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Abstract: Efforts to promote “deradicalization,” or to rehabilitate
detainees charged with terrorism-related
offenses, have taken multiple forms in a wide range
of countries, often as part of broader counterradicalization
strategies that seek to prevent the
adoption of violent extremist ideologies or
behaviors in the first place. Some are more formal
rehabilitation programs, with well-defined agendas,
institutional structures, and a dedicated full-time
staff, while others are a looser combination of social
and political initiatives. Programs vary in their
objectives, their criteria for participation, and the
kinds of benefits and incentives they might offer.
The cumulative lessons learned from several states’
experiences in dealing with violent extremist
groups are of growing interest to countries now
facing similar challenges.
With its global membership, neutral “brand,” and
powerful convening capacity, the United Nations
has the potential to play a powerful role in setting
global norms and shaping international legal
frameworks regarding counterterrorism, as well as
in providing a platform for the exchange of
information and technical assistance for practitioners
This paper draws lessons learned from case
studies of deradicalization initiatives in eight
Muslim-majority countries, which corroborate the
experiences of countries in other regions that have
grappled with violent extremist groups. The paper
concludes by making recommendations
concerning how the UN could help to facilitate the
provision of knowledge and resources to key
stakeholders interested in establishing or strengthening
their own rehabilitation programs.
Abstract: Malaysia has taken significant steps forward in improving refugee rights. In the past year, there have been no reported attempts to deport Burmese refugees to the border with Thailand and a decrease in immigration raids and arrests of registered refugees. But these advances have not yet been codified into written government policy, leaving refugees considered
“illegal migrants” and subject to arrest and detention. The Government of Malaysia should build on this progress by setting up a system of residence and work permits for refugees. The international community should mobilize additional funds for the UN Refugee Agency
(UNHCR) and non-governmental agencies to leverage this opportunity to improve refugee rights.
Abstract: Deradicalizing Islamist extremists may be even more important than getting them to simply disengage from terrorist activities, according to a new RAND Corporation study that examines counter-radicalization programs in the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Europe.
Although there has been much research about the radicalization and recruitment of Islamist extremists, there has been little study until recently about how one deradicalizes those who have been recruited into the Islamist extremist movement.
A key question is whether the objective of counter-radicalization programs should be disengagement (a change in behavior) or deradicalization (a change in beliefs) of militants. A unique challenge posed by militant Islamist groups is that their ideology is rooted in a major world religion, Islam.
The RAND study indentifies and analyzes the processes through which militants leave Islamist extreme groups, assesses the effectiveness of deradicalization programs and summarizes the policies that could help to promote and accelerate the processes of deradicalization.
Abstract: TheMalacca Strait is a narrow waterway that extends nearly six hundred nauticalmiles
fromthe Andaman Sea to the South China Sea, betweenMalaysia
and Indonesia. The strait provides a vital shipping lane for vessels sailing from
Europe and the Middle East to East Asia, as well as smaller vessels on local voyages.
Unfortunately, when we think of the Malacca Strait, images of a waterway
infested with pirates often spring to mind.
While this image could arguably have been justified in the past, it is now rather
outdated. According to the International Maritime Bureau (IMB), which produces
quarterly and annual reports on piracy and
armed robbery against ships, there were only three successful
and four attempted attacks by pirates on shipping
in the Malacca Strait in 2007. While piracy has certainly been a concern in the waterway
in the past,with reported attacks reaching seventy-five in 2000, the number
of cases has been falling since 2005, largely as a result of a number of countermeasures
introduced by the three littoral states of Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia.
This decrease in attacks was achieved despite a 10 percent increase in
This article will discuss the reduction in pirate attacks in the Malacca Strait
and how the attacks themselves have changed over the last decade. Themeasures
attributed to the reduction will then be discussed, as well as the underlying principles
and attitudes that have shaped these initiatives. Particular attention will
be given as to how the issue of sovereignty, a principle of utmost importance in
Southeast Asia, has impactedmultilateral and bilateral cooperative efforts to address
the transnational problem of piracy, including a series of International
Maritime Organization (IMO) meetings convened to tackle pressing issues affecting
the safety and security of shipping in theMalacca Strait. The conclusions
will make recommendations regarding issues that require further action.
Abstract: Beginning in the early 1980s,
commercial shipping became a prime target of pirates, first off West Africa and then
slowly spreading into Southeast Asia. Throughout the 1990s, and especially after the
Soviet Union’s collapse, piracy increased dramatically. Reports of piracy tripled during
1991–2001: of 335 reported cases in 2001, ninety-one were in waters claimed by Indonesia,
twenty-seven by India, twenty-five by Bangladesh, nineteen by Malaysia, eight by
Vietnam, and eight by the Philippines; another seventeen reported attacks occurred in
the Malacca Strait, bordering on Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. This monograph is intended as a contribution to both scholarship and professional
naval thinking; it is an academic and comparative examination of twelve selected case
studies from maritime history used to illuminate a range of concepts and uses of piracy
suppression. The twelve case studies provide the basis for the conclusions, an approach
that provides a more thorough understanding of the uses and limitations of naval
antipiracy operations in the context of new maritime technologies and within a wider
range of modern national policy goals than might otherwise be achievable. Above all,
this collection provides a sound basis for comparative analysis of varying historical
experiences that can stimulate new and original thinking about a basic but often
overlooked naval duty.
Abstract: From 1983 to 2005, Sudan was torn apart by a civil war
between the Government and Southern armed groups.
Oil was a factor in the outbreak and exacerbated war
from the mid-1990s. This report is concerned with the
injustice perpetrated on victims and the role of oil companies
and their home governments during the oil wars. Between 1997 and 2003, international crimes
were committed on a large scale in what was essentially
a military campaign by the Government of Sudan to
secure and take control of the oil fields in Block 5A. As
documented in this report, they included indiscriminate
attacks and intentional targeting of civilians, burning
of shelters, pillage, destruction of objects necessary
for survival, unlawful killing of civilians, rape of women,
abduction of children, torture, and forced displacement.
Thousands of people died and almost two hundred
thousand were violently displaced. Satellite pictures
taken between 1994 and 2003 show that the Lundin
Consortium’s activities in Block 5A coincided with a
spectacular drop in agricultural land use.
The actual perpetrators of the reported crimes were the
armed forces of the Government of Sudan and a variety
of local armed groups that were either allied to the
Government or its main opponent, the Sudan People’s
Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). Nonetheless, the
evidence presented in this report calls into question the
role played by the oil industry in these events. ECOS believes that Lundin, Petronas and OMV, as a
matter of international law, may have been complicit in
the commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Abstract: This is the third in a series of backgrounders the NEFA Foundation has published on extremist ideologues that take a close look at the personalities, doctrine, scope of influence, and methods of communication of some of the most influential purveyors of radical Islamist ideology to English-speaking audiences. As U.S. law enforcement and intelligence agencies become increasingly concerned about homegrown terrorism at a time when Al-Qaida is actively encouraging American Muslims to commit terrorist acts, understanding the sources of radicalization becomes an essential component of combating the threat. Here, we profile Feiz Muhammad (a.k.a. Feiz Mohammad, Sheik Feiz), an Australian citizen now residing in Malaysia, who has been labeled Australia’s “most dangerous sheikh” due to the number of connections he has to known and suspected terrorists.
Muhammad’s target audience is young Muslims worldwide who feel disaffected and disassociated from local Muslim communities, where mosque clerics show “a lack of interest toward the youth.” His lectures frame the United States as the enemy of all Muslims, including those living in the United States and in other Western countries. Al Qaida’s message is reinforced by radical Islamist figures like Feiz Muhammad, who continually frames the U.S. as the enemy of Muslims, including those who live in the United States. In addition, he calls on Muslims to participate in armed jihad. Muhammad is already perceived as credible by his audience. His credibility will likely rise as he continues to pursue an education in Islam in Malaysia, where he resides currently, and his following will also likely continue to grow as increasing numbers of English-speaking Muslims are exposed to his lectures via the internet.
Abstract: The striking fact that for the first time in human history there are now more people living in towns and cities than outside them is not in itself a reason for FMR to be covering urban displacement. Behind that fact, however, lies the multiplicity of reasons why people have been moving into urban environments and the reality that for many of them it is not a matter of choice.
In their introductory articles in this issue of FMR, UN High Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres and UN-HABITAT Executive Director Anna Tibaijuka emphasise the complexity of the challenges faced by those displaced into urban areas and by those seeking to protect and assist them, and argue for the need for a radical rethinking of approaches. The articles that follow address some of the practical and policy issues that urban displaced people face and that affect providers too. They also reflect the diversity of analysis and geography that is to be expected given the global nature of urbanisation.
Abstract: The Rohingya are one of the most vulnerable communities in the world today.
Stripped of their nationality and subject to widespread persecution in their native
Myanmar, they have travelled far and wide over the past forty years, desperately
seeking refuge and a better life. They are stateless, without a legal nationality, and many
are also refugees. Bangladesh, Thailand, India, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Malaysia have
been preferred destinations of this community in flight, but for the vast majority, their
suffering has not ended upon reaching new shores. All too often, the Rohingya
experience of life is a cycle of acute discrimination, escape, trafficking, poverty,
detention, extortion and deportation.[...] This report documents the ways in which immigration related laws, practices and
policies of Malaysia are discriminatory and detrimental to the rights and well-being of
all irregular migrants in the country. The Rohingya are merely one – albeit particularly
vulnerable – group amongst many others. By focussing on the Rohingya in Malaysia, this
report raises grave human rights concerns about the treatment of all irregular migrants
in the country. It also establishes the need for a robust, holistic and regional solution to
the problems faced by the Rohingya, which is embedded in human rights principles.
Abstract: The 63rd United Nations (UN) General Assembly is poised to debate Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon’s report on the operationalisation of the Responsibility to Protect (referred to as ‘R2P’
for the remainder of this report). It is expected that his report will be released and debated in
early 2009. Therefore, this is a good time to examine the position that Member States have
adopted on the R2P since its endorsement at the 2005 World Summit and policy issues
relating to its implementation through the UN. This report will focus on the Member States of
the Association for South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) with the exception of Myanmar, which
is currently on the UN Security Council’s agenda. It concentrates on their position on the
R2P and their policy priorities in areas related to implementing the principle through the UN.
The report identifies steps that might encourage the region’s governments to become more
positively engaged with the R2P principle.
Abstract: In July 2009, the UN General Assembly held an Interactive Informal Dialogue and plenary session on the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP). The dialogue provided the first opportunity for the UN membership as a whole to discuss implementation of the 2005 World Summit’s commitment to the RtoP and the UN Secretary-General’s report on the matter. Fifteen governments from the Asia-Pacific region, namely Indonesia, the Philippines, Korea, New Zealand, Australia, Singapore, Japan, China, Vietnam, Solomon Islands, Myanmar, Timor-Leste, DPRK, PNG and Malaysia, participated in the dialogue. This culminated in a resolution co-sponsored by, inter alia, Australia, Fiji, Singapore, Papua New Guinea, Republic of Korea, Timor-Leste and New Zealand that noted the Secretary-General’s report, observed the fruitfulness of the interactive dialogue, and committed the Assembly to further consideration of the RtoP.
According to the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, one of the most significant aspects of the dialogue was the positive transformation of attitudes towards the RtoP within the Asia-Pacific region. Having previously been considered the region most opposed to the RtoP, the region now boasts near unanimity in its endorsement of the principle and the Secretary-General’s efforts towards its implementation (with the exception of North Korea).
Abstract: Islam is a tool of unity as well as division in Southeast Asia, a powerful expression of the region's religious and political heterogeneity. In the last decades the Islamic world has seen a steady rise in religious politics. From northern Africa, to the Middle East and Asia, Islam has either been employed as a tool of top-down control or as a means for social mobilization. Islam, therefore, has been used for a variety of purposes and in a variety of circumstances, resulting in a staggering range of Islamic political expression worldwide.
In Southeast Asia, an often ignored corner of the Islamic world, Islamic politics have embodied the complex interplay among cultural, ethnic, religious and political forces unique to the region. Islam, as a relative latecomer to the island world of Asia, only spread to significant parts of the local population in the 12th century. Its character and customs were also influenced by a variety of sources, including Shi'ism, Sufism and local pagan and Hindu customs, adding unique features to the Sunni Islam that is most prevalent today. This resulted in an inherent pluralism in religious expression – a pluralism that has struggled to exist in the political realm under the pressures of colonial rule and messy post-colonial politics.
To truly understand Islam as a political force – and perhaps release it from its Arab-centered shackles – it is vital to look at how it has featured in the lives of its 240 million Southeast Asian adherents.
Abstract: Piracy in the Straits of Malacca is a large and growing concern for the world. Not only does it cause economic havoc in a critical region, but this piracy may also have connections to terrorism and has the potential to cause an ecological disaster. However, attempts by outside states to establish security regimes have repeatedly run into sovereignty concerns from the coastal states in the region: Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, and Thailand. Instead of persisting in this failed strategy of externally imposed solutions, interested parties should focus on aiding the creation of an internal security regime through aid and logistical support. Building the capacity of the local navies to patrol the region is the most acceptable and effective solution towards ending piracy in the long run.
Abstract: In the years following the attacks of September 11, 2001, the Combating Terrorism Center (CTC) at West Point has extended significant effort to understand the ideologies, strategies, and structures that define terrorist groups, as well as the tactics and techniques they employ to inflict damage on their adversaries. As became painfully evident on 9/11, al-Qa’ida and its associated groups and networks—Sunni extremist movements—posed the most formidable terrorist threat to U.S. national security. For that reason, the CTC’s research program has historically focused on Sunni militant groups. The inherent difficulty of tactical defense makes it ever more important to address the broader ideological and strategic aspects of the terror threat in the hopes of identifying important trends. This volume examines the salience and content of jihadi ideology across Southeast Asia in an attempt to gain a better understanding of the types of threats and susceptibility to global jihadist violence in the region.
The volume continues the CTC tradition of trying to understand actors posing a real or potential threat to the United States and follows projects such as The Militant Ideology Atlas and Cracks in the Foundation. Edited by Dr. Scott Helfstein, this volume is an attempt to gain greater granularity on the nature of jihadism in Southeast Asia. The volume uses a country-based approach, focusing on jihadi ideology in Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, and Thailand. The final chapter looks at jihadi content on the internet. CTC hopes this report serves both the academic and practitioner communities to better understand the landscape of terrorism in Southeast Asia.
Abstract: Hillary Clinton’s visit to Indonesia on her first trip abroad as U.S. secretary of state signaled that the Obama administration intends to pay renewed attention to Southeast Asia, a region with over 550 million people, the world’s largest Muslim nation, an economy of over $1 trillion, and some of the world’s most strategic waterways. This is a welcome development due to the significance of U.S. interests in the region. U.S.–Southeast Asia trade amounts to over $200 billion annually, and U.S. cumulative investment in the region is valued at over $100 billion. Perhaps more importantly, Southeast Asia is a region likely to play a critical role in determining the future of Asia and whether the United States can sustain itself as an Asia-Pacific power.
Enhanced U.S. engagement with Southeast Asia will naturally involve greater attention to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other multilateral forums, but key U.S. interests in the region will continue to be pursued through bilateral partnerships. This will include not only U.S. treaty allies—Thailand and the Philippines—but also key emerging players, particularly Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Vietnam. This report assesses the health and potential of these partnerships and offers recommendations to incoming policymakers as they consider the way forward in U.S. policy toward the region.
Abstract: There is an emerging consensus on how to deal with piracy off Somalia and in the Gulf of Aden: improve security on land and establish a strong national security apparatus in Somalia. Can the "Malacca Strait" approach be a model? The Kuala Lumpur International Conference on Piracy and Crimes at Sea was convened on 18-19 May 2009, organised by the Malaysian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It was attended by government officials, as well as experts from inter-governmental organisations, shipping and insurance industries, and academics. The conference was to provide an update on the situation concerning piracy and armed robbery against ships off the coast of Somalia and in the Gulf of Aden. At the conference, two officials from Somalia reiterated the need for international support for the efforts of the coalition led by the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia. They urged more international support for Somalia to build up its security establishment to ensure order on land as well as good order at sea. If indeed there is a will to build up the maritime security institutions in Somalia, then some of the security measures and institutions established by the littoral states along the Malacca could be used as models.
Abstract: Indonesia has earned well-deserved praise for its handling of home-grown extremism, but the problem has not gone away. In April 2009, ten men involved in a jihadi group in Palembang, South Sumatra, were sent to prison on terrorism charges for killing a Christian teacher and planning more ambitious attacks. Their history provides an unusually detailed case study of radicalisation – the process by which law-abiding individuals become willing to use violence to achieve their goals. The sobering revelation from Palembang is how easy that transformation can be if the right ingredients are present: a core group of individuals, a charismatic leader, motivation and opportunity. Another ingredient, access to weapons, is important but not essential: the Palembang group carried out its first attack with a hammer and only later moved to making bombs.
The group was uncovered by accident. Singaporean authorities and Interpol had mounted an international manhunt for a fugitive Singaporean member of the regional jihadi organisation Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), Mohammad Hassan bin Saynudin alias Fajar Taslim. Indonesian counter-terrorism police were separately pursuing the network of the elusive Malaysian terrorist Noordin Mohammed Top. Both searches led to Palembang in 2006 and the targets turned out to be linked. The Singaporean had helped turn a local non-violent religious study circle into a militant jihadi group that then made contact with the Noordin network. By 2007, the men were under surveillance; by mid-2008 they were under arrest.
Abstract: An apparent contradiction between rhetorical claims of piracy threats to international shipping and
actual attack trends has established the need for a more structured approach to strategic risk
assessment. This article provides new insight into risk assessment methodologies by integrating
a structured, multi-dimensional approach to attack profiling within a more comprehensive
Proximity–Complexity model. This model was empirically examined by conducting a comparative
risk assessment in two regions widely cited as high risk, the Straits of Malacca in Asia and the
coastal waters of Nigeria. Results indicate that the consideration of geographic proximity of
attacks as a risk factor may need to be more carefully examined. Further, the authors suggest
that counter-piracy strategies could benefit from a multi-stage risk assessment methodology that
integrates both structured and geographic approaches within a more comprehensive analytic
Sea-based trade may account for as much as 77 percent of worldwide trade measured in terms
of volume, overwhelming overland (16 percent), international pipeline (6.7 percent), and
international air freight trade (0.3 percent) as the dominant transportation mechanism.
Worldwide dependency has, in turn, led to increased concerns over the safety of international sea
lanes. Reflecting the concerns of a post-9/11 world, the U.S. National Strategy for Maritime
Security warns of the danger of a convergence of international armed piracy and terrorism.
However, despite continued concerns over maritime and shipping threats, attack frequency has
lessened in some high risk regions. The International Maritime Bureau reports that the numbers
of attacks have increased in Nigeria and Somalia but that attacks have declined in Indonesia, the
Straits of Malacca, and Bangladesh. An apparent contradiction between rhetorical claims of
threats and actual attack trends establishes the need for a more structured approach to the risk
analysis of threats to international shipping. The aim of this study is to provide new insight into
risk methodologies by integrating a structured threat assessment approach with geographic
information analysis and visualization techniques. Sound threat and risk assessment
methodologies are an essential prerequisite to the development of any effective counter-piracy
Abstract: Economic opportunities provide women with life options, greater participation in decision-making and more
equity within the household. As a result, they are assumed to protect women against gender-based violence.
The Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children traveled to Malaysia to learn if and how this
assumption held for refugees from Burma who live and work in Kuala Lumpur, the capital, without legal status or
the right to work. In a hostile environment where refugees are systematically arrested, detained, whipped and
deported, the Women's Commission found that in accessing the few economic opportunities available refugee
women actually increased their risk of exploitation and abuse. While these women desperately need to work,
without legal protection and legal status they are extremely vulnerable to violence and exploitation perpetrated
by employers who are able to act with impunity because the women face deportation if they go to the police.
Merely leaving the house to go to work puts refugee women at great risk of arrest and attack. Not working at all
increases women’s dependency on community members, spouses and neighbors, which also increases their
risk of abuse. Overall, the Women’s Commission found that refugee women have no safe livelihood options. The
complexity of an urban setting and an adverse political environment make it very challenging for UNHCR and
other refugee advocates to provide sufficient refugee protection and assistance.
Abstract: This paper quantifies the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth in Asia for 1970–2004. Our panel estimations show that transnational terrorist attacks had a significant growth-limiting effect. Transnational terrorism reduces growth by crowding in government expenditures. An internal conflict has the greatest growth concern, about twice that of transnational terrorism. For developing Asian countries, intrastate and interstate wars have a much greater impact than terrorism does on the crowding-in of government spending.
Policy recommendations indicate the need for rich Asian countries to assist their poorer neighbors in coping with the negative growth consequences of political violence. Failure to assist may result in region-wide repercussions. Conflict and terrorism in one country can create production bottlenecks with region-wide economic consequences. International and nongovernmental organizations as well as developed Western countries and regions could assist at-risk Asian countries with attack prevention and post-attack recovery.
This study has six purposes. First, and foremost, we present panel estimates for a sample of 42 Asian countries to quantify the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth for 1970–2004. Panel estimation methods control for country-specific and timespecific unobserved heterogeneity. Second, we distinguish the influence of terrorism on economic growth from that of internal and external conflicts. Third, these influences are investigated for cohorts of developed and developing countries to ascertain whether development can better allow a country to absorb the impact of political violence. Fourth, econometric estimations relate violence-induced growth reductions to two pathways— reduced investment and increased government expenditures. Fifth, a host of diagnostic and sensitivity tests to support our empirical specifications. Last, we draw some policy conclusions.
Abstract: Dans le cadre de son doctorat, l'auteur a eu l'occasion de rencontrer quelques aventureux Indonésiens, lointains héritiers des thalassocraties indianisés et des sultanats malais, qui perpétuent les liens pluriséculaires entre les deux rives du détroit de Malacca. Il revient ici sur le cursus de ces trafiquants sumatranais, depuis les rizières asséchées où naissent le besoin et les vocations, jusqu'aux petits villages où les contrebandes s'organisent.
Abstract: Though terrorism has existed for more than 2,000 years, the 9/11 attacks on the U.S. brought
international repercussions unlike any previously experienced. In response to the attacks, the U.S.
immediately attempted to build a broad-based anti-terrorism coalition in what is known as the “War
against Terrorism” (WAT) or “War on Terrorism.” Malaysia has its own experiences with terrorism,
such as during the ‘communist emergency’ of the 1950s. In light of Malaysia’s unique history in
overcoming terrorism and the present-day WAT, this study aimed to explore Malaysian’s perceptions
of the WAT. Findings from the study indicate that Malaysians hold mostly negative views on the
WAT, i.e.: they doubt the intentions of the US government; they view the WAT as a fight against
Muslims and as a means for US control; they view the military approach as ineffective; they perceive a
conscious effort to link terrorism to Islam; they view the Western media as being insensitive to non-
Westerners and they believe that the WAT has had little impact on reducing terrorism due to hidden
political agendas. Qualitative findings from the study stress the need for counter-terrorism policy
makers to identify the root-causes of terrorism in order to develop appropriate socio-economic
programs for the poor, marginalized, discontented and discriminated groups in societies.
Abstract: Edition 2008. Réunis le temps d’un week-end (30 mai– 1er juin) dans le
confort du Shangri-La Hotel de Singapour — un cadre propice à l’étude des
grands enjeux contemporains de sécurité en Asie…—, les représentants des
27 délégations officielles ont honoré de leur présence et enrichi de leurs réflexions
ce 7eme rendez-vous annuel, plus connu sous le vocable informel de
Shangri-La Dialogue. Un forum annuel unique en son genre en Asie, organisé
par le prestigieux International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) londonien,
lequel célébrait au passage son demi-siècle d’existence de fort belle manière.
Evénement sur lequel les médias occidentaux s’arrêtent de coutume fort peu,
ce « sommet » aux atours moins protocolaires concentre deux jours durant
une somme inédite de décideurs politiques (ministres ; parlementaires) et
militaires (officiers d’état-major), d’experts (institutions internationales ; fonctionnaires
; chercheurs), d’hommes d’affaires et de journalistes autour d’une
pléiade de séances plénières, de tables rondes et de débats publics (et de
réunions plus restreintes...). La diversité et le sérieux des thèmes abordés
(voir p.2), la qualité des intervenants et des échanges, les inévitables
« déclarations » collatérales et autres réactions « à chaud », justifient qu’on
lui consacre ci-après quelque attention.
Abstract: The Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) has rejected a proposal by the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) to tap the services of the Bishop-Ulama Conference (BUC) in monitoring the implementation of the ceasefire between the government and the Moro revolutionary group. In a statement posted on the website www.luwaran.com, Khaled Musa, deputy chairman of the MILF Committee on Information, said the government’s proposal was “cheap” and “a let-down to men of faith like the bishops and the ulamas.”