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Abstract: Colombia currently accounts for the vast bulk of cocaine produced in
Latin America. In 2009, the country produced 270 metric tons (MT)
of cocaine, making it the principal supplier for both the United States
and the worldwide market. Besides Colombia, Peru and Bolivia constitute
two additional important sources of cocaine in Latin America.
In 2009, these two countries generated enough base material to respectively
yield 225 and 195 MT of refined product.
Between 60 and 65 percent of all Latin American cocaine is trafficked
to the United States, the bulk of which is smuggled via the eastern
Pacific/Central American corridor. The remainder is sent through
the Caribbean island chain, with the Dominican Republic, Puerto
Rico, and Haiti acting as the main transshipment hubs. In both cases,
Mexico serves as the main point of entry to mainland America, presently
accounting for the vast majority of all illicit drug imports to the
Abstract: The Examples from the Ground are concrete illustrations of ways in which a gender perspective has been integrated in different security sector institutions around the world. They range from measures to counter human trafficking in Kosovo, to women’s organisations’ involvement with security institutions in Nepal, to female parliamentarians’ contribution to post-conflict reconstruction in Rwanda. These examples can help policymakers, trainers and educators better understand and demonstrate the linkages between gender and SSR.
The examples are organised around the following nine themes, for which a short introduction is provided:
• Police Reform and Gender
• Defence Reform and Gender
• Justice Reform and Gender
• Penal Reform and Gender
• Border Management and Gender
• Parliamentary Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• National Security Policy-Making and Gender
• Civil Society Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• SSR Assessment, Monitoring and Evaluation and Gender
Individual examples can also be downloaded individually, in English or in French, at: http://gssrtraining.ch/index.php?option=com_content&view;=article&id;=4&Itemid;=131〈=en
Abstract: The United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) has reviewed its past support to transitional justice
processes in a select group of countries to assess the effectiveness of programming and draw lessons for the
development of a more coordinated, coherent and systematic approach. The objective is to design and support
strategies for the integration of a women’s human rights perspective into various transitional justice mechanisms;
including truth commissions, criminal prosecutions, traditional/local justice and reconciliation mechanisms, institutional
reform and reparations. The three country studies in this review—the
Republic of Sierra Leone, the Republic of Rwanda,
and the Republic of Peru—were selected
because each presents a unique opportunity
to extract lessons and best practice with regard
to securing gender justice in the wake of
armed conflict. The goal of the review exercise is
to inform the institutional response by all actors
engaged in justice and reconstruction efforts in
Each country study is structured
to include information on: the position of women
prior to the main political conflict; the situation
of women in the post-conflict period, which illustrates
the impact of the conflict and need for
redress; the key transitional justice mechanisms
employed and their effectiveness in addressing
women’s experiences of violations during the
conflict; UNIFEM programming in the country;
and recommendations for future programming.
The focus is primarily on women’s experiences
of sexual gender-based violence (SGBV) during
armed conflict and ways women have been
able to access justice for these crimes, whether
through prosecutions in the formal justice system,
accountability through truth commissions,
or reparative justice.
While access to justice for sexual violence crimes
is not the whole picture and will not deliver the
transformative reforms necessary to redress
the inequality, gendered norms and power differentials
that lead to and exacerbate women’s
vulnerability in conflict, it is an important component
of broader gender justice goals.
Abstract: This working paper provides an overview of the transitional process in Colombia and Peru, focusing on the situation of children. The adoption of judicial and administrative measures to deal with human rights violations from the past (Peru) and the present (Colombia) is a tool towards the consolidation of democratic institutions. While individual initiatives have been undertaken in both countries, addressing the situation of children in an integrated, comprehensive way is a persistent challenge, as is the exploration of legal tools as a means to demand responsibility.
Abstract: This brief presents the progress to date in developing
a typology of wartime rape as a first step toward
understanding the different consequences of this form
of violence in war. This publication focuses solely on
wartime rape perpetrated by armed groups against
civilians, though this form of violence is perpetrated
more widely by, and against, different actors during
war. The wider perpetration of rape against other
actors is not presented in this brief, but is nevertheless
included in the Typology. The Typology is a product of
two phases of research: a) an initial phase (November
2008–May 2009) where a preliminary typology was
created based on an examination of two country
cases of wartime rape: Bosnia and Herzegovina,
and El Salvador; and b) a second phase (September
2009–May 2010) where the typology was refined
according to data collected from a review of the
literature on ten additional country cases of wartime
rape (Cambodia, Colombia, Democratic Republic
of the Congo, Liberia, Nepal, Papua New Guinea/
Bougainville, Peru, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Timor Leste).
The Typology was designed on the basis of a definition
of wartime, which includes a myriad of war dynamics
that surround and influence the perpetration of
rape, and which can be organized into the following
type of conflict in which wartime rape occurs;
characteristics of the armed group;
motivations for the rape;
characteristics of the rapist;
characteristics of the raped person; and
characteristics of the rape.
Abstract: This Overview summarises the key findings and policy challenges identified by the CRISE
research programme in its evaluation of three Latin American countries. The case studies
selected were the three countries with the largest indigenous populations in proportionate
terms: Bolivia, Guatemala and Peru. The underlying research challenge was to understand
the role of horizontal or group inequality in overall acute inequality in the countries studied,
and the relevance of group inequality to political violence.
The paper shows that horizontal inequalities (HIs)—political, social, economic and cultural—
are deeply embedded in two of these countries, Guatemala and Peru, and have played a significant
role in terrible political violence. They remain severe; indeed, political HIs have worsened
in some respects with the legacy of violence and repression. In Guatemala and Peru, the pervasiveness
of embedded prejudice and ways of thinking make even good policy initiatives
non-functional. In Bolivia, meanwhile, an exceptional set of political and geographical circumstances has,
over many decades, resulted in political accommodation mechanisms that have avoided
widespread violence and led to a genuine improvement in political HIs.
Abstract: This study is concerned with analysing the routes in and out of political violence in selected
countries – Bolivia and Peru, Tajikistan and Yemen - within Latin America, the Caribbean,
Middle East and North Africa, Eastern Europe and Central Asia (EMAD) regions. The study
explores the following key issues: the importance of multiple and hybrid identities as the basis of claims, forms of empowerment and supporting citizenship; the extent to which tendencies to violence around these claims are rooted in processes of exclusion and identity with deepening economic, social and political
inequalities; pathways to dialogue and the political space within which both political violence and
ways forward emerge; and the links between social cohesion, identity politics and pathways out of political
The study cautions against the tendency to identify particular identity groups with extremist or
Abstract: This report updates the topic of Iran’s Growing Relations with Latin America [page 5]. Over the past several years, U.S. officials and other observers have expressed concerns about
Iran’s increasing activities in Latin America, particularly under the government of President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. For example, in January 2009 congressional testimony, Secretary of
Defense Robert Gates maintained that he was concerned about the level of “subversive activity
that the Iranians are carrying on in a number of places in Latin America, particularly South
America and Central America.” There has been some contention, however, over the level and significance of Iran’s linkages with
the region. One view emphasizes that Iran’s relations with several Latin American leaders who
have employed strong anti-U.S. rhetoric and its past support for terrorist activities in the region
are reasons why its presence should be considered a potential destabilizing threat to the region.
Another school of thought emphasizes that Iran’s domestic politics and strategic orientation
toward the Middle East and Persian Gulf region will preclude the country from sustaining a focus
on Latin America. Adherents of this view assert that Iran’s promised aid and investment to Latin
America have not materialized. Some observers holding both of these views contend that while Iran’s activities in Latin America do not currently constitute a major threat to U.S. national
security, there is enough to be concerned about to keep a watchful eye on developments in case it
becomes a more serious threat. On October 27, 2009, the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on
the Western Hemisphere held a hearing on “Iran in the Western Hemisphere” that reflected these
range of views.
Abstract: As targets of grave violations of human rights and forced participation in violence, children are among those most affected by conflict. The physical, psychological, social and emotional impacts that conflict has on children have increasingly become a focus of international and national peacebuilding measures, truth commissions, and courts. Children and Transitional Justice: Truth-Telling, Accountability, and Reconciliation explores questions raised when children's issues -- and children themselves -- are prioritized in transitional justice processes. It analyzes practical experiences to determine how the range of international courts, truth commissions and traditional processes can be applied, both to improve accountability for crimes perpetrated against children and to protect the rights of children involved. The chapters of the book include: Chapter 1: Child Rights and Transitional Justice, by Saudamini Siegrist; Chapter 2: Basic Assumptions of Transitional Justice and Children, by Alison Smith; Chapter 3: International Criminal Justice and Child Protection, by Cécile Aptel; Chapter 4: Children and the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, by Piers Pigou; Chapter 5: Child Participation in the Sierra Leonean Truth and Reconciliation Commission, by Philip Cook and Cheryl Heykoop; Chapter 6: Children and the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission, by Theo Sowa; Chapter 7: Accountability and Reconciliation in Northern Uganda Accountability for Sexual and Gender-Based Crimes by the Lord’s Resistance Army, by Kristopher Carlson and Dyan Mazurana; The Potential and Limits of Mato Oput as a Tool for Reconciliation and Justice, Prudence Acirokop; Chapter 8: Disappeared Children, Genetic Tracing and Justice, by Michele Harvey-Blankenship and Rachel Shigekane; Chapter 9: Truth Commissions and National Curricula: The Case of Recordándonos in Peru, by Julia Paulson; and Chapter 10: Realizing Economic Justice for Children: The Role of Transitional Justice in Post-Conflict Societies, by Sharanjeet Parmar.
Abstract: The data in this report is derived from country submissions when possible,
and estimates when necessary. Estimates are extrapolated from each country’s
identified procurement, highest modern personnel totals, and strategic doctrine.
Except where noted, the military small arms and light weapons data
presented here is not official, comprehensive, or conclusive; it is for general
evaluation and comparison only. The complete methodology used here is described
in Chapter 2 of the Small Arms Survey 2006.
Small arms are state-owned handguns, submachine guns, rifles, shotguns,
and light and medium machine guns. Firearms are civilian-owned handguns,
submachine guns, rifles, and shotguns. Long at the forefront of international small arms issues, public debate and
activism in South America have largely focused on matters surrounding civilian
firearms, estimated here to total between 21.7 and 26.8 million. The reasons
for this civilian preoccupation are principally linked to chronic gun violence.
South America has 14 per cent of the global population, and roughly 3.5 to 4 per
cent of the world’s civilian firearms, but it suffers from roughly 40 per cent of
all homicides committed with firearms.
Military small arms are rarely part of public debate, largely because of a
strong culture of national security secrecy in South America. But military
small arms policy has attracted much closer scrutiny in recent years, especially
as military small arms and light weapons are diverted to criminals and
guerrillas, fuelling insurgencies and civil violence. This report focuses primarily
on issues surrounding surplus military small arms and light weapons in
the region. Law enforcement and civilian firearms inventories and issues are
recognized here as well, to ensure a balanced overall perspective.
The region’s military establishments do not have a strong record of identifying
or eliminating their surplus small arms, light weapons, or ammunition.
South America holds some of the world’s largest military small arms and
light weapons surpluses. Military inventories are not exceptionally large in
absolute terms, but they are a major element in global surplus problems. Among
the 12 independent countries of South America, there are an estimated 3.6
million military small arms as of 2007, 1.5 per cent of the global total. Of these,
approximately 1.3 million, more than one-third, are surplus.
Abstract: Since the September 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, U.S. attention to
terrorism in Latin America has intensified, with an increase in bilateral and regional cooperation.
In its April 2009 Country Reports on Terrorism, the State Department maintained that terrorism in
the region was primarily perpetrated by terrorist organizations in Colombia and by the remnants
of radical leftist Andean groups. Overall, however, the report maintained that the threat of a
transnational terrorist attack remained low for most countries in the hemisphere. Cuba has
remained on the State Department’s list of state sponsors of terrorism since 1982 pursuant to
Section 6(j) of the Export Administration Act, which triggers a number of economic sanctions.
Both Cuba and Venezuela are on the State Department’s annual list of countries determined to be
not cooperating fully with U.S. antiterrorism efforts pursuant to Section 40A of the Arms Export
Control Act. U.S. officials have expressed concerns over the past several years about Venezuela’s
lack of cooperation on antiterrorism efforts, its relations with Iran, and President Hugo Chávez’s
sympathetic statements for Colombian terrorist groups. The State Department terrorism report
noted, however, that President Chávez publicly changed course in June 2008 and called on the
FARC to unconditionally release all hostages, declaring that armed struggle is “out of place” in
modern Latin America.
In recent years, U.S. concerns have increased over activities of the radical Lebanon-based Islamic
group Hezbollah and the Sunni Muslim Palestinian group Hamas in the tri-border area of
Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay. The State Department terrorism report maintains that the United
States remains concerned that Hezbollah and Hamas sympathizers are raising funds among the
sizable Middle Eastern communities in the region, but stated that there was no corroborated
information that these or other Islamic extremist groups had an operational presence in the area.
Allegations have linked Hezbollah to two bombings in Argentina: the 1992 bombing of the Israeli
Embassy in Buenos Aires that killed 30 people and the 1994 bombing of the Argentine-Israeli
Mutual Association (AMIA) in Buenos Aires that killed 85 people. Concerns about Iran’s
increasing activities in Latin America center on the country’s ties to Hezbollah and the terrorist
attacks in Argentina.
Abstract: More effective planning and investment are needed in Peru
in order to meet the needs of the country’s long-term IDPs
and to foster sustainable economic development. Since the end of its internal conflict
in 2000, Peru has integrated
humanitarian statutes into
national law and, through regional
decentralisation, has tried to tackle
the pervasive levels of poverty that
sparked the Maoist insurgency in
1980. In spite of this progress, there
has to date been little concerted
effort made to assist those who
suffered most during the conflict and
who remain the most marginalised
– the long-term internally displaced.
Effective planning through the
reparations process can not only
restore justice but also have
tangible benefits that contribute
to the nation’s development. Over 600,000 people were displaced
within Peru during the 1980s and
1990s as a result of armed conflict
between the government, selfdefence
groups and insurgent
forces of the Shining Path and
the Tupac Amaru Resistance
Movement, while 69,000 people
were killed or disappeared. The
conflict emerged as a campaign for
greater land reform and broader
social and economic rights, in
response to one of the most unequal
systems of land distribution in
Latin America, extreme poverty
and social exclusion.
Abstract: The two main Peruvian rebel groups, both leftist, are the Maoist group Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) and the Cuban-inspired Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Amaru). Both organizations operated most forcefully in the 1980s and early 1990s, when Peru's government fought a costly war against both insurgencies, but disproportionately the Shining Path. The U.S. State Department identifies Shining Path as a terrorist organization, but Tupac Amaru hasn't been listed as such since 1999. Shining Path had a period of dormancy in the 1990s, but the organization has since resurged, along with the Peruvian cocaine trade. Analysts say the group is small in numbers, but it could gain support in rural areas that have been neglected by the Peruvian government.
Abstract: Case studies of four truth commissions organized in Africa and the Americas that are notably positive examples of how circumstances in each society helped shape the commissions' work. The cases reviewed include South Africa, Peru, Guatemala, and Greensboro, USA.
Abstract: This study focuses on the militants of the Partido Comunista del Perú – Sendero
Luminoso (PCP-SL). It argues that it is wrong to consider these as a homogenous
group who joined the PCP-SL for the same reasons and in the same way. Using the
testimonies of the prisoners accused of terrorism, it shows that the motivations of
Sendero Luminoso militants varied according to their profile and their position in the
organisation’s political hierarchy. Teachers and local officials, at the top of the party,
were strongly committed to the movement’s ideological rationale and to popular war
and still believe revolution is the only solution for social change. University students
were usually second-rank militants with a social conscience and ideological training,
and with a strong desire for belonging. Peasants and merchants constituted the
masses, who sympathised with the PCP-SL discourse and saw in it an opportunity to
change their situation.
The PCP-SL’s strategies of recruitment also varied according to the profile of
potential militants and the conditions it encountered. Within the universities,
ideological training and the building of clientelistic relationships were the most
effective mechanisms to attract militants. In the rural areas, the PCP-SL resorted to a
combination of strategies, including participation in community tasks and punishment
of those who threatened community order. The use of terror and coercion gradually
became a common strategy as resistance to the PCP-SL grew.
The paper is based on a review of 121 testimonies from prisoners and of the final
report of the country’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission. From these, it was
possible to reconstruct the profiles of the PCP-SL militants, to understand why they
joined the party, and to learn more about how they were involved with it.
Abstract: This factsheet presents the background, criminal charges and chronology of the ongoing trial of Alberto Fujimori, Peru's president from 1990-2000, on charges of kidnapping and murder. Prosecutors hold Fujimori responsible for the deaths of 25 people at the hands of the Colina Group death squad of military intelligence officers. A verdict in this case is due by the end of this year from a three-judge panel of Peru's Supreme Court.
Abstract: Although all countries, in theory report their authorized transfers - and
such information may even be available in certain public databases - the
task of providing an overview of SALW transfers, their parts and
munitions, is an arduous one. Nonetheless, despite the difficulties, we
have some extremely positive initiatives on a global scale, such as for
example, the Small Arms Survey, recognized as an important source of
information, especially on SALW production and transfers, as well as the
Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers (NISAT) which has a
database containing transfer records going back to 1962.Despite these
important initiatives, themselves when researchers, activists and policy
makers try to understand a regional market, such as Latin America and
the Caribbean, they encounter a dearth of information. With the intent of addressing this shortcoming, En La Mira has, since 2007, dedicated an
issue to transfers of SALWs, parts and ammunition in this region. Further, according to statistics from the United Nations Commodity Trade
Statistics Database (UN-Comtrade or Comtrade), USD 6.7 billion were
exported between 2004 and 2006, while USD 6.5 billion were imported.
Despite the fact that Latin America and the Caribbean represent 6% and
3%, respectively, of total transfers worldwide during this period, 42% of
firearms related homicide is committed in the region. This discrepancy
between the international transfer volume share and the levels of armsrelated
violence in Latin America and the Caribbean calls attention to
itself, above all because of the tragic and startling number of homicides.
Obviously, far from wishing to increase arms transfers in order to be more
in sync with homicide rates, we decided, a year ago, to study this issue
and periodically monitor its development based on our interest in
understanding the primary legal entry and exit routes of firearms and
ammunition. The result is a report - based on customs information as
stated by Latin American and Caribbean countries and their respective
partners - whose objective is to describe the movement of the SALW
imports and exports, as well as ammunition and parts, during the present
decade. Based on this data, we answer the following questions: who
exported and who imported? From whom? What? And when?
It is worth restating that the intent of this report is not to explain the
cause of arms imports and exports by Latin American countries. Beyond
merely providing information, we do indeed wish to awaken, by means of
the information presented here, the curiosity of other researches, activists
and government staff members such that they may continue to perform research in their countries regarding the transparency of this information,
on who is using the transferred SALW, and how.
The data used for this report came from the NISAT database, which
contains more than 800,000 entries for SALW transfers worldwide since
1962. The NISAT database gets its information from different sources,
COMTRADE among them. In this study we decided to restrict ourselves
to data from this latter source because, in theory, all countries report
transfers to the UN. This data is declared in accordance with the
Harmonized System (SH) merchandise classification system. The HS has
existed since 1988and, in 2007, was revised for the fourth time; previous
revisions were in 1992, 1996 and in 2002. Regarding the period analyzed,
we are looking at data up until 2006, since at the time the study closed
this was the most recent year available on NISAT.
Abstract: The 2007 Andean coca survey, released today by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), shows a marked increase in coca cultivation. The total area of land under coca cultivation in Bolivia, Colombia and Peru in 2007 was 181,600 hectares, a 16% increase over 2006, and the highest level since 2001 (although well below figures from the 1990s). The increase was driven by a 27% rise in Colombia (for a total of 99,000 hectares), and smaller increases of 5% and 4% respectively in Bolivia and Peru. Despite the increase in coca cultivation, production was stable. In 2007, global potential production of cocaine reached 994 metric tons (mt), practically unchanged from the 984 mt recorded for 2006, the survey Coca Cultivation in the Andean Region showed. Even with the significant increase in coca cultivation, cocaine production in Colombia (the world's biggest producer) remained almost unchanged in 2007 (at 600 mt). Lower yields are caused by exploitation of peripheral coca plots - smaller, more dispersed, in remote locations. "In the past few years, the Colombian government destroyed large-scale coca farming by means of massive aerial eradication, which unsettled armed groups and drug traffickers alike. In the future, with the FARC in disarray, it may become easier to control coca cultivation" , said Mr. Costa.
Abstract: Under what conditions do communities resort to violence as a means of holding elected authorities accountable? What is the role of rule of law and civic association in preventing or facilitating the use of violence? This paper addresses these questions theoretically by drawing on existing literature on rule of law, civil society, and contentious politics, and empirically through a careful examination of the case of Peru. Using data drawn from the monthly Social Conflict Reports issued by the Peruvian Ombudsman from 2004-2006, it conducts a multi-method analysis to identify both key causal effects and causal mechanisms. It finds that when rule of law is weak, civic associations facilitate the use of violence by allowing protestors to maintain a confrontational stance over longer periods of time and overcome collective action problems.
Abstract: Declassified U.S. documents posted today on the Web by the National Security Archive (www.nsarchive.org) show that the U.S. government had detailed knowledge of collaboration between the Peruvian, Bolivian and Argentine secret police forces to kidnap, torture and "permanently disappear" three militants in a Cold War rendition operation in Lima in June 1980—but took insufficient action to save the victims. The Archive's documents are part of a sweeping Italian investigation of Condor that has issued arrest warrants for 140 former top officials from seven South American countries and, in the words of today's New York Times, has "agitated political establishments up and down the continent." The documents address what has become known as "the case of the missing Montoneros," a covert operation by a death squad unit of Argentina's feared Battalion 601 to kidnap three members of a militant group living in Lima, Peru, on June 12, 1980, and render them through Bolivia back to Argentina. (A fourth member, previously captured, was brought to Lima to identify his colleagues and then disappeared with them.)
Abstract: U.S. attention to terrorism in Latin America intensified in the aftermath of the September 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, with an increase in bilateral and regional cooperation. In its April 2007 Country Reports on Terrorism, the State Department highlighted threats in Colombia, Peru, and the tri-border area of Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay. There were no known operational cells of Islamic terrorists in the hemisphere, but pockets of ideological supporters in the region lent financial, logistical, and moral support to terrorist groups in the Middle East. Cuba has remained on the State Department’s list of state sponsors of terrorism since 1982, which triggers a number of economic sanctions. In May 2007, for the second year in a row, the Department of State, pursuant to Arms Export Control Act, included Venezuela on the annual list of countries not cooperating on antiterrorism efforts. Congress fully funded the Administration’s FY2008 request for $8.1 million in Anti-Terrorism Assistance for Western Hemisphere countries in the Consolidated Appropriations Act for FY2008 (P.L. 110-161). In the first session of the 110th Congress, the House approved H.Con.Res. 188, which condemned the 1994 bombing of the Argentine-Israeli Mutual Association in Buenos Aires, and H.Res. 435, which expressed concern over the emerging national security implications of Iran’s efforts to expand its influence in Latin America, and
emphasized the importance of eliminating Hezbollah’s financial network in the triborder area. The Senate also approved S.Con.Res. 53, which condemned the hostagetaking of three U.S. citizens for over four years by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, while a similar resolution, H.Con.Res. 260, was introduced in the House.
Abstract: En ce 21e siècle, l’un des plus grands défis est de veiller à ce que le mouvement accru des investissements internationaux et de l’activité des grandes entreprises ne fasse pas obstacle à notre engagement envers les droits humains. Il ne s’agit pas là d’une question théorique. La complexité de la tâche de concilier les droits humains et les investissements devient apparente lorsqu’on songe à la privatisation de l’eau en Argentine, aux opérations minières aux Philippines, en République démocratique du Congo et au Pérou ou encore à l’usage des technologies de l’information en Chine.
Abstract: Between August and September 2007, Peruvian soldiers captured as many as 45 members of the Peruvian insurgent movement known as Sendero Luminoso, or Shining Path. In September, there were intelligence reports that there had been a summit of Shining Path leaders in the Peruvian region of HuÃ¡nuco. Later, in early October, Peruvian Admiral Jorge Montoya expressed his concern about the spreading of Shining Path's ideology within Peru's major universities. Events and declarations like Montoya's, in addition to continuous attacks by the militants against the country's security forces, seem to confirm that the Shining Path is reestablishing some influence.