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Abstract: Politics, Religion and Power in the Great Lakes Region covers the political, religious and power relations in the contemporary Great Lakes States : Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Tanzania, Kenya and the Sudan. The work is important because of the nexus between these countries’ shared present and past - their political, socio-economic, cultural and historical aspirations. In terms of regional cooperation, they are the countries, save for the DRC and the Sudan, which form the current East African Community.
The book reflects on the complex dynamics and strategies of the ensuing power struggle, bringing forth a unique set of fascinating revelations of patterns of primitive capital accumulation, resistance, human rights violations and the political compromises between traditional enemies when confronted by a common (foreign) enemy. A critical analysis of the political distortion the region suffered brings to light the relevance of these divisive tools on the current trends in the African countries, drawing inferences from the African Great Lakes Region (GLR).
The study highlights how the conflicts were finally resolved to avert a serious war, thus bringing about new reforms. This history is instructive to the contemporary reader because of the frequent skirmishes caused by ethnic and religious differences, political and territorial conflicts as well as resource and leadership disputes in the GLR.
Abstract: People become refugees for many
reasons, not least because of violent
civil conflicts in which ordinary citizens
are the greatest victims. This has
led to large numbers of women,
men and children being forced to
seek sanctuary in their neighbouring
countries and further afield. These
people can remain displaced for years,
or even decades. Some may fear that
the prolonged presence of refugees
will have a negative impact on their
community or country.
In reality, if given the opportunity to
integrate and belong, former refugees
are able to be self-reliant and to
contribute socially and economically,
in many cases becoming an asset to
their host States.
Local integration is one of the
three ‘durable solutions’ for refugees
developed by the Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees (UNHCR), in partnership
with host and origin countries. The
other durable solutions are voluntary
repatriation to the refugees’ country
of origin, and resettlement in a third
country. Local integration is particularly relevant
when people cannot return to their
country of origin in a foreseeable
future, or have developed strong
ties with their host communities
through business or marriage. It
is based on the assumption that
refugees will remain in their country
of asylum permanently and find
a solution to their plight in that
State, possibly but not necessarily
though acquiring citizenship.
Local integration is all about
partnerships and collaboration
between agencies and countries in
the pursuit of collective solutions.
Ultimately, however, both the vision
and leadership of host governments
and the support of the international
community are critical to the
ongoing success of local integration
Abstract: This paper addresses the issue of land acquisition for public use in Tanzania. Three cases are examined in order to explore how social, institutional and economic processes and interests interact to generate conflict and what attempts have been made to resolve this. One of the most valuable lesson drawn is that the processes involved in land acquisition for public use may result in unintended and undesirable negative consequences and grievances triggering conflicts between government and landowners, unless they are supported by clear, institutionalised and inclusive protocols/ The author argues that policy and legislative reform is necessary in order to review the current top-down approaches to compulsory land acquisition practices and to institutionalise dialogue as a key strategy when acquiring, as well as putting in place reliable mechanisms for the funding fair and prompt compensation. Mandatory provision of land for resettlement and the maintaining of standards of living are also critical considerations.
Abstract: The author examines the city as a site in which the provision of public goods and services for citizens is demanded and provided through the transfer of central state revenues. The relationship between state and citizens is not conceived simply in the relatively passive and limiting terms of welfare delivery, but rather within the broader arena of social rights, understood as a core component of substantive citizenship – an important characteristic of developmental states. The focus of the paper is derived from the recognition that social rights, notably access to land and housing, are of particular importance in cities. Conflicts over the appropriate use of land are more likely to arise in urban areas, and the high value of land combined with its potential to contribute to economic development mean that the state almost inevitably becomes involved in these conflicts. This paper's examination of the spatial aspects of social rights in urban areas gives rise to a discussion of the 'right to the city', and how the denial of this right can create increased tension and destabilisation in the cities of fragile states. The author outlines the theoretical basis for the paper with an examination of social rights and substantive citizenship, illustrated through the case of a housing movement of the urban poor in São Paulo, Brazil. The paper then develops the discussion of the link between social rights and state stability through a reading of a selection of CSRC case studies of cities in fragile states.
Abstract: This paper proposes a framework for the study of the role of armies in elite bargaining and state building. The author accepts that the institutionalisation of the army and its subordination to the political elite has proved a successful path for most western democracies, but argues that this same path may not be attractive or feasible for ruling elites in every circumstance, particularly in fragile or developmental states. The paper describes a range of alternative approaches and highlights the trade-offs implicit in each of them. In particular, it focuses on the incorporation of armies to the elite bargain as the
main alternative. The hypothesis which we tested in our series of case studies is that in
contexts of state formation and in the early stages of state building, the integration of the army
into a country’s elite bargain is a key factor in preventing military interventions. The author draws on examples from a wide range of countries studied during the Centre's second phase of work, including Afghanistan, Colombia, DRCongo, Pakistan, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia.
Abstract: The slow progress of a joint MONUC and FARDC operation
against the FDLR in the second quarter of 2009
and continuing human rights abuses have increased
the urgency with which the international community
is seeking means to end the conflict in Eastern
DRC. Most significant is suggested legislation by the
US Senate to place a due diligence requirement on
electronics companies that source tin and other metals
from Eastern DRC. This proposition has in turn,
prompted suggestions from the UN, pressure groups
and industry groups as to what such a scheme might
look like. This follow-up paper takes a holistic view
of the regional trade in minerals from Eastern DRC
and constructively critiques the various engagement
strategies that pressure groups, the UN and other
stakeholders have recently proposed. It also makes
its own suggestions for trade reform and urges policy
makers to set the correct priorities when engaging
with the mineral sector.
We believe that the primary reason why there is insecurity
in Eastern Congo is because the Congolese
state is unable to control the monopoly of violence
and protect its citizens. This has translated into the
presence of a number of armed groups who act with
impunity, high levels of violence, including sexual violence,
and the militarisation of the economy, including
the mineral trade. In this context, military control
of the trade in minerals is another symptom of general
insecurity in Eastern DRC, rather than the principal
cause of insecurity or sexual violence as some mistakenly
stipulate. The non-militarised trade in minerals
in the Kasais, southern Katanga, Bandundu and
large swaths of Maniema, Ituri and Equateur underlines
This is not to suggest that a link between the minerals
trade and conflict dynamics do not exist, but
rather to emphasise that intervening in the trade in
minerals is not enough to solve the insecurity crisis.
Instead, policy makers should focus on consolidating
the security sector in order to impact positively on
conflict dynamics, while at the same time support
governance reform, which is essential to both guarantee
the sustainability of these positive impacts and
to provide a platform on which to build a successful
Abstract: This report was written by Nicholas Garrett and Harrison
Mitchell, Co-Directors of the London and Cambridge-based
research, investigations and consultancy firm Resource Consulting
Services Limited (RCS). The United Kingdom’s Department
for International Development (DFID) commissioned
the report under the Trading for Peace project. The
report is based on field research carried out in the DR Congo,
Rwanda, Uganda, and Tanzania between November 2008
and January 2009, commissioned by The London School
of Economics and Political Sciences’ Crisis States Research
Centre (CSRC) and the Conflict Research Group of Ghent
University. It has been complemented by follow-up desk
research in February and March 2009.
This report expands on DFID, USAID and COMESA’s Trading
for Peace research project carried out in 2006/2007,
whose aim was to “enhance the sustainable and equitable
use of the DR Congo’s natural resources in the interests of
poverty reduction in DRCongo and stability in the region,
through building a robust evidence base for policy”.
This report provides a number of concrete entry points for
policy makers to engage constructively with the trade in minerals
from Eastern DR Congo with a view to formalise the
trade. The entry points were developed of a wide evidence
base and thorough multi-stakeholder consultation.
Abstract: This paper analyses the pattern of conflict resolution in Zanzibar. Since the introduction of multiparty politics in 1992 this semi-autonomous territory within the State of Tanzaniahas remained on the brink of conflict. The paper argues that the conflict in Zanzibar should not be seen as merely a political stand-off with post-election rioting. In fact it has most of the characteristics of a deep-seated and protracted conflict. The political divisions are superimposed on deeper racial/ethnic divisions embedded in territorially-defined horizontal inequalities. These in turn have resonances to very brutal periods in Zanzibar and African history (particularly the slave trade).The paper examines strategies employed in resolution of the conflict to find explanations for the failure of the first and second Muafaka (Agreement). The paper presupposes that the 2010 Reconciliation (Maridhiano) offers actors better chances for the claim to identity than the previous attempts.
Abstract: The contemporary challenge facing the Nile basin countries is that of how to establish a legal framework for the utilization of its waters that is acceptable to all.
This issue brief provides a sketch of the major issues under discussion and summarizes the current state of the negotiations over the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA).
Negotiations for a CFA started in 1997 and have not yet been concluded. The CFA seeks to establish a permanent Nile River Basin Commission through which member countries would act together to manage and develop the resources of the river. The countries constituting the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI) are Burundi, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda.
There has been noticeable tension among the NBI countries due to disagreements over what constitutes the equitable utilization of water. Potential conflicts over the waters of the Nile River stem from the increased need for water for irrigation, as well as from the rise in the hydropower needs of the riparian countries.
Abstract: The project sought to examine the relationship between these statutory bodies and
conflict issues and dynamics in the context in which they operate. The project also explored
the extent to which the protection and promotion of human rights by national human rights
institutions contributes to constructive conflict management and peacebuilding in their
societies, and considered the relevance of conflict management and peacebuilding, both as a
theoretical and practical discipline, for national human rights institutions. Independent
analysts carried out research in Ghana, Uganda, Sierra Leone and Nigeria, working closely
with in-country experts and organisations to facilitate access to the staff of human rights
commissions and other key stakeholders. Practical conflict management training was carried
out concurrently by CCR with the Commission for Human Rights in Tanzania, and a case
study on this commission was compiled.
The research project and the resulting edited volume constitute, as far as we are aware, the
first attempt to consider national human rights institutions from a perspective of conflict
management and peacebuilding. This was undertaken by CCR’s Human Rights and Conflict
Management Programme (HRCMP), which was established in 1999 to explore, understand and
promote the relationship between the fields of human rights and conflict management – two
fields that had, until then, seldom been considered in conjunction with one another. In recent
years, the HRCMP has increasingly focused on national human rights institutions as bodies that
are strategically located not only to have an impact on the protection and promotion of human
rights, but also on the constructive management of conflict in their societies. The aims and
objectives of such institutions may predominantly or exclusively be framed in the language of
human rights, yet the implementation of their mission and mandate often involves managing
conflict on a continuous basis.
Abstract: In 2008, the High Commissioner for Refugees (HC) launched a Special Initiative on
Protracted Refugee Situations (PRS) to promote durable solutions and improvements in
the life of these refugees. The HC’s initiative focused on five situations in different parts
of the world, four of which have been selected for evaluation: the Croatian refugees in
Serbia; the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh; the Eritrean refugees in Eastern Sudan; and
the Burundian refugees in Tanzania. The four evaluations aim to assess how effectively
UNHCR has exercised its mandate and the catalytic role performed in engaging other
players in seeking durable solutions, as well as the progress UNHCR has made in improving
the quality of life for the refugees. The evaluations also aim to identify examples
of good practice, innovative approaches and lessons learned.
In addition to the stated aims above, the Evaluation of the Tanzania PRS assesses: i) the
relevance and appropriateness of the strategies to refugees themselves, to host communities,
and to national and local governments; ii) the effectiveness of the strategies pursued
for Burundian refugees in Tanzania as well as the role of UNHCR in supporting these;
iii) UNHCR engagement through the UN Delivering as One (DaO) reform process to
which Tanzania is a pilot country; and finally iv) links between short-term humanitarian
activities and the medium- and longer-term development activities.
The Evaluation is a joint effort of the Danish Government (the Evaluation Department
in Danida) and UNHCR (the Policy Department and Evaluation Service). The Evaluation
was conducted between May and October 2010 with fieldwork carried out in Tanzania
between 4th and 17th June 2010.
The report starts with a descriptive account of the operational context and an analysis of
the comprehensive solutions strategy, TANCOSS, and its three pillars. This is followed
by an assessment of the role of UNHCR and the role of the High Commissioner’s Special
Initiative on PRS in the planning and implementation of the strategy. The analyses
are then assessed against selected key OECD/DAC evaluation criteria followed by some
lessons to be learned from the Tanzanian PRS.
Abstract: This paper expounds the problematic of land acquisition for public use in Tanzania. Three
cases are examined to explore how social, institutional and economic processes and interests
and the associated key players interact to generate conflicts, and the abortive attempts made to
One of the most valuable lesson drawn is that the processes involved in land acquisition for
public use i.e. alienation, valuation and compensation, unless supported by clear,
institutionalised and inclusive protocols, which are transparent and predicable, may result in
unintended and undesirable negative consequences and grievances triggering conflicts
between government and landowners. These could potentially escalate and assume political
dimensions that may further undermine the socio-economic sustainability, particularly of the
poor, as well as constituting a threat to peace and stability.
It is argued that policy and legislative reforms are necessary in order to review the current
top-down approaches to compulsory land acquisition practices, to institutionalise dialogue as
a key strategy to acquire land and to set reliable mechanisms for the funding required to pay
fair and prompt compensation. Most importantly, mandatory provision of land for
resettlement and restoring appropriated households to the same position, as well as a change
of attitude among public officials, including professionals, are also critical considerations.
The latter is particularly so because a ‘business as usual’ outlook tends to ignore the
transformed urban property landscape, especially in regard to private property rights and the
commodification of land.
Abstract: Over the last decade, the international community
has been working toward a new and broader concept
of security, drawing input from a number of
governments, non-governmental organizations and
civil society groups as well as scholars and other
prominent individuals. This new concept—known
as human security—calls on states to ensure the
survival, livelihood and dignity of their inhabitants.
At the same time, it encourages e≠orts to equip
people to act more e≠ectively on their own behalf. Following the report by the Commission on Human Security, Human Security Now, this booklet seeks to show practical applications of human security and give the concept a human face. Between March-June 2006, in preparation for this publication, the Human Security Unit, a freelance journalist and a team of photographers visited dozens of project sites, conducting hundreds of interviews with local staff and beneficiaries. From these many compelling initiatives, nine stories were selected that reflect the range of issues, regions and institutions involved in human security work around the globe. Human security represents a fundamentally new
way of thinking about a range of contemporary
challenges—from hunger, poverty and failing
schools to armed conflict, forced migration and
human tra≤cking. Because these issues are closely
intertwined, human security emphasizes the need
for multi-sectoral responses and collaboration
among all stakeholders. Moreover, it aims to bridge
the gaps between security, humanitarian assistance,
human rights and development aid.
Abstract: Military interventions seem endemic in sub-Saharan Africa. Presenting data for the period
between 1956 and 2001, Patrick McGowan counts a total of 80 successful military coups
along with 108 failed coup attempts and 139 coup plots. 62.5 percent of all
states in sub-Saharan Africa have experienced at least one successful coup and 37.5 percent
have even suffered multiple coups. 41 out of 48 states (85.4 percent) have had either coups or
failed coup attempts. Only six countries have remained completely free of all three types of
military intervention events.1 Interestingly, military interventions have remained pervasive
over time. Since the first coup in the Sudan in November 1958 there has been no single year
without coup activity by African militaries. The period from 1958 to 1979 witnessed 47
successful coups, 46 failed coups and 66 coup plots, while there were still 33 successful
coups, 62 failed coups and 73 coup plots between 1980 and 2001. Even the democratisation
trend from the early 1990s did not lead to a significant reduction in coup occurrence. Against
this background, Clarks’s thesis that democratisation has facilitated ‘the decline of the
African military coups’ seems premature.
Abstract: This monograph contains papers that were presented at the International Conference on Climate Change and Natural Resources Conflicts in Africa, 14–15 May 2009, Entebbe, Uganda, organised by the Environment Security Programme (ESP) of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), Nairobi Office.
The climate change phenomenon is a global concern, which typically threatens the sustainability of the livelihoods of the majority of the population living in the developing countries. Africa, particularly the sub-Saharan region, is likely to be negatively impacted by climate variability and change. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Africa’s vulnerability arises from a combination of many factors, including extreme poverty, a high rate of population increase, frequent natural disasters such as droughts and floods, and agricultural systems (both crop and livestock production) that depend heavily on rainfall. Extreme natural occurrences such as floods and droughts are becoming increasingly frequent and severe. Africa’s high vulnerability to the negative impacts of climate variability and change is also attributed to its low adaptive capacity.
Climate variability and change have further exacerbated the scarcity of natural resources on the African continent, leading to conflicts with regard to access to, and ownership and use of these resources. The scarcity of natural resources is known to trigger competition for the meagre resources available among both individuals and communities, and even institutions, thus affecting human security on the continent.
Abstract: The world-wide surge in the number and violence of open conflicts revolving around ethnic or religious identities towards the end of the 20th century is a powerful reminder that communal identities are not a remnant of the past but a potent force in contemporary politics. After three decades of independence, ethnicity is more central than ever to the political process of many African countries. Africa has had more than its fair share of ethnic dissent which has sometimes plummeted states into civil war as was experienced in Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and reached frightening proportions in Rwanda and now Sudan. Political openings and multiparty elections have led to the formation of innumerable overtly or covertly ethnic political parties, which serve more often to increase civil strife of which the most recent addition to the long list in Africa is Kenya. Africa’s ethnic disturbances have occurred more within national borders, thus giving rise to unstable domestic systems. This paper attempts to address these ethnic issues by assessing certain conflict spots as opposed to areas of relative calm in Africa. The assessment of states on both sides of the divide (i.e. cooperation and conflict) is done in the hope that trends that lead to conflict as well as those that lead to cooperation can be identified. In order to establish these patterns of cooperation and conflict, it became pertinent to use a broad range of case studies, notably, Tanzania, Botswana, South Africa, Uganda and Côte d’Ivoire. The result of this study tells that the lack or presence of equity and justice (components of good governance), high literacy levels and an external threat, are factors which strengthen or diminish possibilities of ethnic conflict.
Abstract: Southern Africa has embarked on one of the world’s most ambitious security co-operation initiatives, seeking to roll out the principles of the United Nations at regional levels. This book examines the triangular relationship between democratisation, the character of democracy and its deficits, and national security practices and perceptions of eleven southern African states. It explores what impact these processes and practices have had on the collaborative security project in the region. Based on national studies conducted by African academics and security practitioners over three years, it includes an examination of the way security is conceived and managed, as well as a comparative analysis of regional security co-operation in the developing world. This book includes: Chapter 1: Democratic Governance and Security: A Conceptual Exploration, by Andre du Pisani; Chapter 2: Comparative Perspectives on Regional Security Co-operation among Developing Countries, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 3: Southern African Security in Historical Perspective, by Abillah H. Omari and Paulino Macaringue; Chapter 4: Botswana, by Mpho G. Molomo, Zibani Maundeni, Bertha Osei-Hwedie, Ian Taylor, and Shelly Whitman; Chapter 5: Lesotho, by Khabele Matlosa; Chapter 6: Mauritius, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 7: Mozambique, by Anicia Lalá; Chapter 8: Namibia, by Bill Lindeke, Phanuel Kaapama, and Leslie Blaauw; Chapter 9: Seychelles, by Anthoni van Nieuwkerk and William M. Bell; Chapter 10: South Africa, by Maxi Schoeman; Chapter 11: Swaziland, by Joseph Bheki Mzizi; Chapter 12: Tanzania Mohammed, by Omar Maundi; Chapter 13: Zambia, by Bizeck Jube Phiri; Chapter 14: Zimbabwe, by Ken D. Manungo; and Chapter 15: Conclusions, by Gavin Cawthra, Khabele Matlosa, and Anthoni van Nieuwkerk.
Abstract: This report seeks to examine whether the
terrorist group, al Qaeda, is used, and is
continuing to use, rough diamonds.a Global
Witness presents evidence that confirms that al
Qaeda has been involved in the rough diamond
trade since the 1990s. Firstly in Kenya and
Tanzania and then in Sierra Leone and Liberia,
where they began to show an interest in diamond
trading in 1998, following the crackdown on
their financial activities in the wake of the US
embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania. It
argues that there are several reasons why al
Qaeda has used rough diamonds: As a means of raising funds for
al Qaeda cells; To hide money targeted by financial
sanctions; To launder the profits of criminal activity; To convert cash into a commodity that
holds its value and is easily transportable.
The report also briefly discusses the use of
other high-value commodities, such as gold and
tanzanite, by al Qaeda, and the precedent set by
Hizbullah of using diamonds to fund their
operations. In doing so, it reveals that the trade
networks and routes used by al Qaeda to gain
access to rough diamonds are the same as those
used for trading conflict and illicit diamonds. It
also notes that such diamond trading routes
overlap with illicit arms trading, and informal
support and trading networks between terrorists,
rebel groups as well as regional insecurity and
outright conflict. To help illustrate these
diamond-trading routes the report looks in some
detail at the trading networks and operations of a
key player involved in the al Qaeda trading
structure in Liberia and Sierra Leone. It
concludes that the only way for the international
community to prevent the trade in conflict and
terror diamonds is to ensure that the Kimberley
Process Certification Scheme is effectively
implemented. This means establishing a
credible, independent monitoring mechanism
covering all aspects of the diamond pipeline,
from the first point of extraction to the
finished product. This report seeks to act as a
wake up call to those who believe that the
problem of conflict diamonds has been
Abstract: Science is now unequivocal as to the reality of climate change. Human activities, including in
particular emissions of greenhouse gases like carbon dioxide are recognized as its principle cause.
This report clearly shows that climate change is already causing widespread devastation and
suffering around the planet today. Furthermore, even if the international community is able to contain
climate change, over the next decades human society must prepare for more severe climate change
and more dangerous human impacts.
This report documents the full impact of climate change on human society worldwide today.
It covers in specific detail the most critical areas of the global impact of climate change, namely
on food, health, poverty, water, human displacement, and security. The third section of this report
highlights the massive socio-economic implications of those impacts, in particular, that worst
affected are the world’s poorest groups, who cannot be held responsible for the problem. The
final section examines how sustainable development and the Millennium Development Goals are
in serious danger, the pressures this will exert on humanitarian assistance, and the great need to
integrate efforts in adapting to climate change.
Based on verified scientific information, established models, and, where needed, on the best
available estimates, this report represents the most plausible narrative of the human impact of climate
change. It reports in a comprehensive manner the adverse effects people already suffer today due
to climate change within a single volume, encompassing the full spectrum of the most important
impacts evidenced to date.
The findings of report indicate that every year climate change leaves over 300,000 people dead,
325 million people seriously affected, and economic losses of US$125 billion. 4 billion people are
vulnerable, and 500 million people are at extreme risk. These figures represent averages based on
projected trends over many years and carry a significant margin of error. The real numbers could be
lower or higher. The different figures are each explained in more detail and in context in the relevant
sections of the report. Detailed information describing how these figures have been calculated is also
included in the respective sections and in the end matter of the report.
Abstract: A number of countries within the Great Lakes Region and Horn of Africa are severely affected by the proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW). Pastoral conflicts, political tensions, and the persistent presence of rebel groups continue to exacerbate the demand for and misuse of SALW, and porous state borders facilitate cross-border criminal operations and illicit trading in SALW.
Acknowledging the detrimental effects of SALW proliferation, states in the Great Lakes Region and Horn of Africa have adopted a regional approach aimed at curbing the supply and misuse of illicit SALW, in the form of the Nairobi Protocol for the Prevention, Control and Reduction of Small Arms and Light Weapons in the Great Lakes Region and Horn of Africa (Nairobi Protocol). Building on earlier regional agreements, the protocol is one of the most comprehensive regional SALW-control agreements in Africa, and it has impelled significant levels of cooperation between signatory states in tackling arms control issues. However, while cooperation at the regional level has been noteworthy, attempts to implement the provisions of the protocol at the national level have met with a number of obstacles. These obstacles include inadequate financial resources, insufficient levels of technical expertise and a lack of political will.
This paper examines the processes leading up to the adoption of the Nairobi Protocol and the establishment of a regional coordination body to oversee its implementation. It also attempts to assess regional and national progress made in implementing the protocol, including the development of National Action Plans (NAPs) and the marking of SALW in the region, as well as the factors that are hindering progress.
Abstract: The evidence of the research showed that fair
and equitable trade can provide tools for poverty
eradication and help to consolidate peace in
countries that are emerging from conflict. Trading for
Peace has demonstrated a fundamental point – that
fairer trade does not have to wait for peace but it
can contribute towards building peace. Through a
series of cross-border meetings which have brought
together traders, officials, civil society and the
private sector to better understand each other and
learn how a Simplified Trade Regime for small scale
traders can really help their livelihoods. Trading
for Peace has begun to build collaboration at the
community level and among different groups across
borders. As communities find that they can trade
with each other easily and in a mutually profitable
manner, they begin to value the relationships they
have developed and work towards maintaining them
– and they are not likely to want the trade disrupted
by conflicts and nor will they want their trade
relationships and networks formsed to be destroyed. The research in and around the DRC found that, while
trade in the country and the region is often fraudulent,
it offers great potential for reducing poverty. In order to
fully harness this potential, however, it is important that
good governance is developed to protect and promote
the growth of legitimate trade. A second phase of work
from late 2007 to early 2009 therefore sought to build
networks of traders and officials along both sides of
the borders in eastern DRC and to start programmes
of training, investment in equipment at border posts,
discussions about trading reforms at the local level as well
as research activities on a range of challenges of crossborder
The next phase of the programme will seek to build
on this in order to turn our vision of trade as a pillar of
peacebuilding and poverty reduction into reality.
This will mean governments, officials, traders, the
public and private sectors, research organisations, civil
society and national, regional and local institutions
working together across borders on a shared agenda: an
agenda of reform, leading to easier and more equitable
trading throughout the Great Lakes Region, creating an
environment in which everyone has a stake in mutual
cooperation with the aim of securing prosperity and
Abstract: Les données contenues dans cette étude ont
démontré qu’un commerce juste et équitable
pouvait fournir les moyens d’éradication de la
pauvreté et contribuer à consolider la paix dans
des pays qui émergent de périodes de conflit. « Le
commerce au service de la paix » a démontré un
point fondamental : le commerce équitable n’a pas
besoin d’attendre la paix, mais il peut contribuer
à la construire. Grâce à une série de réunions
transfrontalières qui ont rassemblé commerçants,
officiels, représentants de la société civile et du
secteur privé afin qu’ils se comprennent mieux
et découvrent comment un régime commercial
simplifié pour les petits commerçants peut
réellement améliorer leurs moyens de subsistance,
« Le commerce au service de la paix » a commencé
à construire des partenariats au niveau des
communautés et au sein de divers groupes dans
plusieurs pays. À mesure qu’elles découvrent les
possibilités de commercer les unes avec les autres
aisément et de manière mutuellement lucrative, les
communautés commencent à apprécier les relations
qu’elles ont nouées et oeuvrent à les entretenir ;
de plus, il est peu probable que ces communautés
souhaitent voir leurs échanges commerciaux
perturbés par des conflits, ou voir détruire les
relations et les réseaux commerciaux qu’elles ont
Abstract: Launched in December 2008, the Kakuma News Reflector (Kanere) is a new newsletter and blog written by
Ethiopian, Congolese, Ugandan, Rwandan, Somali, Sudanese and Kenyan refugees living in Kakuma
Refugee Camp, Kenya. Their aim is to add the voices of refugees to the "well-established voices of
academia, law, and institutions,” according to the introduction to the blog. The publication includes stories
covering a wide range of issues such as the provision of water and health care services, child labour, drug
abuse and education.
Abstract: The problem of civilians becoming unintentional victims of landmine detonation in the world today is one that cannot be underestimated in terms of its importance to global and local humanitarian efforts. The human-life and financial costs associated with landmine detonation are paramount, and are being addressed by the Global community via the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping and its associated agency UNMAS (The United Nations Mine Action Service). In terms of human-life cost, the current statistic is that every 28 seconds a person steps on a landmine, resulting in 6500 – 20,000 new casualties per year. These tragic events are happening in at least 84 states, and every world region is affected. It is the intent of this literature review to enlighten the reader in two main topic areas. The first is that of mine action and our understanding of it, with specific regard to what is generally understood to be the most affected continent: Africa. A comprehensive description and discussion of the geo-political status of mine action in Southern Africa and its relation to development will be set out.
The second topic area that will be reviewed is that of predictive GIS modeling, as it applies to mine action. The intent is to put forth the scientific (i.e.: based on peer-reviewed publications) background information that justifies and supports an experiment that will be conducted. The goal, in general lay terms, will be to see whether it is possible to predict with a reasonable, usable, and repeatable amount of accuracy the delineating outlines of where minefields are located in a specific geographical study area. It is hoped that the effort with predictive GIS modeling will yield a technique that is valid for use across a variety of study areas. Having said this, the study area that is the concentration of this review is the region of Southern Africa and it must be acknowledged that the results, if positive, may not be transferrable to different Geo-political regions.
Abstract: This paper focuses on issues of belonging and exclusion for refugees who fled Burundi in the early 1970s
and sought refuge in Tanzania. More than three decades later, and with a peace agreement ending active
hostilities in Burundi, “durable solutions” are finally being sought for this group of refugees. Following a
decision by the government of Tanzania to offer citizenship, they are currently being offered a choice
between repatriating to Burundi or applying for naturalisation and becoming Tanzanian citizens. Based on
field research conducted in Ulyankulu refugee settlement and Kigoma region (sites that represent two
distinct populations of Burundian refugees with different legal and national identifications: settled and selfsettled
refugees), this paper explores the factors that are influencing decision-making processes amongst
refugees and the multi-faceted ways they perceive their identities.
Positively, the findings indicate that the current process is seen by refugees as an opportunity: for those
interviewed, the label “refugee”, which has stuck through almost four decades of exile, represents
marginalisation from mainstream Tanzanian society and exclusion from full citizenship rights, particularly
through restrictions on freedom of movement and the absence of the right to vote. The current push for
solutions, therefore, is viewed favourably as representing a chance to shed the “refugee” label. While it
should not be assumed that the refugee condition was characterised entirely by marginalisation, nor that
naturalisation will automatically trigger complete integration, it is clear that (re)securing citizenship is a
crucial first step towards genuine integration and the potential to access the full range of citizenship rights.