Searched the resource database for : All Results AND Regions=Lesotho
Haven't found what you are looking for? To further refine your search: Click on the 'advanced search' menu to filter by title, abstract, source, and/or publication date; to include or exclude multiple resource categories, regions or topics.
Abstract: This paper identifies the factors linked to cross-country differentials in growth performance in the aftermath of social conflict for 30 sub-Saharan African countries using panel data techniques. Our results show that changes in the terms of trade are the most important correlate of economic performance in post-conflict environments. This variable is typically associated with an increase in the marginal probability of positive economic performance by about 30 percent. Institutional quality emerges as the second most important factor. Foreign aid is shown to have very limited ability to explain differentials in growth performance, and other policy variables such as trade openness are not found to have a statistically significant effect. The results suggest that exogenous factors ("luck") are an important factor in post-conflict recovery. They also highlight the importance in post-conflict settings of policies to mitigate the macroeconomic impact of terms of trade volatility (including countercyclical macroeconomic policies and innovative financing instruments) and of policies to promote export diversification.
Abstract: The Centre for Conflict Resolution (CCR) in Cape Town, South Africa, held a two-day policy seminar
on 19 and 20 May 2008 at Kopanong Hotel and Conference Centre in Johannesburg, South Africa. The experiences and lessons at the local level in South Africa became a vital building block to expand
interventions to the rest of southern Africa, beginning in Lesotho, Swaziland and Zimbabwe. CCR selected the
three countries to inform interventions at the regional level on the basis of a shared common history and similar
governance challenges following transitions to democracy. The Centre’s work aims to bring together key actors
to resolve conflict utilising constructive approaches. To this end, CCR has sought to engage key actors in
government and civil society in long-term capacity and skills-building exercises in order to enhance their
knowledge and practice of constructive conflict management approaches while simultaneously building trust
and confidence between polarised groups. Ultimately, this approach seeks to create opportunities for political
and social dialogue between diverse groups.
Abstract: This monograph contains papers that were presented at the International Conference on Climate Change and Natural Resources Conflicts in Africa, 14–15 May 2009, Entebbe, Uganda, organised by the Environment Security Programme (ESP) of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), Nairobi Office.
The climate change phenomenon is a global concern, which typically threatens the sustainability of the livelihoods of the majority of the population living in the developing countries. Africa, particularly the sub-Saharan region, is likely to be negatively impacted by climate variability and change. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Africa’s vulnerability arises from a combination of many factors, including extreme poverty, a high rate of population increase, frequent natural disasters such as droughts and floods, and agricultural systems (both crop and livestock production) that depend heavily on rainfall. Extreme natural occurrences such as floods and droughts are becoming increasingly frequent and severe. Africa’s high vulnerability to the negative impacts of climate variability and change is also attributed to its low adaptive capacity.
Climate variability and change have further exacerbated the scarcity of natural resources on the African continent, leading to conflicts with regard to access to, and ownership and use of these resources. The scarcity of natural resources is known to trigger competition for the meagre resources available among both individuals and communities, and even institutions, thus affecting human security on the continent.
Abstract: Southern Africa has embarked on one of the world’s most ambitious security co-operation initiatives, seeking to roll out the principles of the United Nations at regional levels. This book examines the triangular relationship between democratisation, the character of democracy and its deficits, and national security practices and perceptions of eleven southern African states. It explores what impact these processes and practices have had on the collaborative security project in the region. Based on national studies conducted by African academics and security practitioners over three years, it includes an examination of the way security is conceived and managed, as well as a comparative analysis of regional security co-operation in the developing world. This book includes: Chapter 1: Democratic Governance and Security: A Conceptual Exploration, by Andre du Pisani; Chapter 2: Comparative Perspectives on Regional Security Co-operation among Developing Countries, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 3: Southern African Security in Historical Perspective, by Abillah H. Omari and Paulino Macaringue; Chapter 4: Botswana, by Mpho G. Molomo, Zibani Maundeni, Bertha Osei-Hwedie, Ian Taylor, and Shelly Whitman; Chapter 5: Lesotho, by Khabele Matlosa; Chapter 6: Mauritius, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 7: Mozambique, by Anicia Lalá; Chapter 8: Namibia, by Bill Lindeke, Phanuel Kaapama, and Leslie Blaauw; Chapter 9: Seychelles, by Anthoni van Nieuwkerk and William M. Bell; Chapter 10: South Africa, by Maxi Schoeman; Chapter 11: Swaziland, by Joseph Bheki Mzizi; Chapter 12: Tanzania Mohammed, by Omar Maundi; Chapter 13: Zambia, by Bizeck Jube Phiri; Chapter 14: Zimbabwe, by Ken D. Manungo; and Chapter 15: Conclusions, by Gavin Cawthra, Khabele Matlosa, and Anthoni van Nieuwkerk.
Abstract: Under pressure from the European Union and other donors, many efforts are
undertaken by the Dam Authorities in Lesotho (Lesotho Highlands Development Authority) and
the Lesotho government to put increasing responsibility on the dam-affected communities in
regards to water management and maintenance of water systems as well as to create better
channels of communication for conflict resolution. Although these efforts seem to be well
intended, they often fail in their actual implementation. Therefore, there are several discontents
on the side of the resettlees and the relocatees, which are the subject of (so far) non-violent
conflicts on a local level. The changed situation where resettlees suddenly have to pay for water
and other basic needs is a second area of non-violent conflict. According to the people
interviewed, the conflicts are basically between the authorities and the displacees, in rare cases
between host communities and the displaced people. The third potential area of conflict is the
fragmentation of the water sector within the government, which is tried to be overcome by the
creation of the Water Commission to coordinate all efforts in the water sector. This fragmentation
has of course implications for the communities on the local level. The report strongly argues for
an implementation of an approach to increasingly involve the local communities not only in the
implementation phase but also in the decision-making process in order to achieve greater
effectiveness and sustainability of the water management in Lesotho. It finally suggests the
introduction of a so called “Dam Council for Basotho Participation” (DCBP).
Abstract: The problem of civilians becoming unintentional victims of landmine detonation in the world today is one that cannot be underestimated in terms of its importance to global and local humanitarian efforts. The human-life and financial costs associated with landmine detonation are paramount, and are being addressed by the Global community via the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping and its associated agency UNMAS (The United Nations Mine Action Service). In terms of human-life cost, the current statistic is that every 28 seconds a person steps on a landmine, resulting in 6500 – 20,000 new casualties per year. These tragic events are happening in at least 84 states, and every world region is affected. It is the intent of this literature review to enlighten the reader in two main topic areas. The first is that of mine action and our understanding of it, with specific regard to what is generally understood to be the most affected continent: Africa. A comprehensive description and discussion of the geo-political status of mine action in Southern Africa and its relation to development will be set out.
The second topic area that will be reviewed is that of predictive GIS modeling, as it applies to mine action. The intent is to put forth the scientific (i.e.: based on peer-reviewed publications) background information that justifies and supports an experiment that will be conducted. The goal, in general lay terms, will be to see whether it is possible to predict with a reasonable, usable, and repeatable amount of accuracy the delineating outlines of where minefields are located in a specific geographical study area. It is hoped that the effort with predictive GIS modeling will yield a technique that is valid for use across a variety of study areas. Having said this, the study area that is the concentration of this review is the region of Southern Africa and it must be acknowledged that the results, if positive, may not be transferrable to different Geo-political regions.
Abstract: IPI is pleased to introduce a new series of working papers on regional capacities to respond to security
challenges in Africa. The broad range of United Nations, African Union, and subregional peacekeeping,
peacemaking, and peacebuilding initiatives in Africa underscore a new sense of multilayered partnership in the
search for the peaceful resolution of conflicts in Africa. As the total number of conflicts on the continent has
been significantly reduced in the past decade, there is widespread recognition of the opportunities for a more
stable and peaceful future for Africa. But there is also a profound awareness of the fragility of recent peace
agreements, whether in Kenya, Liberia, or Côte d’Ivoire. Furthermore, continued violence in the Sudan, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Zimbabwe; the long absence of a viable central government in Somalia;
and continued tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea—to name only a few cases—reflect the legacy of
unresolved historic disputes and ongoing power struggles...The southern African region is now
generally defined in political terms as
those countries that are members of the
Southern African Development
Community (SADC) (the geographic
definition is usually somewhat more
limited). Currently there are fifteen
member states of the SADC: Angola,
Botswana, the Democratic Republic of the
Congo (DRC), Lesotho, Madagascar,
Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique,
Namibia, the Seychelles, South Africa,
Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and
These countries are disparate in many
ways: they vary greatly in size, population,
and levels of economic growth, and
include some of the poorest countries in
the world, but also some of the richest in
Africa. Six of them are landlocked; two of
them are Indian Ocean islands. They
share a common history of colonization—variously
involving French, British, Belgian, and German
imperial powers—and this continues to impact
significantly on the nature of governance and
politics in the region. Many, but not all, of the
countries of the region experienced periods of
European settler colonialism, resulting in armed
liberation struggles for independence. Several of
them also endured apartheid or various forms of
racial segregation and oppression as a result of that
history of settler colonialism.
Conflict and war has marked the region considerably,
particularly conflicts over apartheid and
colonialism, which engulfed most of southern
Africa and led to millions of deaths. Angola and
Mozambique suffered further from post-independence
civil wars, fueled in part by South Africa and
Rhodesia. After a bloody civil war following the
collapse of Mobutu Sese-Seko’s authoritarian
regime in the DRC in the second half of the 1990s,
however, the region is, for the first time in forty
years, almost completely at peace, except for
residual conflicts in the east of the DRC.
Nevertheless, there remain profound threats to
human and state security, many of them fueled by
poverty, marginalization, and the weakness of
Abstract: Le présent rapport fait la synthèse de la première grande étude continentale visant à mesurer et contrôler les « Progrès accomplis sur la voie de la bonne gouvernance en Afrique », entreprise par la Commission économique pour l’Afrique. Dans le cadre de cette étude, des enquêtes et des recherches ont été menées sur 28 pays. Les résultats complets et l’analyse de l’étude seront
publiés en 2005 dans le premier «Rapport sur la gouvernance en Afrique ».
La CEA a entrepris ce travail pour évaluer l’idée que les citoyens se font de l’état de la gouvernance en Afrique, pour rassembler des informations sur les meilleures pratiques et pour identifier les principaux besoins de la région en
matière de développement des capacités. Le projet a identifié quatre tendances positives sur la voie de la création d’États compétents en Afrique: transitions démocratiques, ouverture politique, liberté d’expression et obligation comptable, et gestion économique.
Abstract: Le Rapport sur la gouvernance en Afrique est le fruit de larges travaux de recherche sur les pratiques de gouvernance entrepris dans 27 pays africains par la Commission économique pour l’Afrique (CEA), par l’intermédiaire d’instituts nationaux de recherche, qui ont recueilli, ensemble par échantillonnage, les opinions de plus de 50 000 ménages et de 2 000 experts. Les conclusions, soumises à la CEA entre 2002 et 2004, ont fait l’objet d’un processus rigoureux d’examens auxquels ont participé des experts nationaux et internationaux travaillant sur la gouvernance et les questions politiques et économiques.
Ce rapport est la première grande étude de ce type initiée par les pays africains, qui vise à analyser de façon empirique les opinions des citoyens quant à l’état de la gouvernance dans leurs pays, tout en mettant en évidence les principaux déficits de capacité dans les pratiques et institutions de gouvernance et en recommandant des pratiques optimales et des solutions pour y faire face. On s’est attaché à assurer l’appropriation locale de l’ensemble empirique de résultats afin de renforcer l’efficacité et la légitimité de la prise de décisions et de l’effort de sensibilisation aux niveaux national et infrarégional. Les données ainsi générées peuvent être utilisées pour mesurer la performance des gouvernements et de toutes les principales parties prenantes dans leur réponse aux préoccupations exprimées par les citoyens et pour suivre la mesure dans laquelle le contrat qu’ils ont passé entre eux est respecté. Nous avons pris soin de ne pas être trop directif. Le Rapport sur la gouvernance en Afrique contient des recommandations qui découlent essentiellement des réalités propres aux pays, car, pour être durable, la gouvernance doit être replacée dans son contexte et internalisée.
Abstract: Ce rapport contient des résumés sur les régions suivants: Afrique australe, Afrique de l’Est, Afrique de l’Ouest et Afrique centrale, et Afrique centrale, et aussi sur les thèmes suivantes: le double défi de la tuberculose et du VIH, circonsion masculine et préventions du VIH, epidémies latentes parmi les hommes ayant des rapports sexuels avec des hommes, la consommation de drogues injectables: un facteur croissant dans plusiers épidémies de VIH de L'Afrique Subsaharienne, et signes de changements vers des comportements à moindre risque.
Abstract: Lesotho's current electoral system, which combines elements of FPTP and PR, so far has proved effective in creating an electoral mechanism that enhances conflict resolution and democratisation. Through the design of this "mixed member proportional representative system", Lesotho can be said to be among those nations leading the way on the continent when it comes to creating an electoral model with the distinct but interrelated goals of restoring peace and stability and entrenching democracy. This will be discussed in more detail later on in this report.
Abstract: The Southern African Development Community (SADC) has been in existence since 1980, when it was formed as a loose alliance of nine majority-ruled States in Southern Africa known as the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC), with the main aim of coordinating development projects in order to lessen economic dependence on the then apartheid South Africa. The founding Member States are: Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. SADCC was formed in Lusaka, Zambia on April 1, 1980, following the adoption of the Lusaka Declaration - Southern Africa: Towards Economic Liberation. The transformation of the organization from a Coordinating Conference into a Development Community (SADC) took place on August 17, 1992 in Windhoek, Namibia when the Declaration and Treaty was signed at the Summit of Heads of State and Government thereby giving the organization a legal character. The Member States are Angola, Botswana, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. SADC headquarters are in Gaborone, Botswana. The objective of SADC: Achieve development and economic growth, alleviate poverty, enhance the standard and quality of life of the people of Southern Africa and support the socially disadvantaged through regional integration; Evolve common political values, systems and institutions; Promote and defend peace and security; Promote self-sustaining development on the basis of collective self-reliance, and the interdependence of Member States; Achieve complementarity between national and regional strategies and programmes; Promote and maximise productive employment and utilisation of resources of the Region; Achieve sustainable utilisation of natural resources and effective protection of the environment; Strengthen and consolidate the long-standing historical, social and cultural affinities and links among the people of the Region.
Abstract: The Tribunal of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) is the newest operationalized subregional court in Africa. Provided for under Article 16 of the 1992 Declaration and Treaty Establishing the Southern African Development Community, the Community's members approved the Protocol required to set up the Tribunal in 2000. Despite the ratification requirements in the Protocol itself, the Protocol entered into force with the signature of the Agreement Amending the Treaty of SADC in August 2001. The Agreement Amending the Treaty marked a renewed energy in the integration of the Community, making the Protocol on the Tribunal an integral part of the Treaty and thus automatically applicable to all Member States. The renewed energy of the Community however, was not reflected in a swift establishment of the Tribunal. The first judges of the Tribunal were not sworn in until November 2005.
Abstract: The Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC), which evolved into the Southern African Development Community (SADC) , has been in existence since 1980. The original nine member-countries were Angola , Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. South Africa joined SADC in 1994 followed by Mauritius (1995), and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC, 1997). In 2005, SADC granted Madagascar membership. In addition to belonging to SADC, Angola, DRC, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe are members of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA). In order to facilitate development in the region, member-states in SADC formulated various objectives which the community works to achieve. Among those objectives are the promotion of regional economic integration, creation of intra-governmental policies, and sustainable utilization of natural resources. In addition to the broader objectives of SADC, the region's Trade Protocol calls for member-states to further liberalize intra-regional trade, while eliminating trade barriers in order to establish a Free Trade Area (FTA) by 2008. The creation of the FTA is part of a strategic plan announced by the SADC executive secretary in 2004, which also includes the establishment of an SADC customs union by 2010, a common market pact by 2012, and establishment of an SADC central bank and preparation for a single SADC currency by 2016.
Abstract: Human security is the dominant discourse within international, regional
and sub-regional organisations tasked with security and development. It
has displaced the traditional state security paradigm with its preoccupation
with protecting national interests and state borders through the projection of
power. Although the basic tenets that constitute the human security paradigm
can be traced to various alternative approaches voiced on development and
security, it was the United Nations Development Programme's (UNDP)
Human Development Report of 1994 that gave concrete expression to, and
was later used to popularise, this approach to security. That report, drawing
on the UN's Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International
Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, employed the phrase
xe2x80x98freedom from want and freedom from fear' to advocate a people-centred
approach to security, to link development to security, and to broaden both
the identification of possible threats and the actors responsible for producing
and resolving insecurity.
The Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) has integrated
the human security approach into its constructions of, and policy
frameworks for, peace and security. Southern Africa, a region defined by
its anti-colonial and civil wars, is undoubtedly enjoying an unprecedented
measure of peace and stability, despite continued tensions in Zimbabwe,
Swaziland and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Peace agreements
in Mozambique, South Africa, Angola and the DRC created an enabling
environment for democratisation and development to take root. However,
the xe2x80x98peace dividend' has yet to materialise for the vast majority of
citizens in Southern Africa. The road map for transforming these states
and the everyday lives of their citizenry has been drafted in the many protocols, policies and strategic frameworks, and much of the institutional
apparatus is already in place. Yet, there remains a marked disjuncture
between the region's goals and aspirations, and the implementation and/or
outcomes thereof. The often-stated reasons for this are lack of capacity,
resources and political will. However, in the absence of contextualisation,
these reasons remain vague and, therefore, without the specificities
This monograph broadly sets out to (1) unpack the conceptual, methodological
and institutional issues that emerge from the adoption of a human security
perspective; (2) indicate some of the major human security challenges
confronting Southern Africa and; (3) highlight the implications for policy
research and capacity-building in the region.
Abstract: Lesotho is a constitutional monarchy with King Letsie III as head of state. Under the Constitution, the King fills a ceremonial role, has no executive authority, and is proscribed from actively taking part in political initiatives. In May 2002, Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili, the leader of the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) party, was re-elected in free and fair elections. In the 2002 elections, the LCD won 79 of 80 constituency-based seats, and the opposition Lesotho Peoples Congress (LPC) won the remaining constituency seat; the 40 proportionally elected seats were divided among 9 opposition parties. Local government elections scheduled for November were postponed indefinitely, although the Government stated they would be held before April 2005. The judiciary was independent in law and practice.
The security forces consist of the Lesotho Defense Force (LDF), the Lesotho Mounted Police Service (LMPS), and the National Security Service (NSS). The Prime Minister is the Minister of Defense and National Security, with direct authority over the LDF and the NSS. The police force is under the authority of the Minister of Home Affairs and Public Safety. The LDF continued to be the subject of a national debate on the structure, size, and role of the armed forces. The NSS and the LMPS also continued to undergo comprehensive restructuring. Civilian authorities maintained effective control of security forces. Some members of the security forces committed human rights abuses.
Abstract: There is no gainsaying that while most Southern African Development Community (SADC) states have embraced liberal democracy, in practice, they are implementing electoral practices that are essentially a narrower form of liberal democracy. The likely impact of the election principles and guidelines adopted by the SADC Heads of State and Government at the 2004 Summit in Mauritius is open to question. Is democracy equal to, or synonymous with, elections per se? What exactly is the relationship between elections and democracy? This paper attempts to answer these questions, but we will also indirectly point to the uncertain future of electoral democracy in the SADC region and the challenges faced when institutionalising liberal democracy.
Abstract: The subject of this paper is the 450km international
border between the South African province of the
Free State and the sovereign state of Lesotho. The
aim is twofold: First, to examine the role of existing
South African borderline control in shaping the
relationships between those who live and those who
work on the borderline. And secondly, to examine
how South African labour market policy affects the
participation of the Basotho in various South African
Abstract: The Lesotho stock theft project is a response to the call by SADC
heads of state on civil society, academics and research institutions,
and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to engage in combating
matters that threaten peace and human security in their countries.
The study is intended to analyse the strategies used to combat stock
theft in Lesotho. Interviews were held with various stakeholders, that
is, chiefs, police, army, Ministry of Agriculture officials, prosecutors,
magistrates, and members of parliament. The interviews were focused on
obtaining background information on the state of stock theft in Lesotho.
Abstract: Some three decades ago, the military in Lesotho was considered one of
the major internal factors for political instability, which was the hallmark
of the authoritarianism of yesteryear. Today, however, the military has
been greatly reformed and restructured. The current restructuring and
security sector reforms have gone a long way in inculcating a new
culture of professionalism and de-politicisation of the forcesxe2x80x94much to
the benefit of the country's democratisation process and internal
discipline within the Lesotho Defence Force (LDF).
This chapter interrogates the historical evolution of the LDF since
independence in 1966 and highlights contemporary trends in terms of
Abstract: Stock theft has become a national crisis in Lesotho. According to the
National Livestock Development Study Phase 1 report of March 1999, stock
theft has reached epidemic proportions throughout Lesotho and appears to
be escalating. Stock theft presents a challenge to the consolidation of the
fragile democracy in the Kingdom of Lesotho as it impoverishes people and
causes conflicts within and between villages that in turn threaten stability. In
cases of theft the livestock owner loses all the economic value of livestock
and is left destitute. This affects the entire household, the community, and
The purpose of the study was to examine the perceptions and extent of the
problem and its impacts on livelihoods through an evaluation of current
strategies that inform policy and to provide recommendations for enhancing
existing policies, practices and strategies. The rationale of the study is to
inform policymakers and implementers on appropriate strategies to manage
stock theft. The outcome will be useful in designing mechanisms and systems
for stock theft interventions and in monitoring and evaluating them. These
interventions will be at community level, in the justice and policing services
and in management.
Abstract: During March 2005, a mid-season crop assessment was carried out by an agronomist at the request of FAO and WFP Country Offices. This was not the usual FAO/WFP Crop and Food Supply Assessment Mission (CFSAM) which in addition to crop assessment evaluates the prospective overall food supply and demand situation and the food needs of vulnerable population groups. It was subsequently proposed that a full but relatively short CFSAM be fielded at near harvest time to update the crop assessment and to collect socio-economic data for an overall food security evaluation. This was the task of the CFSAM that visited the country from 12 to 19 May 2005.
Abstract: The year 2005 is being touted as the one in
which Africa stakes its claim on the international agenda, topping the list of priorities for the Group of Eight (G8) the European Union (EU) and, increasingly, US foreign policy. Indeed the continent has received better media attention in recent months, stimulated by reinvigorated peace processes and the G7's agenda for poverty eradication in Africa that is led by the United Kingdom. Nevertheless, poverty and
hunger still characterise life for most of the
continent's inhabitants who are denied agency
over their livelihoods as a result of a complex
mix of reinforcing structural, political and
The following pages identify HIV/AIDS and
food insecurity (particularly in rural areas) as the two most severe and interrelated humanitarian
issues currently facing southern Africa. It is
argued t#hat the current situation must be
contextualised as an xe2x80x98entangling crisis' of climatic factors, chronic poverty, the failure of economic and political governance, and the impact of HIV/AIDS on the ability of individuals to
Abstract: Since the events of 11 September, regional organisations around the globe have realigned themselves to confront the new security threats posed by terrorism. While these threats can, and do, affect southern Africa in many ways, there has yet to be strong action taken at a regional level, and commitments to dealing with the issue have been varied. This essay attempts to explore why terrorism should demand more attention from southern African states, and reasons why those states should confront the issue through regional apparatuses. It also examines areas that the SADC region will have to fine-tune in order to successfully implement security measures against terrorism. The essay seeks to take stock of the present capacity within the region as well as learn from what other regions around the world are doing. It highlights how other regions have already taken steps to mitigate their collective vulnerabilities by emphasising coordination, cooperation and harmonization among members. The essay highlights how, by integrating international models with existing regional capacity, southern African states can - and should - begin to confront the threats that terrorism poses to the region.