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Abstract: • The protection of asylum-seekers in Europe is dealt with under three principal bodies of law: the UN Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees of 1951, the law of the European Union and the soft law developed by the Council of Europe.
• Member states of the Council of Europe are also bound by the judgments of the European Convention on Human Rights; although the convention makes no reference to refugee protection, its provisions and the judgments of its court in Strasbourg impose important obligations on states in respect of asylum.
• The entry into force of the Amsterdam Treaty in 1999 initiated the first phase of the creation of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS), which aimed to harmonize refugee protection among member states while enabling them to meet their international obligations in that respect.
• The harmonizing measures adopted by the EU have been subject to severe criticism and the practices of member states reveal a systemic failure to comply with international refugee protection obligations.
• While there have been improvements in European refugee policy, significant challenges must be addressed before Europe can regain its reputation as a champion of the rights of the refugee. This is given particular urgency by recent events in North Africa, which may lead to large numbers of persons fleeing violence and disorder.
Abstract: This handbook is intended to serve as a document that provides relevant information on issues that external actors who interact with diasporas in development and peacebuilding will encounter. It does not present simple replicable techniques, tools or instruments; rather, the authors aim to explain the underlying philosophy and aspects of process involved in facilitating participation of diasporas in development and peacebuilding (Pretty et al., 1995: ii). How to best apply these principles will vary from context to context. The document is based on experiences with various diaspora communities in the five European countries (Finland, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Norway), though many of the examples cited focus on the Somali diaspora and, more generally, on diasporas originating from Africa. A number of those experiences are described in detail in separate text boxes.
Abstract: This report addresses the challenges and opportunities facing
Norway in relation to the combat against sexualised and
gender-based violence (SGBV) in war and conflict situations.
In presenting a map of Norwegian actors and agencies in the
field, it constitutes a critical resource that both emphasises
Norway’s potential to contribute and recommends proposals
for improvement.
The context of the report is international commitments to
address, prevent and limit sexualised violence (SV) in conflict,
as embodied in UN Security Council Resolutions 1325 (2000)
and 1820 (2008); the efforts of relevant actors in Norway
to work towards fulfilment of these goals; and the current
limitations in the way of these actors achieving best practice.
The content of the report is based on a qualitative mapping
study conducted in Norway during spring 2010. This collates
some of the work and research being done in Norway
across the spectrum of issues that SGBV raises. The people
interviewed represent ministries and other government
institutions, the academic sector and/or civil society in various
parts of Norway. The main findings are threefold. First, research on the subject
is in several important respects incomplete and unsystematic.
The gaps relate to the number and type of cases analysed,
and the scholarly discipline that is brought to bear in this
analysis. Second, although Norway’s condition is one of peace,
equality and relative prosperity, including a well-functioning
police and justice apparatus, it still faces a major challenge in
combat various forms of sexualised violence. Third, the lack of attention towards men in all areas (research, treatment, policy, empowerment
projects) is alarming. In a conflict or post-conflict setting, men
and boys’ disempowerment and alienation from society should
be of high importance at the international agenda to combat
SV.
Abstract: The Mediation Practice Series (MPS) was initiated in 2008 as
part of the HD Centre’s efforts to support the broader mediation
community. Based on the shared view that mediators often confront similar
dilemmas although mediation differs widely across peace
processes, the HD Centre has decided to produce a series of
decision-making tools that draw upon the comparative experience
of track one mediation processes. As mediators consider engagement with armed groups they
face a variety of challenges and options – including whether it is
wise to engage at all. This contribution to the Mediation Practice
Series addresses engagement by those working toward peace
processes which involve formal interaction between leaders.
The focus is on the dilemmas, challenges and risks involved in a
mediator’s early contacts with an armed group and subsequent
engagement as interlocutor, message-carrier, adviser and/or
facilitator – all roles that may precede and accompany formal
negotiation between parties to a conflict.
The armed groups considered are those whose rebellion or
resistance explicitly challenges the authority of the state, rather
than the full spectrum of non-state armed groups (which would
include criminal organisations and gangs, as well as paramilitary
actors accountable to the state). The former claim their violence
is rooted in legitimate self-defence against the infringement of
their rights. Political in its origin – if at times criminal in its conduct
– armed action is pursued as a means to a political end. While
military pressure, or other actions by security forces, may be necessary to counter it, in almost all cases a lasting resolution to
the conflict will depend on some form of political accommodation
or agreement. Case studies include: The FMLN and the UN in El Salvador (p. 8-13), Dilemmas of talking to the Taliban (p. 13-14), Private mediators and the GAM
in Aceh (p. 15-18), Coping with pre-conditions
on Hamas (p. 20-23), The ICC and the LRA in conflict
at the peace table (p. 23-28), Case study : Norway and the LTTE (p. 28-29), Case study : Engaging the Maoists in Nepal (p. 31-35).
Abstract: This issue includes the following articles: Evaluating the Al-Qa`ida Threat to the U.S. Homeland by Philip Mudd; The Growing Danger from Radical Islamist Groups in the United States, by Paul Cruickshank; Manchester, New York and Oslo: Three Centrally Directed Al-Qa`ida Plots, by Raffaello Pantucci; Lessons Learned from the July 2010 Norwegian Terrorist Plot, by Petter Nesser and Brynjar Lia; American Journeys to Jihad: U.S. Extremists and Foreign Conflicts During the 1980s and 1990s, by William Rosenau and Sara Daly; American Journeys to Jihad: U.S. Extremists and Foreign Conflicts During the 1980s and 1990s, by William Rosenau and Sara Daly.
Abstract: The Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad) has been engaged in capacity
building and provision of technical support to the Afghan Ministry of Mines since 2007. A part of
this engagement relates to the development of the Afghan Hydrocarbons Law, and
commercialization of gas and oil reserves of the northern Jowzjan province through an international
bidding process.
The Terms of Reference request a conflict study in relation to oil and gas exploration in northern
Afghanistan, including an assessment of the relations between the northern areas and the central
administration, internal relations between northern based ethnic and military organisations and the
role of regional actors. Income division between central and province authorities is to be examined,
as is the view of local authorities on oil and gas extraction and ways to attract local interest; ways to
secure greater focus on the gender dimension; the security situation and potential consequences for
industrial development;
This report is based on three primary sources of information. One is a literature review on issues
relating to governance and income division of natural resources and potential for corruption in such
management. The second is information on the security situation in Afghanistan in general and
north Afghanistan in particular, and the process that is underway for exploring and utilizing Afghan
and regional oil and gas resources. The third source is a series of semi structured interviews with a
wide range of informant conducted in Kabul, Maymane, Saripul and Mazar-e Sharif.
Abstract: The Oslo International Workshop was organized into five panel
sessions, each structured around the presentation and discussion of two
working papers. This report presents a
summary of the panel presentations. In addition, participants at the workshop made a
number of proposals that were subsequently developed by the organizers into a list of
recommendations. The recommendations are intended to feed into the existing set of tools available to donor governments, partner countries, and international and nongovernmental
organizations for addressing the issue of small arms violence at various stages of the
standard development project cycle – notably when assessing needs, risks and
vulnerabilities; planning and matching resources with needs, evaluating progress and
results; and disseminating lessons learned and best practices. There exist a number of development cooperation instruments and mechanisms that
could serve as channels for integrating small arms violence reduction into both
national development planning and international development cooperation. Among
others, these include Common Country Assessments (CCA) and UN Development
Assistance Frameworks (UNDAF), as well as Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers
(PRSPs) designed by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.
Participants at the workshop called for continuing the integration of the issue of
small arms violence into the realm of international assistance. At the same time,
however, they stressed the need for pragmatism, as many states are reluctant to include
references to small arms violence in their national development planning frameworks.
Participants also underlined the role of regional and subregional organizations in
ensuring the integration of armed violence reduction measures into regional
development programmes, such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development
(NEPAD). Further, all participants placed considerable emphasis on the need for
international financial institutions to engage with states and civil society in reducing
small arms violence.
Abstract: Afghan civilians deserve amends from warring parties for deaths, injuries, and property
losses—that is, some form of recognition and monetary compensation. Under international
law and agreements signed with the Afghan government, the troop contributing nations
(TCNs) of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) are not liable for damage to
civilian property or civilian injury or death as a result of lawful operations. However, most
ISAF members now offer payments when such losses occur. This is a marked improvement
from the early days of the conflict when the US and its NATO allies declined to address civilian
harm. CIVIC’s research into the experiences of ISAF troops and Afghan civilians demonstrates that
when international military forces provide payment (henceforth called “compensation” to
indicate both monetary and in-kind help), especially combined with an apology for harm,
civilian hostility toward international forces decreases. However, the effectiveness of these
payments has been limited by the lack of uniform policies across ISAF nations, limited information
gathering about civilian harm generally and, in many cases, insensitive requirements
that civilians suffering losses take the initiative to file claims.
This report describes the policies and practices of major ISAF TCNs. It finds that soldiers as
well as civilians view amends for harm favorably. The process of investigation, negotiation
of payment, and offers of formal compensation are opportunities to strengthen relationships
with local leaders and communities, to explain what happened, and acknowledge loss.
Abstract: Norway has been a prominent supporter of the UN’s Integrated Approach and has actively contributed to the development of NATO’s Comprehensive Approach. Norway’s own whole-of-government approach has, however, been limited to its engagement with Afghanistan. There is already a growing body of literature on the whole-of-government approach. Surprisingly little has been written about Norway in this context. This report represents a first attempt at comprehensively explaining the Norwegian whole-of-government approach, as well as and analyzing its effectiveness to date.
The authors of the report conclude that Norway lacks a comprehensive strategy for engaging in fragile states in general, as well as a whole-of-government strategy for any particular country, including Afghanistan.
Abstract: Terrorism is not a new phenomenon, nor is it likely to disappear anytime soon. It is not the exclusive domain of any single religion or ideology, nor do all terrorists come from the same socioeconomic class or share the same mental pathologies.1 In part, the diversity within contemporary terrorism is what makes it so great a challenge. This report describes, in great detail, the state of terrorism in Western countries over the course of 2008.
Before turning to terrorism events in the West during 2008 and key developments within Western countries’ legal systems, we are going to pinpoint a few broad trends—a few currents that run through the various incidents and cases that follow. As this report will show, concerns about the contemporary connection between criminal activities and terrorism are clear in Bulgaria, a country rife with organized crime. An April 2008 parliamentary report charged that profits from the country’s drug trade were channeled to Middle Eastern terrorist groups.
Abstract: On May 12, 2009, the UN General Assembly will elect 18 new Human Rights Council members. Twenty countries are candidates. However, each is not competing against all of the others, but rather only against the ones from the same UN regional group. In this year’s election, all but two regional groups have submitted the same amount of candidates as available seats. The Asian Group has 5 countries vying for 5 available seats, the Latin American and Caribbean Group (―GRULAC‖) has 3 countries vying for 3 available seats, and the Western European and Others Group (―WEOG‖) has 3 countries vying for 3 available seats. This does not mean that the candidate countries for these groups will automatically be elected; in order to become a Council member, a country must receive the votes of at least 97 of the 192 General Assembly member states (an absolute majority). Competition between the candidates exists only in the African Group, where 6 countries are vying for 5 available seats, and in the Eastern European Group, where 3 countries are vying for 2 available seats.
Abstract: The meeting of the Nordic Foreign Ministers in Stockholm on 18 April 2008 adopted a Plan
of Action for Nordic Cooperation in Afghanistan to enable them to be a more concerned
partner for the Government of Afghanistan (GoA) and the international community. The
countries indicated that a joint study should be undertaken to identify differences and
similarities in development strategies for Afghanistan, and the possibilities to strengthen this
cooperation over time.
The overall aim of an increased cooperation in the development field is to achieve a stronger
impact in sectors of particular importance to the Nordic countries. A more efficient
organisation of development work should ease the workload for each country. Furthermore, a
strengthened Nordic cooperation would enhance cooperation among donors in general, and
strengthen the role of the Afghan government in taking overall responsibility for the
development of Afghanistan.
The Nordic countries identified the following sectors as possible fields of increased
cooperation: good governance; administrative reform; capacity building; education; respect for human rights, with a particular focus on women; justice sector; fight against drugs.
Abstract: Contrairement à une idée reçue, la France et le Royaume-Uni ne sont pas les seules puissances nucléaires en Europe. En effet, depuis 1954, dans le cadre de l’OTAN, les États-Unis stationnent des forces nucléaires dans plusieurs pays du continent. Reliques de la Guerre froide, ces forces devaient originellement faire face à la supériorité des troupes conventionnelles du pacte de Varsovie. De plus de 7 000 armes nucléaires tactiques, réparties dans une dizaine d’États européens au milieu des années 1970, l’arsenal n’a cessé de diminuer, à la suite de l’éclatement de l’URSS, pour parvenir au chiffre de 350 armes en 2007. Depuis le début de la décennie, la question de l’utilité de ces armements, et donc indirectement d’un possible retrait, est de plus en plus souvent évoquée.
En toute discrétion entre 2005 et 2008, les États-Unis ont dénucléarisé deux de leurs plus grandes bases européennes, Ramstein (Allemagne) et Lakenheath (Royaume-Uni). Elles abritaient au total 180 bombes nucléaires. Indéniablement, ce désarmement apporte un nouvel éclairage sur cette posture nucléaire de l’OTAN. À ce titre, les 240 bombes restantes ont sans doute définitivement perdu leur rôle militaire au profit d’un rôle politique. Les raisons de ce retrait ne se limitent pas seulement à des problèmes de sécurité dans ces bases. Non, d’autres problématiques comme l’évolution de l’Alliance atlantique, la politique de chacun des pays hôtes, le renouvellement des flottes à capacité duale, l’utilité stratégique, sans compter la pression de l’opinion publique soutenue par des organisations pacifistes, contribuent et vont contribuer à limiter ce stationnement d’armes. Désormais seuls l’Allemagne, la Belgique, les Pays-Bas, l’Italie et la Turquie ont sur leur territoire des armes nucléaires américaines, mais pour combien de temps encore ? Demain, l’Europe va-t-elle être une zone libre d’armes nucléaires américaines ?
Abstract: Humanitarian mine action refers to activities undertaken to reduce the effect caused by land-mines and other explosive remnants of war in terms of social, economic and environmental impact of mines. The objective is the reduction of risk to a level where people can live safely and where economic, social, and health development can occur without hindrance from land-mines. This report documents how Norwegian People's Aid (NPA) are working in humanitarian mine action. Case studies are presented include Bosnia Herzegovina, Cambodia and Croatia, Ethiopia and Iraq and Malawi.
The document recommends that the mine action community needs to develop, implement and standardise new globally accepted methods and approaches to de-mining. Full mine and battle area clearance is costly and time consuming; hence such activities should be a last option, only to be used when the presence of land-mines and/or explosive remnants of war has been confirmed by technical survey. The immediate objective of mine action programmes should be to release land suspected to be hazardous as cost efficiently as possible and with a quality that meets the requirements of international and national mine action standards. NPA believes that land can be released through three different actions:
* cancellation: the process in which an area is released based on information gathered and analysis only
* reduction: the process in which one or more mine clear- ance tools have been used to gather information about the presence/absence of mines
* clearance: "full clearance" according to International and National Standards for Mine Action.
Abstract: Ce recueil contient les exemples soumis par les membres de dépenses dans le domaine des conflits de la paix et
de la sécurité. Pour chaque exemple, le Secrétariat fournit des commentaires sur l’éligibilité au titre de l’APD et
sur la façon de notifier.
Les extraits pertinents des directives de notification statistique, y compris les codes-objet (secteurs) et les
montants notifiés par les membres pour ces codes, sont aussi inclus.
La présente version revisée incorpore les clarifications apportées par plusieurs membres jusqu’au 16 août 2007.
Abstract: President Sarkozy has recently said that France may re-integrate into NATO's military command. This abrupt change in French policy opens doors to a much-needed improvement in EU-NATO relations. The two institutions have been barely co-operating on important missions like Kosovo, which leaves Europe ill-prepared for security challenges on its borders. But for the EU and NATO to really turn a corner, the UK must first agree with France how independent from the US, Europe's defences should become. The US will need to give France command posts in NATO, and Turkey will have to drop its opposition to Cyprus' co-operation with the alliance.
Abstract: The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) has made an agreement with the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to administer a new standby force for peace mediation. Norway will finance a standby force comprised of a group of peace mediation experts. The standby force will be administered by NRC and stand at the disposal of the UN. The group is now being recruited. he standby force will be comprised of one manager and five international experts on peace mediation. The group will cover various subject areas including security issues, transitional justice (approaches used by states to address past human rights wrongs) and human rights, via constitutions and formulating peace agreements, to the distribution of wealth and sharing of power. Together this group will support the UN’s peace mediation activities and represents a substantial strengthening of the UN’s conflict resolution abilities.
Abstract: 1. "US-Russian Bering Sea Marine Border Dispute: Conflict over Strategic Assets, Fisheries and Energy Resources"
Despite the universal implementation of the Law of the Sea principles in defi ning national sovereignty over
coastal waters and the end of the Cold War, Russia continues to press marine border disputes with several
neighboring countries. Th e most important confl icts are with the United States, Norway, and Japan. Fortunately,
these are not military confrontations, but political disputes over the economically and strategically
important marine regions claimed by all four countries. At stake are strategic considerations, abundant fi sh
resources and large oil and gas deposits at the bottom of the sea. Th is article discusses the history of the
US-Russian conflict, the viewpoints of both sides, and the impact of this dispute on access to marine living
resources of the area.
Author: Kaczynski, Vlad M.
2. "The Kuril Islands Dispute Between Russia and Japan: Perspectives of Three Ocean Powers"
Japan and Russia have never come to an agreement over the ownership of the four southern Kuril Islands and
therefore have never signed a peace treaty at the end of World War II. Russia currently occupies the islands, but
Japan claims them as Japanese territory. Th e Soviet Union exerted fi rm control over the islands. Under Yeltsin,
Russia's position seemed to weaken, but no progress was achieved in signing a peace treaty. Since Putin's rise
to power, neither side has been willing to make concessions and the situation remains stalemated.
Author: Kaczynski, Vlad M.
3. "Norway and Russia in the Barents Sea - Cooperation and Conflict in Fisheries Management"
Th e Barents Sea fi sheries are managed bilaterally by Norway and Russia. Th e Joint Norwegian-Russian
Fisheries Commission sets quotas for the most important fi sh stocks in the area which are allocated according
to a standard formula. Th e collaboration between the two countries generally functions well, but has
since the late 1990s been plagued by disparity between scientifi c recommendations and established quotas,
and Norwegian claims of Russian overfishing.
Author: Hxc3xb8nneland, Geir
Abstract: The situation in Faryab, north Afghanistan is characterised by a substantial military and political uncertainty. Violent acts could at any moment hamper the humanitarian and development efforts. At the same time the risk is great that Norwegian development actors might be associated with a provincial administration, a police and a judicial system by local people seen as corrupt, oppressive and inefficient. It is a great challenge to manage to balance this relation and at the same time assist in developing these governmental bodies to strengthen their professionalism and legitimacy. This is one of the findings in the report assessing the conflict and actors in Faryab. The relation and the balance between the central state in Kabul and the local authorities on provincial and local level are of utmost importance for any future developments. It is recommended a more clear demarcation between the military involvement and the humanitarian and development activities. Questions related to governance are seen as very important and difficult, not the least given the very mixed situation with some governance bodies drawing their legitimacy from the constitution, others growing out from development programmes in addition to the traditional structures often experiencing the strongest legitimacy of them all. The ethnic dimension constitutes a possible line of conflict not only in Faryab. Lack of information in the local population about the mandate of the Norwegian military presence through the Provincial Reconstruction Team should also be viewed as a challenge for the humanitarian engagement. A wider dissemination of information on the Mandate and activities financed by Norway should be secured. Violence against women has a high occurrence in Faryab. It should be prioritized to make work outside the homes available for women and to strengthen the availability of higher education.
Abstract: The Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI) was established by the Norwegian Parliament in 1959 in order to promote a better understanding of international issues in Norway. NUPI has sought to achieve this by undertaking a wide range of research activities and by disseminating information on international issues. The Institute has an independent position in studying matters of relevance to Norwegian foreign policy and economic relations. As a small nation, Norway depends strongly on stable and open ties to the rest of the world. Consequently, the understanding of international relations and the constantly evolving international economy is a vital prerequisite when the foreign, as well as domestic policy of Norway is to be shaped. With more than 40 years of experience, NUPI is one of Norway's leading independent centres for research and information on political and economic issues.
Abstract: The Government of Norway has proposed a defence budget for 2007 amounting to NOK 31 billion. This represents a continued high budget level for the defence sector. Priority is given to the High North and international operations.
