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Abstract: The post-election strife of July 1, 2008 shocked the Mongolian nation and sobered its leading politicians. The new government found itself in perilous waters, plagued with allegations of election tampering, country-wide economic woes, and internal political division. Today, four months after this shaky start, re-elected Prime Minister S. Bayar has implemented economic and political initiatives to help Mongolia move forward but still faces many challenges.
Abstract: This survey on “Community-Oriented Policing” was conducted in Mongolia between March and April 2008. The report consists of two main parts: one is an analysis of questionnaires administered to law enforcement officials, and the other to community and civil society representatives; the second is a narrative report based on information gathered from interviews, participant observation and general observation that enhanced the questionnaire data. The latter part of the report is a summation of the analysis and provides discussion related to the nature of the relationship between the police and the community in survey sites. OBJECTIVES: The main objectives of the survey were to examine and assess the present relationship between the police and target communities, and to identify the strengths and weaknesses in these relationships. The survey aims to diagnose police-community relations, and to suggest possible ways of enhancing and strengthening relations in order to improve dialogue and the provision of policing services in urban and rural communities across Mongolia. This survey contributes directly to efforts initiated by the Ministry of Justice and Home Affairs (MOJHA) to reform the enforcement and police services in Mongolia. SURVEY METHODOLOGY: Several methodologies were employed in conducting the survey. Data was gathered through a questionnaire, participant interviews and observation, as well as through secondary source information taken from previous surveys, books and published materials. The questionnaires were administered after enumerators had spent time in the target communities and among the police, with whom trust, legitimacy and credibility were established. Such observation and participation helped to ensure the quality and accuracy of information gathered through the questionnaire, and enabled enumerators to obtain valuable additional information that otherwise would not have been elicited. For example, most police said that they were committed to their work, which in practice proved to be an overstatement. In addition to neighbourhood police, lawyers, prosecutors and high-ranking police officials were also interviewed. Fifty police and 50 members of the community, representing a cross-section of society, took part in the survey. Non-random sampling was used in order to ensure geographic and socio-economic diversity of the respondents. The General Police Department was consulted on the selection of participants. The survey questionnaire was modelled on prior samples used by The Asia Foundation in Bangladesh and Indonesia, and was adapted for use in Mongolia in consultation with the Ministry of Justice and Home Affairs, police, and social scientists.
Abstract: The West's tepid response to Russia's recent invasion of Georgia sends a dangerous message to Asian democracies who have long depended upon support from the United States to protect them from regional menaces. Lack of pronounced U.S. support for its Georgian ally may lead China and other autocratic powers in Asia to infer that the American defense of global liberalization is mere rhetoric. When autocracy sneezes, Asia catches cold. Russia's naked power grab in the Caucasus will have global repercussions, nowhere more so than in Asia. While Europe now contemplates a return to long-term tension on Russia's southwestern borders, Moscow's act of war will have lasting effects far from the Black Sea, namely the threat to democratic trends in Asia, and the bolstering of China's global position.
The struggle for freedom in Asia has changed millions of lives, and yet is an unfinished battle. Asia's young democracies, from Mongolia to Taiwan, are no doubt chilled by Georgia's plight. The naked use of force against a sovereign, democratic state by a gargantuan rival sends a message hard to miss. Whatever the pretext, be it natural resources, separatist movements, or old territorial disputes, the reassertion of might over right threatens the political gains of the past decades that have helped Asia become the most vibrant region on earth. Anti-liberal forces at home in these smaller nations will take comfort from the reversion to a machtpolitik world, while other national elites may well be willing to compromise their freedoms to maintain their economic privileges.
Abstract: This paper quantifies the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth in Asia for 1970–2004. Our panel estimations show that transnational terrorist attacks had a significant growth-limiting effect. Transnational terrorism reduces growth by crowding in government expenditures. An internal conflict has the greatest growth concern, about twice that of transnational terrorism. For developing Asian countries, intrastate and interstate wars have a much greater impact than terrorism does on the crowding-in of government spending.
Policy recommendations indicate the need for rich Asian countries to assist their poorer neighbors in coping with the negative growth consequences of political violence. Failure to assist may result in region-wide repercussions. Conflict and terrorism in one country can create production bottlenecks with region-wide economic consequences. International and nongovernmental organizations as well as developed Western countries and regions could assist at-risk Asian countries with attack prevention and post-attack recovery.
This study has six purposes. First, and foremost, we present panel estimates for a sample of 42 Asian countries to quantify the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth for 1970–2004. Panel estimation methods control for country-specific and timespecific unobserved heterogeneity. Second, we distinguish the influence of terrorism on economic growth from that of internal and external conflicts. Third, these influences are investigated for cohorts of developed and developing countries to ascertain whether development can better allow a country to absorb the impact of political violence. Fourth, econometric estimations relate violence-induced growth reductions to two pathways— reduced investment and increased government expenditures. Fifth, a host of diagnostic and sensitivity tests to support our empirical specifications. Last, we draw some policy conclusions.
Abstract: Après plus deux semaines de délibération, la commission électorale a confirmé que le Parti populaire révolutionnaire mongol (PPRM) sortait vainqueur des élections législatives du 29 juin. L’ex-parti unique, actuellement au pouvoir, a remporté une majorité nette, avec 39 des 76 sièges du Grand Khoural (Parlement). Le Parti démocratique, principale formation de l’opposition, et deux petits partis en ont obtenu 25. L’attribution des 10 sièges restants est contestée et fait actuellement l’objet d’un nouveau décompte. En attendant, le Grand Khoural est habilité à se réunir puisque, selon le droit constitutionnel mongol, il suffit que trois quarts des sièges soient pourvus.
La commission a donc tranché, après la plainte déposée par les forces d’opposition accusant le PPRM de fraude électorale. Elle confirme ainsi l’avis des observateurs internationaux présents lors du vote, qui n’avaient constaté aucune irrégularité. Ces accusations avaient provoqué, le 1er juillet, une émeute dans la capitale Oulan-Bator, faisant cinq morts. Habituée à une vie politique animée et chaotique mais jamais violente, la Mongolie a subi alors un véritable choc.
Abstract: Rising commodity prices have made Mongolia's largely unexploited mineral resources—coal, gold, copper, and uranium—attractive investment opportunities for mining companies around the world. But violent protests (NYT) prompted by opposition allegations of fraud in the June 29 parliamentary elections have made the fate of investment deals uncertain. A Central Asia expert and professor at Columbia University, Morris Rossabi, says the protests resulted from growing frustrations—significant income disparity, high levels of unemployment among young males, official corruption, fraying of the social safety net, and alcohol consumption. Rossabi says the political chaos should make foreign companies wary of the kind of investments they make in Mongolia. "Things may stabilize but I don’t foresee that unless the government is more serious about dealing with some of the basic social and economic problems of the country," he says.
Abstract: Mongolia, with a population of approximately three million, is a multiparty, parliamentary democracy. Observers noted minor irregularities in the 2005 presidential elections. Parliament (the State Great Hural), with the agreement of the president, selects the prime minister, who is nominated by the majority party. In November parliament confirmed S. Bayar of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) as prime minister, and a new coalition government was formed. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces, but there reportedly were a few instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently of government authority. The government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however, the following human rights problems were noted: police abuse of prisoners and detainees; impunity; poor conditions in detention centers; arbitrary arrest, lengthy detention, and corruption within the judicial system; criminal defamation laws applied to journalists; continued refusal by some provinces to register Christian churches; sweeping secrecy laws and a lack of transparency; domestic violence against women; international trafficking of persons; and some domestic cases of child prostitution.
Abstract: Edition 2008. Réunis le temps d’un week-end (30 mai– 1er juin) dans le
confort du Shangri-La Hotel de Singapour — un cadre propice à l’étude des
grands enjeux contemporains de sécurité en Asie…—, les représentants des
27 délégations officielles ont honoré de leur présence et enrichi de leurs réflexions
ce 7eme rendez-vous annuel, plus connu sous le vocable informel de
Shangri-La Dialogue. Un forum annuel unique en son genre en Asie, organisé
par le prestigieux International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) londonien,
lequel célébrait au passage son demi-siècle d’existence de fort belle manière.
Evénement sur lequel les médias occidentaux s’arrêtent de coutume fort peu,
ce « sommet » aux atours moins protocolaires concentre deux jours durant
une somme inédite de décideurs politiques (ministres ; parlementaires) et
militaires (officiers d’état-major), d’experts (institutions internationales ; fonctionnaires
; chercheurs), d’hommes d’affaires et de journalistes autour d’une
pléiade de séances plénières, de tables rondes et de débats publics (et de
réunions plus restreintes...). La diversité et le sérieux des thèmes abordés
(voir p.2), la qualité des intervenants et des échanges, les inévitables
« déclarations » collatérales et autres réactions « à chaud », justifient qu’on
lui consacre ci-après quelque attention.
Abstract: Un printemps sous le signe du scrutin. Il n’est pas qu’en France (municipales) ou en Espagne (législatives) que cette fin d’hiver inspire l’électeur épris de devoir civique. A l’instar des élections législatives du weekend dernier en Malaisie (tout en demeurant majoritaire à l’Assemblée, le parti au pouvoir… depuis l’indépendance en 1957, affiche son plus mauvais résultat en un demi-siècle), du scrutin local se déroulant ce jour dans les provinces orientales du Sri Lanka (« libérées » l’été dernier du joug de la guérilla sécessionniste tamoule du LTTE), les semaines, les mois à venir vont voir défiler, en cette lointaine Asie, un florilège de rendez-vous politiques et électoraux . Si la majorité de ces scrutins n’emportera de conséquences qu’au niveau local ou national, il en est en revanche une poignée qui, de part l’importance ou la sensibilité de « l’enjeu », dépassent pourtant le stade
strictement national, ainsi que le suggère le cas taïwanais ci-après.
Abstract: In March 2003, a U.S.-led multinational force began operations in Iraq. At that time, 48 nations, identified as a "coalition of the willing," offered political, military, and financial support for U.S. efforts in Iraq, with 38 nations other than the United States providing troops. In addition, international donors met in Madrid in October 2003 to pledge funding for the reconstru#ction of Iraq's infrastructure, which had deteriorated after multiple wars and decades of neglect under the previous regime.
This testimony discusses (1) the troop commitments other countries have made to operations in Iraq, (2) the funding the United States has provided to support other countries' participation in the multinational force, and (3) the financial support international donors have provided to Iraq reconstruction efforts.
Abstract: Intuitively, it seems that any country that is blessed with natural resources should do well. Unfortunately, this is not true. It is the opposite. Many studies have shown that most countries that have abundant natural resources have done less well than those who do not possess such resources. The growth rates of countries with natural resource abundance over the long term, say a 30 year period have in most cases been lower than those countries which do not have such natural resources. Why is it so? And is this process inevitable? Can the curse not be overcome? I will try and answer this by first looking at what we observe from around the world and from the various studies. Then I will explain how Mongolia might avoid the pitfalls that digging up its treasures might bring to its society and people.
Natural resource curse: the theory of practice It is often said that when most people read about a theory, they wonder whether it works in practice. When economists see things working in practice, they wonder whether it works in theory! The study of the natural resource curse is a case in point. I will first look at practice around the world and see if there is a theory that we can apply to Mongolia as well.
EurasiaNet provides information and analysis about political, economic, environmental and social developments in the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus, as well as in Russia, the Middle East, and Southwest Asia. The web site also offers additional features, including newsmaker interviews a#nd book reviews. Based in New York, EurasiaNet advocates open and informed discussion of issues that concern countries in the region. The web site presents a variety of perspectives on contemporary developments, utilizing a network of correspondents based both in the West and in the region. The aim of EurasiaNet is to promote informed decision making among policy makers, as well as broadening interest in the region among the general public. EurasiaNet is operated by the Central Eurasia Project of the Open Society Institute. EurasiaNet offers daily news under Today's Wires which consolidates of news and information from outside sources, including the British Broadcasting System, Radio Free Europe-Radio Liberty and Interfax. Every day, reports from these and other news services are also posted on the Resource Pages of all the countries in the region; Regional Datebook keeps you ahead of the curve on upcoming events throughout the Caucasus and Central Asia. EurasiaNet has seven different departments that feature original content on political, economic, social, cultural and environmental developments through an extensive network of contributors providing material that keeps readers on top of regional developments. The departments include: Eurasia Insight: Analytical articles on current events that place emphasis on anticipating future developments; Business and Economics: Articles geared towards closely examining deals and trends and their possible impact on economic development; Q&A; & Recaps : Interviews with news makers and opinion shapers on regional issues; Civil Society: Covering environment, human rights and culture thoroughout the region; Resource Pages provide comprehensive data and links to other news sources on the web. EurasiaNet also features a variety of other resources as well. Indeed, EurasiaNet is perhaps the most comprehensive source for news and information about the countries of the Caucasus and Central Asia found anywhere on the World Wide Web.
Abstract: Mongolia is a source and transit country for women and men trafficked for the purposes of sexual exploitation and forced labor; it also faces a problem of children trafficked internally for the purpose of commercial sexual exploitation. The law specifically prohibits trafficking in women and children. In 2004, the government documented over 200 Mongolian children exploited as prostitutes. Mongolian women are trafficked to China, Macau, and South Korea for commercial sexual exploitation. There are also reports that Mongolian women have been trafficked to Hungary, Poland, and other East European countries, as well as France and Germany. Some Mongolian men working overseas face exploitative conditions that meet the definition of involuntary servitude. The country was both a source and transit point for trafficking. Although most officials and NGOs found it difficult to estimate the extent of the trafficking, increasing attention was focused on the problem.
Abstract: Le 15 aoxc3xbbt 2005, le Gouvernement indonésien et
le Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (mouvement de libération
d'Aceh) ont signé un mémorandum d'accord
confirmant leur volonté de trouver une solution
pacifique, globale et durable au conflit qui sévit dans
la province de Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam. Il est Ã
espérer que l'application de cet accord permettra le
rapatriement dans la sécurité et la dignité des
habitants de la province qui vivent actuellement Ã
l'étranger, et en particulier en Malaisie, oxc3xb9 quelque
20 000 d'entre eux sont recensés par l'UNHCR.
L'Organisation se tient prxc3xaate Ã venir en aide Ã toutes
les parties concernées, dans la limite de ses responsabilités
et de ses compétences.
Toujours en Indonésie, l'UNHCR a participé Ã l'intervention
interorganisations menée dans la province
de Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam Ã la suite du tremblement
de terre et du tsunami survenus dans l'océan
Indien le 26 décembre 2004. Aprxc3xa8s s'xc3xaatre retiré
d'Aceh Ã la fin de la phase d'urgence, enmars 2005,
l'UNHCR est retourné dans la région en juin 2005,
Ã l'invitation du Gouvernement indonésien. Ses
efforts porteront principalement sur l'aide Ã la
réhabilitation et Ã la reconstruction dans la province
de Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam et sur l'xc3xaele de
Nias, au nord de Sumatra, oxc3xb9 une assistance immédiate
a été fournie Ã quelque 20 000 personnes victimes
du tremblement de terre du 28 mars 2005.
Abstract: The Regional Human Development Report on Promoting ICT for Human Development: Realizing the Millennium Development Goals, is a first-time attempt to systematically assess the role and impact of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) on human development in Asia. Initiated jointly by UNDP's Asia-Pacific Development Information Programme (APDIP) and Asia-Pacific Regional Human Development Reports Initiative (APRI), the Report makes a significant contribution to our understanding of the potential and challenges of using ICTs to achieve human development goals. The Report covers nine countries in Asia: China, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Mongolia, Pakistan, Sri Lanka,Thailand and Vietnam.
Abstract: Mongolia continued its transition from a highly centralized, Communist-led state to a full-fledged, multiparty, parliamentary democracy, although these gains have not yet been consolidated. The 1992 Constitution established a hybrid presidential-parliamentary system of government. Security forces are under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Defense (MOD), the Ministry of Justice and Home Affairs (MOJHA), and the General Intelligence Agency (GIA). Military forces under the MOD are responsible for external security, but civil defense is subordinate to the MOD, giving the MOD a role in internal security. During peacetime, border security forces are under MOJHA control. National police operate under the MOJHA. The GIA, formerly the State Security Agency, is responsible for internal security and foreign intelligence collection and operations; its civilian head has ministerial status and reports directly to the Prime Minister. Downsizing of the military forces continued. The civilian authorities maintained effective control of the security forces. In September, the first noncareer-military Minister of Defense was named, replacing a predecessor who had retired from the military to accept the position. Some members of the security forces committed human rights abuses, including the abduction of a citizen in France.
Abstract: Follow the Money provides practical information on how citizens of resource-rich countries can become effective monitors of government earnings and expenditures. It summarizes the experiences of some of the most successful budget groups in the world. Representatives of these groups came together at Central European University in April 2004 to discuss what it takes to succeed in monitoring government management of public money.
Abstract: For 70 years, modern-day Mongolia functioned as a one-party state. In 1990, a series of public demonstrations led to the resignation of the Soviet-inspired government. A new constitution was introduced in 1992, which allowed democratic elections for the first time. The communist Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) remained as the most popular political organization, with 71 lawmakers in the 76-seat legislative branch.
Abstract: This report provides information for future programming by identifying effective approaches for working with men in the uniformed services in reproductive and sexual health from a gender perspective.
Abstract: This paper is a case study of Mongolian human security ideas, policies and practical concerns interpreted in their national, regional and global contexts. The human security concept has emerged amidst post-Cold War international relations and security studies to examine a range of overlapping concerns about individual or personal security. Notions and applications of human security have varied in different countries, but they have served to stimulate political debate and even opposition, especially in some Asian contexts. The concept is generally associated with “soft powerâ€ issues and improving conditions for personal development, protection from individual harm or upholding human rights. The human security idea has often been contrasted with “hard powerâ€ issues: traditional military or national security concerns which focus on protecting the interests and sovereignty of the state. Mongolia has been at the forefront of Asian nations that have systematically examined the issues and applications of human security, yet the country does not allow for an easy separation of human and national security concerns.