes support to victims. He welcomes that the CoE Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings of October 2007 came into force in Cyprus in February 2008. However, the Commissioner deplores that despite these measures, Cyprus is still associated with trafficking in human beings, in particular trafficking of women for sexual exploitation mainly in bars, nightclubs and so-called cabarets. The Commissioner is aware that the majority of these women entered Cyprus on a so-called “artiste” work permit which is unlawfully used by cabaret owners for the sake of prostitution. The Commissioner is deeply concerned that the scheme of so-called cabaret “artiste” work permits is still in place despite continued international criticism and expressed commitment of the authorities to abolish it. The Commissioner believes that the existence of this type of work permit leads to a situation in which it is very difficult for law enforcement authorities to effectively combat trafficking in human beings and could thus be perceived as contradicting the measures taken against trafficking. The Commissioner strongly urges the authorities to abolish the current “artiste” work permit scheme and to ensure that no other scheme could be used for the same unlawful purpose. He invites the authorities to evaluate and monitor the effectiveness of their National Action Plan 2005 and the new legislation enacted notably with a view to ensuring proper identification of victims and child protection measures.
IV. Further observations. The Commissioner welcomes positive developments regarding children’s rights, prison capacity and alternatives to detention. He is however, concerned at what he considers to be inadequate support for victims of domestic violence.
Abstract: A Survey and Analysis of Border Management and Border Apprehension Data from 20 States.
With a Special Survey on the Use of Counterfeit Documents.
Based on the contributions of the border services of 20 Central and Eastern European states, the 2006 Yearbook again provides its valuable overview and analysis of irregular migration trends in the region. Over the past ten years the annual Yearbook on Illegal Migration, Human Smuggling and Trafficking in Central and Eastern Europe has come to be regarded as an authoritative source of information on recent border trends and in particular on the phenomena of illegal migration, human smuggling and trafficking. The annual Yearbook covers the most recent trends in illegal migration and human smuggling in the region, including long-term trends in border apprehensions, shifts in source, transit and destination countries, demographic characteristics of irregular migrants, the relationship between legal and illegal border crossings, new developments in the methods of border crossings and document abuse and on removals of irregular migrants. In addition, this year’s edition for the first time features a Special Survey on the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes. This Survey is based on the contributions received from document specialists or Special Units dealing with document security in the countries under review and provides the first comprehensive overview and analysis of patterns and trends in the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes in Central and Eastern Europe.
Abstract: In September 2008 direct negotiations were launched in Cyprus. This round in
the 44 year-old peace process represents both the last and the best chance to achieve
peace on the island. The last chance because since the fateful referendum over the UNbrokered
Annan Plan in April 2004, while the peace process stagnated, dynamics on the
ground have reduced the likelihood of a federal solution on the island; the best chance
because the peace process is led by two moderate leaders, Demetris Christofias and
Mehmet Ali Talat, who have demonstrated their readiness to compromise by starting
negotiations over a comprehensive settlement and agreeing on a set of confidence
building measures. Yet this does not mean that a federal solution is on the short-term
horizon. On the Greek Cypriot side there is still an important source of resistance against
a federal power-sharing deal. On the Turkish Cypriot side, enthusiasm for federalism and
EU accession in 2008 is far below what it was in 2004. Furthermore, since 2007 political
turmoil in Turkey alongside the reluctance of several EU member states to proceed with
Turkey’s EU accession process, might constrain the Turkish government’s ability to
deliver on Cyprus. Within this context, the role of the EU in generating incentives within a
Cypriot-owned and UN-mediated peace process is critical. This would mean closely
monitoring the peace process and exerting pressure on all sides, delivering on the
promises made to the Turkish Cypriots to lift their state of international isolation and reenergising
Turkey’s accession process.
Abstract: Considering the variability of the levels and possible forms of conflict, it is obvious that
diverse situations exist between the different ends of a spectrum. On the one extreme of
this spectrum there is the ideal situation of a fully democratic and peaceful state where
the human rights of all residents are respected while at the same time pluralism and
multiculturalism prevail. A glance at reports of major international non-governmental
organizations (INGOs) working on human rights such as Amnesty International or
Human Rights Watch, as well periodic appraisals of state reports by UN committees
working on human rights proves the impossibility of this scenario all over the world. On
the other extreme there are the situations of ethnic conflict characterized by attempts to
completely annihilate the other, where no rights are respected and where crimes against
humanity exemplified by ethnic cleansing are being perpetrated. In contradistinction to
the ‘ideal’ extreme, examples of this have persisted in the 20th century, from the
Holocaust that effectively caused states to place human rights in the centre of the UN
map, to the 1990s’ Bosnia and Rwanda, and currently Darfur.
The point of this paper is to explore the situation in the middle of this spectrum, where in
fact one would expect most societies, and for the purposes of this paper, conflict societies
in particular, to fall, by focusing on the case of Cyprus. Within this frame what is
examined here is the impact of a ‘frozen conflict’ on the development of various
understandings of ‘human rights’ and the relation of these understandings to the work of
civil-society organizations. In turn, these relations are contextualized within local state
structures and specific political discourses. The paper thus firstly examines the formation
of the postcolonial state in Cyprus and the long-term effects of the conflict on the
developments of mono-ethnic state structures south and north of the dividing line, the
first being internationally recognized as a state representing all Cypriots despite the lack of Turkish-Cypriot participation in its government, the other being unrecognized except
by Turkey and claiming to protect the rights of Turkish-Cypriots. On this basis an
overview of the development of civil society on the two sides is then provided, spanning
the early years of the conflict up to 1974, the years of separation between 1974 and 2003,
and the political developments relating to the island’s accession to and membership of the
European Union (EU).
Minorities at Risk Organizational Behavior Dataset Minorities at Risk Project // Center for International Development and Conflict Management // National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism
Abstract: The Minorities at Risk Organizational Behavior (MAROB) dataset is a subsidiary of the
Minorities at Risk (MAR) Project. The purpose of this project is to answer fundamental
questions focusing on the identification of those factors that motivate some members of ethnic
minorities to become radicalized, to form activist organizations, and to move from conventional
means of politics and protest into violence and terrorism. Focusing initially on the Middle East
and North Africa, the MAROB project provides information on the characteristics of those
ethnopolitical organizations most likely to employ violence and terrorism in the pursuit of their
perceived grievances with local, national, or international authority structures. The project has
identified 118 organizations representing the interests of all 22 ethnopolitical groups in 16
countries of the Middle East and North Africa, operating between 1980 and 2004. The project developed a set of criteria for the inclusion of organizations into the MAROB dataset. These are as
follows:
• The organization makes explicit claims to represent the interests of one or more ethnic groups and/or the
organization’s members are primarily members of a specific ethnic minority.
• The organization is political in its goals and activities.
• The organization is active at a regional and/or national level.
• The organization was not created by a government.
• The organization is active for at least three consecutive years between 1980 and 2006.
• Umbrella organizations (coalitions/alliances) are NOT coded. Instead, member organizations are coded.
Organizations were selected on the basis of their basic longevity. This was operationalized in the following manner:
The first year that an organization is mentioned in a source as being active, it is put on a “watchlist” for potential
inclusion. Once the organization is mentioned in sources for three consecutive years, it is included in the dataset,
coded from the first year of the three consecutive years. If an organization included in the dataset disappears from
source material for five consecutive years, it is no longer coded for following years. If after that time, it is again
mentioned for three consecutive years, it is again included but as a separate organization.
Abstract: This third edition of the Peace Process Yearbook analyses the conflicts in which negotiations
are being held to reach a peace agreement, regardless of whether these negotiations are
formalised, are in the exploratory phases, are bearing fruit or, to the contrary, are stalled or
enmeshed in crisis. It also analyses certain cases in which the negotiations or explorations are
partial, that is, they do not encompass all the armed groups present in the country (as is the
case of Afghanistan and Iraq, for example). The majority of the negotiations are linked to armed
conflicts, but other situations are also analysed in which despite the fact that there are currently
no armed clashes taking place, the parties have yet to reach a permanent agreement to put an
end to the hostilities and disputes still pending. Thus, the negotiations are relevant for
preventing the beginning or resurgence of new armed confrontations.
The yearbook also examines certain processes that have theoretically come to a close through
a peace agreement, but that in our opinion are worth monitoring for at least another year with
the purpose of revealing whether or not implementation of the agreements takes place as
planned and whether the armed conflict can truly be regarded as over (such as in the cases of
the Congo, Indonesia [GAM], Northern Ireland, Nepal [CPN], East Sudan and South Sudan), as
there is a plethora of examples of peace agreements that for different reasons, have lasted a
short time and hostilities have resumed.
The way of organising the analysis of almost every case follows a standard pattern, namely: 1)
a brief synopsis of the background of the conflict, with a short description of the armed groups
and the main players participating in the conflict; 2) the lead-up to the peace process; 3) the
events that took place throughout 2007; 4) a table displaying the most noteworthy events in the
year in summarised form; 5) a list of websites where the conflict can be monitored; and 6) an
illustration that helps to exemplify the relationship between the primary and secondary actors in
each conflict, showing the spaces of intermediation that exist in each case. At the start of each
country there is a small insert with basic information on the conflict in question; in the section
entitled “Armed Actors” in this insert, the governmental armed forces are not included.
Abstract: This second edition of the Peace Process Yearbook analyses the conflicts in which
negotiations are being held to reach a peace agreement, regardless of whether these
negotiations are formalised, are in the exploratory phases, are bearing fruit or, to the contrary,
are stalled or enmeshed in crisis. The majority of the negotiations are linked to armed conflicts,
but other situations are also analysed in which despite the fact that there are currently no armed
clashes taking place, the parties have yet to reach a permanent agreement to put an end to the
hostilities and disputes still pending. Thus, the negotiations are relevant for preventing the
beginning or resurgence of new armed confrontations.
The yearbook also examines certain process that have theoretically come to a close through a
peace agreement, but that in our opinion are worth monitoring for at least another year with the
purpose of revealing whether or not implementation of the agreements takes place as planned
and whether the armed conflict can truly be regarded as over (the cases of the Aceh in
Indonesia or Northern Island, for example), as there is a plethora of examples of peace
agreements that have lasted a short time.
The way of organising the analysis of almost every case follows a standard pattern, namely: 1)
a brief synopsis of the background of the conflict, with a short description of the armed groups
and the main players participating in the conflict; 2) the lead-up to the peace process; 3) the
events that took place throughout 2006; 4) a table displaying the most noteworthy events in the
year in summarised form; 5) a list of websites where the conflict can be monitored; and 6) a
table that helps to illustrate the relationship between the primary and secondary actors in each
conflict, showing the spaces of intermediation that exist in each case.
Abstract: This Special Research Report attempts to provide for Council members, and other interested parties, a short history of the 45 years of Council involvement in the Cyprus issue. There now seems to be a sense of optimism and hope that the parties, with assistance from the UN and the Council, can at last reach a sustainable solution.
On 25 July, Greek Cypriot leader Demetris Christofias and Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat agreed to resume full-fledged negotiations aimed at finding a solution to the Cyprus problem, and to put the agreed solution to separate simultaneous referendums. The negotiations began as scheduled on 3 September.
This report focuses on Security Council involvement over the past 45 years. It also touches on developments in the General Assembly and successive UN-led peace talks. It does not aim to be comprehensive. Rather it is designed to explain the evolution of the UN and Security Council involvement.
The next scheduled Council action on Cyprus is not until December, when the mandate of the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) is due for renewal. However, as the negotiating process unfolds it may be that Council input will be based on actual developments rather than predetermined mandate schedules.
