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Abstract: The big-picture issues at the crossroads of peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding were taken up by the Security Council in September 2010, under the presidency of Turkey. Leading up to that discussion, Turkey held numerous bilateral consultations, and, with the support of IPI, organized an expert meeting on these issues in New York in May 2010 and an informal retreat in Istanbul for members of the Council in June 2010.
This publication is intended to document some of that process, and includes the Statement by the President of the Security Council, the outcome summary of the June retreat, and the set of papers that were presented there. Three of these papers draw lessons from the UN’s experiences in different areas of the world (Afghanistan, the Balkans, and the Great Lakes region of Africa), and one paper analyzes cross-cutting themes.
Table of Contents:
Introduction, Francesco Mancini
Security Council Istanbul Retreat: At The Crossroads of Peacemaking, Peacekeeping, and Peacebuilding
Adam C. Smith and Vanessa Wyeth, Rapporteurs
Peacemaking In Afghanistan: A Role For The United Nations?
The Security Council And Peacekeeping In The Balkans, 1992-2010
Richard Gowan and Daniel Korski
The Great Lakes of Africa (Burundi, The Drc, And The LRA-Affected Areas)
Composite Paper on Cross-Cutting Themes
International Peace Institute
Statement by the President of the Security Council
Abstract: The Portfolio of Mine Action Projects is a resource tool and reference document for donors, policy-makers, advocates, and national and international mine action implementers. The country and territory-specific proposals in the portfolio reflect strategic responses developed in the field to address all aspects of the problem of landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW). This country and territory-based approach aims to present as comprehensive a picture as possible of the full range of mine action needs in particular countries and thematic issues related to mine action. The portfolio ideally reflects projects developed by mine- and ERW-affected countries and territories based on their priorities and strategies; the approaches are endorsed by national authorities. The portfolio does not automatically entail full-scale direct mine action assistance by the United Nations, but is in essence a tool for collaborative resource mobilization, coordination and planning of mine action activities involving partners and stakeholders. A country portfolio coordinator (CPC) leads each country portfolio team and coordinates the submission of proposals to the portfolio’s headquarters team. While the majority of the CPCs are UN officials, this role is increasingly being assumed by national authorities. The country portfolio teams include representatives from national and local authorities, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the United Nations and the private sector. Locally based donor representatives are invited to attend preparation meetings. Each portfolio chapter contains a synopsis of the scope of the landmine and ERW problem, a description of how mine action is coordinated, and a snapshot of local mine action strategies. Many of the strategies complement or are integrated into broader development and humanitarian frameworks such as national development plans, the UN development assistance frameworks and national poverty reduction plans. This 14th edition of the annual Portfolio of Mine Action Projects features overviews and project outlines for 29 countries, territories or missions affected by landmines and explosive remnants of war. There are 238 projects in the 2011 portfolio. Africa accounts for the largest number: 92.
Abstract: In 2008, UNHCR launched a special initiative on protracted refugee situations, aiming to
reinvigorate the search for solutions in countries where refugees had been living in exile for
many years. The High Commissioner selected five such situations for immediate and special
attention, of which one was that in Serbia and Croatia.
By the end of the Balkan wars of 1991-1995, some 300,000 thousand people had been displaced from Croatia. In the aftermath of the conflict, however, conditions were not
particularly conducive for the Serb refugees (originally from Croatia, but now living in
Serbia) to go back to their homes. By early 2010, around 175,000 of the original refugees had opted for naturalization in Serbia.
Some 93,000 individuals had been registered as returnees from Serbia in Croatia, and
between 1996 and 2006, 13,600 refugees from Croatia were resettled to third countries from
Serbia. In Serbia, there are around 61,000 people originating from Croatia and still holding
refugee cards. Of these refugees, just over 1,000 are still living in collective centres. These
numbers, when added together, are higher than the original caseload of refugees, in part
because a significant number of people are thought to be registered both as returnees in
Croatia and as refugees in Serbia.
Abstract: This report, which is based on more than three years of continuous research by Amnesty
International, documents how the authorities of Croatia have failed to provide the victims of
war crimes and their families with access to truth, justice and reparation for human rights
violations committed during the 1991-1995 war in Croatia.
The war finished almost 15 years ago, but only a very limited number of perpetrators have
been brought to justice before the Croatian courts, and these proceedings have in majority
not been in accordance with international criminal law and international fair trial standards.
Amnesty International considers that despite consistent international criticism, and the
progress that has been made in some areas, the Croatian authorities have failed to develop
the capacity of the justice system to effectively prosecute war crimes cases.
Abstract: The refugee situation of the early 1990’s in the former Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (SFRY) was one of the most serious post-World War II crises in Europe.
Nearly 15 years following the conflict, the plight of some 97,000 refugees forced to flee
their homes in present-day Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina remains unresolved. For
the approximately 70,000 ethnic Serb refugees from Croatia, the chief impediment to
securing durable solutions is Croatia’s unwillingness to recognize their acquired rights as
former tenancy rights holders. In this report, we focus on the most pressing unresolved issues of the refugee problem in
the region -- the deprivation of acquired rights granted by previously established legal
principles of tenancy rights and the status of specially protected lessees of socially owned
Abstract: At least 71 journalists were killed across the globe in 2009, the Committee to Protect Journalists announced Tuesday, the largest annual toll in the 30 years the group has been keeping track.
Twenty-nine of those deaths came in a single, politically motivated massacre of reporters and others in the Philippines last November, the worst known episode for journalists, the committee said.
But there were other worrisome trends. The two nations with the highest number of journalists incarcerated — China had 24 journalists imprisoned at the end of 2009 and Iran had 23 — were particularly harsh in taking aim at bloggers and others using the Internet. The number jailed in Iran has since jumped to 47, the committee said. Of the 71 confirmed deaths, 51 were murders, the committee said. The report noted that 24 additional deaths of journalists remained under investigation to determine if they were related to the journalists’ work. Previously, the highest number of journalists killed in a single year was 67, in 2007, when violence in Iraq was raging.
Abstract: Since the end of the Cold War, the debate on the role of the private sector in peacebuilding has attracted increasingly more interest from research as well as policy-making. One of the oft-made claims is that the economic self-interest of corporate actors in a peaceful business environment should spur them into supporting peacebuilding processes. However, this seemingly compelling argument is confronted with a relatively small number of practical examples where business actors in fact assumed an active role in peace.
The goal of the working paper is to contribute to a better understanding of the motivating and deterring factors for corporate engagement in peace. Focusing the empirical research on the conflictvulnerable tourism sector in Croatia, Rwanda, and Sri Lanka, the working paper argues that economic incentives are an important though not a sufficient motivation for most forms of corporate engagement in peace. Other factors such as the terms (or costs) of peace and the relationships to or dependence from the government can also strongly influence corporate willingness to actively contribute to peacebuilding.
Abstract: When the Security Council established the ICTY and ICTR to prosecute mass
atrocities, its motivation was clearly stated in the preambles to Resolutions 827 and 955:
it was—and I quote—“determined to put an end to such crimes and to take effective
measures to bring to justice the persons who are responsible for them.” The Council was
“convinced that in the particular circumstances [of the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda
respectively] the prosecution of persons responsible for serious violations of international
humanitarian law would enable this aim to be achieved and would contribute to the
process of national reconciliation and the restoration and maintenance of peace.” The
Council set out its belief that establishing such international tribunals would “contribute
to ensuring that such violations are halted and effectively redressed.” From the outset,
these goals were fundamental to the mandates of the international judicial institutions that
While neither ICTY nor ICTR were intended to be permanent institutions, neither of the
courts’ mandates specified an end date for their work. As discussions progress in
meetings such as this one about how the tribunals should complete the tasks the Council
has assigned them, it is important to reflect on the underlying conceptual framework that
drove those original commitments and to ensure that new decisions preserve the positive
legacies that have been built over the past 15 years. It is worth noting that this will
require input from the constituencies that have been the subject of the tribunals’ work.
Abstract: Nations in Transit 2009 is the 13th edition of Freedom House’s comprehensive,
comparative study of democratic development from Central Europe
to Eurasia. It examines 29 countries, including the newest independent
state in the region, Kosovo. The overarching conclusion is that 2008 was a very
difficult year for democracy: scores declined for 18 of the 29 countries, and a record
8 countries are now in the “consolidated authoritarian regimes” category. Worrying
trends highlighted in the previous three editions of Nations in Transit became even
more pronounced in 2008, while positive trends lost momentum.
A number of events illustrate the intensification of these negative trends. In
2008, for the first time in the 21st century, a war erupted between two states covered
in Nations in Transit. The so-called “August War” between Georgia and Russia served
as a wake-up call for those who believed that the democratic decline observed in
the region over the last few years would not have a detrimental effect on security
and stability. Highly problematic elections accentuated the region’s troubles. Two
petro-states, Azerbaijan (which recorded the largest democratic decline in this
edition of Nations in Transit) and the Russian Federation, held uncompetitive
presidential elections in which the result was predetermined. Armenia’s presidential
poll was marred by lethal postelection violence. And the government in Georgia
used administrative resources to seriously influence that country’s hotly contested
presidential and parliamentary elections. Nations in Transit 2009 documents
how journalists were once again at risk throughout the region, from Croatia to
Uzbekistan, and national governments were challenged by corruption scandals, as
was the case in Bulgaria; by divisive ethnic politics, as in Bosnia and Herzegovina;
by parliamentary boycotts, as in Montenegro; or by infighting and outright
irresponsibility among political leaders, as in Ukraine.
Abstract: The Security Council today extended the terms of the judges serving on the United Nations war crimes tribunals set up to deal with the 1994 Rwandan genocide and the Balkan conflicts of the 1990s, so they can complete remaining cases by the deadline set for the courts’ work.
The Council, in two separate resolutions that were adopted unanimously, urged both tribunals “to take all possible measures to complete their work expeditiously,” and expressed its determination to support their efforts in this regard.
The so-called “completion strategy” of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), which is based in The Hague, requires it to finish trials of first instance by 2009, and then start downsizing in 2010.
Among the decisions taken today, the Council extended the term of office of eight permanent judges at the ICTY and 10 ad litem, or temporary, judges until 31 December 2010, or until the completion of the cases to which they are assigned.
In addition, the Council decided, on the request of the President of the ICTY, that the Secretary-General may appoint additional temporary judges to complete existing trials or conduct additional trials.
Abstract: It has been 10 years since the U.S.-led war on Yugoslavia. For many leading Democrats, including some in top positions in the Obama administration, it was a "good" war, in contrast to the Bush administration's "bad" war on Iraq. And though the suffering and instability unleashed by the 1999 NATO military campaign wasn't as horrific as the U.S. invasion of Iraq four years later, the war was nevertheless unnecessary and illegal, and its political consequences are far from settled.
Unless there's a willingness to critically re-examine the war, the threat of another war in the name of liberal internationalism looms large.
Abstract: Major General Jonathon P. Riley speaks as a divisional commander's view, informed by two years' service in Iraq with the British and U.S. armies, as well as in Sierra Leone and the Balkans. These operations have all been complex, involving kinetic warfighting, counter-insurgency, information operations, humanitarian support, civil-military cooperation (CIMIC), and security-sector reform running concurrently in the same battle space.
Abstract: The Security Council today called on the United Nations war crimes tribunals dealing with the 1994 Rwanda genocide and the Balkans conflicts of the 1990s to conduct their trials as quickly and efficiently as possible, and pledged to support their efforts to complete their work.
The 15-member body noted with concern “that the deadline for completion of trial activities at first instance has not been met and that the Tribunals have indicated that their work is not likely to end in 2010,” in a statement read out by Ambassador Neven Juric of Croatia, which holds the Council Presidency for the month of December.
Abstract: Le Conseil de sécurité a demandé vendredi aux États, en particulier ceux où des fugitifs sont soupçonnés de vivre en toute liberté, d'« intensifier encore leur coopération » avec le Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie (TPIY) et le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR).
Dans une déclaration lue par le président du Conseil pour le mois de décembre, Neven Jurica (Croatie), le Conseil leur demande également de fournir aux deux Tribunaux « toute l'aide nécessaire, en tant que de besoin », en particulier aux fins de l'arrestation et de la remise à ceux-ci de « tous les accusés encore en fuite ».
Le Conseil se dit « préoccupé de constater que la date limite fixée pour l'achèvement des procès de première instance n'est pas respectée » et que les Tribunaux ont indiqué qu'ils avaient peu de chances d'achever leurs travaux en 2010. Il souligne que « les procès doivent se dérouler avec la plus grande rapidité et la plus grande efficacité possibles ».
Abstract: A Survey and Analysis of Border Management and Border Apprehension Data from 20 States.
With a Special Survey on the Use of Counterfeit Documents.
Based on the contributions of the border services of 20 Central and Eastern European states, the 2006 Yearbook again provides its valuable overview and analysis of irregular migration trends in the region. Over the past ten years the annual Yearbook on Illegal Migration, Human Smuggling and Trafficking in Central and Eastern Europe has come to be regarded as an authoritative source of information on recent border trends and in particular on the phenomena of illegal migration, human smuggling and trafficking. The annual Yearbook covers the most recent trends in illegal migration and human smuggling in the region, including long-term trends in border apprehensions, shifts in source, transit and destination countries, demographic characteristics of irregular migrants, the relationship between legal and illegal border crossings, new developments in the methods of border crossings and document abuse and on removals of irregular migrants. In addition, this year’s edition for the first time features a Special Survey on the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes. This Survey is based on the contributions received from document specialists or Special Units dealing with document security in the countries under review and provides the first comprehensive overview and analysis of patterns and trends in the use of counterfeit documents for illegal migration purposes in Central and Eastern Europe.
Abstract: This article discusses sanctions for and the prevention of mass violence. But rather
than take a classic approach centred on statutory players such as soldiers, officers or
political leaders, all of them acting within a legal chain of command, I focus on nonstate
perpetrators. My reflections are based on case studies of four former Serbian
militiamen who took part in mass violence in the former Yugoslavia. I argue that it is
of the utmost importance to consider the typical grass-roots relationship between these
local players and their own community, so as to maximize the effect of sanctions and
perhaps prevent further offences by potential future perpetrators.
Abstract: November 2005 marked the 10th anniversary when in Dayton, Ohio, the
conflict parties from Bosnia and Herzegovina agreed on a peace accord,
stopping a war that had caused 250.000 deaths and two million refugees.
After the UN-brokered ceasefires and peace agreements in the conflict in
Croatia, the Dayton Framework Agreement was the first in a long line of
peace plans with which the International Community attempted to
transform the chaotic and antagonistic region of the Western Balkans
towards a more peaceful and co-operative area in the late 1990s and
Comparable to the Dayton/Paris accords, which seek to preserve the
unity of Bosnia and Herzegovina by creating two entities, the Bosniak-
Croat Federation and the Serb Republika Srpska, stands the UN master
plan for Kosovo that was defined by a military-technical agreement and
the ensuing the UN Security Council Resolution 1244 in June 1999.
Unlike Bosnia and Herzegovina, where none of the conflict parties had
lost or won the war in a military sense, the Kosovo Albanians – with the
support of the NATO air strikes – had clearly won the war against the
Serbs. This fact has had deep implications on the Kosovo peace process
and on today’s relationship between the Albanian majority and the Serb
In Southern Serbia and in Macedonia (FYROM), the International
Community could prevent the fighting from spreading into a full-fledged
civil war in 2001, between Serbs, Macedonians and Albanians through
the Ohrid Agreement.
Also in the case of Serbia and Montenegro the process of nationbuilding
still influences political stability and interethnic relations. The
Belgrade Agreement that was reached under the mediation of the
European Union in March 2002 was not able to stop the disintegration of the state union. In May 2006 the majority of the Montenegrin electorate
in a referendum voted for Montenegro’s independence of Serbia.
The year 2006 finds the Western Balkan countries at a crossroad; some
have taken the road toward Euro-Atlantic institutions; others seem to
keep on being involved in ethnic and political conflicts. To prevent such
a scenario of a divided and fragmented Western Balkan region it is
important to discuss the issue, whether the peace plans, which represent
the basis for the stabilisation process, are up-to-date, and which are the
lessons to be learned from them.
This study includes the results of a workshop held by the working group
Regional Stability in Southeast Europe of the PfP Consortium of
Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes in Reichenau,
Austria in May 2006. The case studies presented in this study
concentrate especially on the following questions:
• What are the main reasons for the varying success in implementing
the peace plans (internal and external factors)?
• How strong are the peace plans interlinked?
• Do the peace plans contribute to regional stability?
• Is it necessary to rework or re-launch the peace plans?
• What should these changes look like?
The second part of this study deals with the role of important
international factors in helping to implement the peace plans. In this
regard especially, the changing role of the OSCE, the EU and the US in
the process of peace-building is reflected.
Abstract: The origins of this article, and the book from which it derives, lie in
the largely unanticipated end of the Cold War in 1989-90, when I had
the good fortune to be a William C. Foster Fellow at the U.S. Arms
Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA). This fellowship included
serving as a member of the U.S. Delegation to the Negotiations on
Confidence- and Security-Building Measures (CSBMs) within the
context of the (then) Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe
(CSCE), based in Vienna, Austria. The CSCE, now the OSCE, is the
world’s pre-eminent regional peace and security organization
comprising former enemies of the Cold War (NATO and Warsaw Pact)
and the neutral and nonaligned of Europe.
The end of the Cold War provided opportunities and challenges for
reshaping international peace and security into a “New World Order” in
which the former Cold War foes could collaborate on global problemsolving
to the benefit of all. Having become aware of the CSCE’s
contribution to ending the Cold War (see Leatherman, 2003) as part of
the experience of serving as a diplomat on the U.S. Delegation to the
CSBMs Negotiations, I was intrigued by the possibility that the CSCE
could play a useful role in realizing this goal of a “New World Order.”
Regrettably, the end of the Cold War also provided opportunities for
parts of Europe, particularly the Balkans, to descend into brutal
Abstract: More than any other region, over the past fifteen years Southeast Europe
has both reflected and impacted the broader state of transatlantic, and in
particular United States-European Union, relations. During this period,
the level of U.S. focus and engagement in region has waxed and waned.
Strong American focus and leadership have alternated with
disengagement and deference to EU initiatives according to a four- to
five-year cycle. Without fully reversing the current decade’s dynamic of
“Europeanization”, the past year has seen a resurgence of U.S. activism.
The extent and duration of this latest pendulum swing will depend on
developments both inside and outside the region.
Abstract: As the recent commemoration of Srebrenica has put in stark contrast,
over the past decade the EU has evidently come a long way in defining,
implementing and upholding its strategic vision for the Balkans.
Handling the independence of Croatia and Slovenia was not the heyday
of European policy coordination with the naiveté of the Dutch
government eager to take the credit for solving the post-Yugoslav crisis
in its presidency and the Franco-German wariness. In the early days of
Eastern enlargement Paris had insisted on multilateral regionalism as a
model for stabilisation, whereas Bonn favoured bilateral conditionality.
Conversely, in the Balkans France banked on individual solutions,
whereas Germany opted for regional holistic strategies. Additionally,
European coherence was hampered by the standoff between those
rejecting post-Yugoslav federal constructions and those offering national
self-determination. Between 1995 and 1999 Europe has mastered a steep
learning curve – from the ethnocentric and dysfunctional Dayton model
to the more realistic and workable Ohrid model, from the adhockery of
the Bosnian conflict to the concerted conflict-management in Kosovo
and Macedonia five years later. In 1999, in the immediate aftermath of the Kosovo War, the
International Community laid out its strategic principles and objectives
for the Western Balkans region, five in total (not necessarily in this
order): • regionalism, multilateral relations and the instigation of regional
• conditionality as the bilateral basis for status vis-à-vis the EU and
access to preferential treatment;
• separation of the agendas of integration, transformation and
• the European perspective; and
• standards before status.
The European principle of regionalism was enshrined in the June 1999
Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe. After drawing some heavy fire
in 2001-2002, the Stability Pact has now scaled down its ambitions,
prioritised its objectives and found its niche in the international
framework for Kosovo and the Balkans. The principle of regionalism,
however, by and large lost out to conditionality.
Abstract: Humanitarian mine action refers to activities undertaken to reduce the effect caused by land-mines and other explosive remnants of war in terms of social, economic and environmental impact of mines. The objective is the reduction of risk to a level where people can live safely and where economic, social, and health development can occur without hindrance from land-mines. This report documents how Norwegian People's Aid (NPA) are working in humanitarian mine action. Case studies are presented include Bosnia Herzegovina, Cambodia and Croatia, Ethiopia and Iraq and Malawi.
The document recommends that the mine action community needs to develop, implement and standardise new globally accepted methods and approaches to de-mining. Full mine and battle area clearance is costly and time consuming; hence such activities should be a last option, only to be used when the presence of land-mines and/or explosive remnants of war has been confirmed by technical survey. The immediate objective of mine action programmes should be to release land suspected to be hazardous as cost efficiently as possible and with a quality that meets the requirements of international and national mine action standards. NPA believes that land can be released through three different actions:
* cancellation: the process in which an area is released based on information gathered and analysis only
* reduction: the process in which one or more mine clear- ance tools have been used to gather information about the presence/absence of mines
* clearance: "full clearance" according to International and National Standards for Mine Action.
Abstract: Armed violence data gathering systems in SEE countries vary in quality and coverage of the population. No single
country embodies best practices by itself. In existing research, because of the lack of continuous monitoring,
data has sometimes been generated by research that attempts to recover information on armed violence
retrospectively. Different methods for doing this offer differing degrees of reliability; analysis of media reports
and perceptions surveys offer an important substitute for continuously gathered data, but are unreliable for a
number of reasons. Other studies have been obliged to recover data from past records, which were not designed
for storing data specifically on armed violence. In other cases, individual institutions have conducted their own
data gathering, and have supplied useful fragments of a comprehensive picture of the problem. The conclusion of this report offers a starting point for those SEE countries that wish to develop a system through
healthcare providers to monitor armed violence. Following the approach of the WHO to injury prevention, it would
be possible to build a system in each country that would adequately monitor the level of armed violence and
identify the social determinants of the problem. If regional countries wish to harmonise their data collection
systems, a collaborative consultation involving all stakeholders (particularly those operating the system, and
those wishing to use the resulting information) would be an appropriate next step.
Abstract: This bulletin contains information about Amnesty International’s main concerns in Europe and
Central Asia between July and December 2007. Not every country in the region is reported on; only
those where there were significant developments in the period covered by the bulletin, or where
Amnesty International (AI) took specific action.
A number of individual country reports have been issued on the concerns featured in this bulletin.
References to these are made under the relevant country entry. In addition, more detailed
information about particular incidents or concerns may be found in Urgent Actions and News
Service Items issued by AI.
This bulletin is published by AI every six months.
Abstract: U.S. policymakers have made securing and maintaining foreign contributions
to the stabilization and reconstruction of Iraq a major priority since the preparation
period for the launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. This report
highlights and discusses important changes in financial and personnel contributions
from foreign governments to Iraq since 2003.
To date, foreign donors have pledged an estimated $16.4 billion in grants and
loans for Iraq reconstruction, with most major pledges originating at a major donors'
conference in Madrid, Spain, in October 2003. However, only a small part of the
pledges have been committed or disbursed to the World Bank and United Nations
Development Group Trust Funds for Iraq. The largest non-U.S. pledges of grants
have come from Japan, the European Commission, the United Kingdom, Canada,
South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. The World Bank, the International
Monetary Fund, Japan, and Saudi Arabia have pledged the most loans and export
Currently, 33 countries including the United States have some level of troops
on the ground in Iraq or supporting Iraq operations from nearby locations. Those
forces are working under the rubric of one of several organizations — the
Multi-National Force-Iraq (MNF-I), the NATO Training Mission-Iraq (NTM-I); or
the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI). Currently, the largest
troop contributors, in addition to the United States, are the United Kingdom, Georgia,
Australia, South Korea, and Poland. Some of these key contributors have announced
their intention to reduce or withdraw their forces from Iraq during 2008. The total
number of non-U.S. coalition troop contributions has declined since the early
stabilization efforts, as other countries have withdrawn their contingents or
substantially reduced their size.
Abstract: The fifteenth annual report of the International Criminal Tribunal for the
Former Yugoslavia covers the period from 1 August 2007 to 31 July 2008.
During the reporting period, the Tribunal continued to adopt concrete measures
aimed at increasing the efficiency of trial and appeal proceedings. For the first time
in the history of the Tribunal, eight trials were conducted simultaneously by the three
Trial Chambers, including three multi-accused trials involving 18 accused. In
addition, the Appeals Chamber issued a record number of decisions, including six
judgements in the past year and three in the last six months.
Proceedings before the Tribunal focused on the most senior-level individuals
accused of the most serious crimes. All low- and mid-level accused have been
referred back to the courts of the region pursuant to rule 11 bis.
The Tribunal also hosted an increasing number of working visits and training
programmes for courts in the region in order to ensure the preservation of its legacy
through the prosecution of war crimes cases by domestic courts. Serge Brammertz was appointed Prosecutor in January 2008, replacing Carla
Del Ponte. He concentrated his efforts on securing the arrest of the remaining
fugitives. Stojan Župljanin and Radovan Karadžić were arrested and transferred to
the seat of the Tribunal in June and July 2008, respectively. The failure to arrest the
remaining two fugitives, Ratko Mladić and Goran Hadžić, remains of grave concern
to the Tribunal.
The Office of the Prosecutor strengthened its relations with prosecutors and
courts in the region through training sessions, conferences and seminars. The Office
of the Prosecutor also worked closely with the governments of the States of the
former Yugoslavia in order to improve their relationships with the Tribunal.
The Registry continued to play a crucial role in the provision of administrative
and judicial support. During the reporting period, the Registrar, under the authority
of the President, also assisted in the identification of residual issues, including
possible residual mechanisms. The Registry continued negotiations for the relocation
of witnesses and enforcement of sentence agreements, successfully concluding three
The Outreach Programme carried out a diverse range of activities with a view
to increasing the profile of the Tribunal and bringing its judgements to the relevant
communities. Court Management Services supported 12 trials and maintained all
relevant documentation. The Victim and Witnesses Section assisted numerous
witnesses and accompanying persons in The Hague and continued its work in
relocating protected witnesses. The Office of Legal Aid continued to support the assignment of Defence
Counsel to accused at the Tribunal. It also addressed requests to facilitate the selfrepresentation
of high-profile accused.
The Human Resources Section recruited 76 staff in the Professional and higher
categories and 124 General Service staff. The section oversaw the administration of a
total of 1,146 staff members.
To date, the Tribunal has concluded proceedings against 114 accused out of the
161 indicted. The report that follows details the activities of the Tribunal during the
reporting period and illustrates the Tribunal’s unwavering commitment to meeting
the completion strategy targets without sacrificing due process.