March 7, 2011 Prism // Center for Complex Operations (National Defense University)
Germany has followed the comprehensive approach for the NATO International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) area of operations in Afghanistan, providing counterinsurgency support primarily for security, economic aid, and social development. The author, commander of the Bundeswehr Operations Command in Potsdam, Germany, provides a German perspective of lessons learned from the ISAF mission. To be effective, counterinsurgency requires comprehensive measures and adherence to fundamental guidelines advancing legitimacy and unity of effort, taking into account political factors, establishing rule of law, and isolating insurgents. NATO must strengthen its intelligence capacity, promote unity of effort, and prepare for a long-term commitment....
September 9, 2010 Prism // National Defense University
In December 2009, President Barack Obama revised the American strategy for Afghanistan. He announced an increase of 30,000 American troops for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). Concurrent with this increase, he also announced the planned withdrawal of U.S. Armed Forces beginning in 2011. In the 18-month period between the influx and drawdown, NATO must act collectively to counter the full range of threats against Alliance members from terrorist attacks and to build capacity for the Afghanistan government to self-govern effectively.
Americans anticipate relatively less of a combat contribution from Germany and other European Allies. Steven Erlanger described the American view of Europe as a partner that is "seen just now as not a problem for the [United States], but not much help either."1 In an address about NATO's strategic concept, Secretary of Defense Robert Gates expressed concern about what he perceived to be demilitarization by European powers in light of the collapse of Dutch government support and the public opposition to military deployments to Afghanistan in many European countries, even in the face of serious 21st-century threats.2 The refusal of Germany and other European Allies to accept a combat role as part of their NATO commitment is at the root of the clash between American and European leaders on Afghanistan policy....
October 7, 2009 Households in Conflict Network // Institute of Development Studies // University of Sussex
During World War II, more than half a million tons of bombs were dropped in aerial raids on
German cities, destroying about one-third of the total housing stock. This paper provides causal evidence
on long-term consequences of large-scale physical destruction on the educational attainment, health status
and labor market outcomes of German children. I combine a unique dataset on city-level destruction in
Germany caused by Allied Air Forces bombing during WWII with individual survey data from the
German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP). My identification strategy exploits the plausibly exogenous
city-by-cohort variation in the intensity of WWII destruction as a unique quasi-experiment. My findings
are as follows: First, these children had 0.4 fewer years of schooling on average in adulthood, with those
in the most hard-hit cities completing 1.2 fewer years. Second, these children were about one centimeter
shorter and had lower self-reported health satisfaction in adulthood. Third, their future labor market
earnings decreased by 6% on average due to exposure to wartime physical destruction. These results
survive using alternative samples and specifications, including controlling for migration. Moreover, a
control experiment using older cohorts who were not school-aged during WWII reveals no significant
city-specific cohort trends in schooling. An important channel for the effect of destruction on educational
attainment appears to be the destruction of schools and the absence of teachers, whereas malnutrition and
destruction of health facilities during WWII seems to be important for the estimated impact on health....
Over the past two decades, Western political leaders have scripted a new approach to
foreign policy, wherein far greater weight is given to ethical considerations and
protecting the rights and freedoms of extra-territorial citizens. Using the example of arms
exports to developing countries, the present paper exposes the organized hypocrisy
underlying countries’ self-declared ethical turn. We show that the major Western arms
supplying states – France, Germany, the UK and the US – have generally not exercised
export controls so as to discriminate against human rights abusing or autocratic countries
during the post-Cold War period. Rather, we uncover ongoing territorial egoism, in that
arms have been exported to countries which serve supplying states’ domestic economic
and security interests....
November 5, 2007 Stockholm International Peace Research Institute
The paper by Sebastian Merz (Germany) examines how the German military contribution to ISAF-the country's largest deployment abroad-is shaped in response to domestic and foreign policy agendas. The author argues that the circumstances on the ground require a change in Germany's approach and critically explores the prospects for expanding the mission.
The paper analyzes both achievements and shortcomings of the mission and the mismatch between the domestic political and public constraints on the deployment and the requirements on the ground. The author recommends to significantly increase Germany's commitment in the north of Afghanistan and further invest in the establishment and professionalization of Afghan authorities....
August 25, 2008 Center for International Peace Operations
Appropriate staffing is key to the effectiveness of peacekeeping and
peacebuilding operations. In addition to our Worldmap of Crisis Prevention
and Peace Operations, the following chart provides information on the
numbers of international military, police, and civilian personnel
deployed in the following missions as of August 2008: I. UN Peacekeeping Missions
II. UN Political and Peacebuilding Missions
III. EU-Missions (ESDP)
IV. NATO Missions
V. OSCE Missions
VI. African Regional Organizations (AU, CEEAC)
VII. Other Peacekeeping Missions
VIII. Total German Personnel
Due to the constant change of personnel in these missions and the
difficulty of receiving updated information for all missions, the accuracy of
the numbers cannot be guaranteed in each and every case. The chart will be
updated every three to four months....
June 20, 2008 Center for International Peace Operations
The subsequent chart provides information on the numbers of international military, police, and civilian personnel deployed in the following missions as of April 2008: I. UN Peacekeeping Missions; II. UN Political and Peacebuilding Missions; III. EU-Missions (ESDP); IV. NATO Missions; V. OSCE Missions; VI. African Regional Organizations (AU, CEMAC); VII. Other Peacekeeping Missions; VIII. Total German Personnel
Thousands of international troops remain in Afghanistan, but some members of this coalition are more willing than others. FP looks at whose militaries are pulling their weight—and who could do far more.
According to findings of the Oberlandesgericht Dxc3xbcsseldorf, Bosnian Serb Nikola Jorgic was the leader of a paramilitary group that took part in acts of terror against the Muslim population; the crimes were carried out with the backing of the Serb rulers and were designed to contribute to their policy of "ethnic cleansing".
Jorgic arrested Muslims and put them in prison camps where they were tortured; the Court also found that in June 1992, he took part in the execution of 22 inhabitants of Grabska (among them disabled and elderly people), who had gathered in the open in order to escape fighting. Three other Muslims had to carry the dead to a mass grave. A few days later, Jorgic ordered the expulsion of their village and the brutal ill-treatment of 40-50 inhabitants from Sevarlije; six of them were shot dead. The seventh victim, who was not fatally wounded, died later when he was burned together with the six bodies. In September 1992, Jorgic put a tin bucket on the head of a prisoner in the central prison of Doboj and hit it with such force that the victim died as a consequence of the blow....
Profile: Al-Ittihad al-Islami (AIAI) operative who also worked for al-Qaeda; Grew up in Germany and Sweden, a refugee from the Somali civil war. An imam in Sweden sponsored his trip for weapons training in Afghanistan in 1996; he returned to Somalia that year. He joined AIAI in 1997 to oppose Ethiopia; He met Abu Talha in early 2003, and on his orders cased Camp Lemonier, the U.S. military base in Djibouti in Fall 2003; He was one of 14 key al-Qaeda operatives and associates transferred from CIA custody to the U.S. military prison at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, in 2006....
September 11, 2008 Center for International Peace Operations
Map showing the regions of the world where there are currently active peacekeeping forces. The forces are named, and the total numbers of personnel serving are also given. Additionally, the map gives details on Germany's contributions to global peacekeeping forces.
On September 4, NATO's International Security Assistance Force conducted an airstrike on a fuel tank hijacked by the Taliban in northern Afghanistan. The attack killed dozens of people including civilians, according to NATO sources. However the German Minister of Defense, Franz Josef Jung, has stubbornly denied that the attack harmed civilians, insisting instead that "only Taliban were killed." Jung even verbally attacked NATO and EU statements on the topic, saying that "other countries should not interfere."
Because of this unjustifiable military strike German citizens, who have never forgotten the two world wars, have finally begun to realize that Germany is at war. A majority continues to demand the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, a demand that has only become amplified by the obvious fraud in the recent Afghan elections. According to a September 12 poll, 59% of the Germans were in favor of a withdrawal. Although Germans have rejected their government's rhetoric and policies toward Afghanistan the resistance is largely passive, with no massive uproar on the streets.
This latest attack has revealed the reality of Germany's involvement in Afghanistan. It is not a "stabilization effort" (as the speaker of the Minister of Defense called it on September 4). Nor is the German Bundeswehr providing "development aid." Germany is engaged in an authentic military action that has led to many civilian deaths....
A new WorldPublicOpinion.org poll of 17 nations finds that majorities in only nine of them believe that al Qaeda was behind the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the United States. In no country does a majority agree on another possible perpetrator, but in most countries significant minorities cite the US government itself and, in a few countries, Israel. These responses were given spontaneously to an open-ended question that did not offer response options. On average, 46 percent say that al Qaeda was behind the attacks while 15 percent say the US government, seven percent Israel, and seven percent some other perpetrator. One in four say they do not know. WPO_911_Sep08_graph.jpgGiven the extraordinary impact the 9/11 attacks have had on world affairs, it is remarkable that seven years later there is no international consensus about who was behind them," comments Steven Kull, director of WorldPublicOpinion.org....
July 11, 2007 Human Rights Watch // Human Rights Education Associates
Germany should immediately stop revoking the refugee status of Iraqi refugees and should reconsider the cases of more than 18,000 Iraqis who have been stripped of their refugee status, Human Rights Watch said today in a letter to German authorities.
The Working Group on Development and Peace (FriEnt) is an association of seven German governmental and non-governmental organisations, with the main objective to promote peace building in all areas of development cooperation. To this end, FriEnt's core activities include fostering joint learning, capacity building, advice and supporting networking and co-operation of its members.
The Eurocorps was created in 1992 as the concrete implementation of a political will that has developed since the 1950's. The Eurocorps comprises military contributions from its five framework nations: Belgium, France, Germany, Luxembourg and Spain. The Headquarters, in which soldiers from the member states and also from Austria, Canada, Finland, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Turkey and the United Kingdom participate, is located in Strasbourg, France. At the beginning of the third millennium it is now available as a Rapid Reaction Corps HQ for both the EU and NATO....
Transnistria, a sliver of land on the east bank of the river Nistru, broke away from the rest of Moldova in 1990. Although there was fighting after that, there have been no fatalities since 1992. This is not really a conflict: it is a stand-off which benefits the business interests of those who are close to ruling elites, and suits some external players.
Transnistria has little prospect of being recognised, even by Russia. Meanwhile Moldova has little hope of eventual EU membership while the Transnistrian problem remains. To escape this stalemate, Moldova and Transnistria need to find a solution. Moldova needs to show Transnistrians that a resolution will be good for them, just as the EU works with Russia to show that a solution does not harm Russia.
This study is timely in that it comes at a moment when Moldova is reaffirming its EU perspective, while elections in Transnistria may also presage some change. The problem of Transnistria is now on the borders of the EU: Transnistria is the EU's problem. A German-EU initiative in 2010 sought to address the Transnistrian issue at a strategic level, engaging the key external player, Russia.
This study brought together focus groups of ordinary people both in Transnistria and in the rest of Moldova. It is the first such study. The focus groups provide non-elite input, important when some in the elite have a personal interest in maintaining the status quo. The focus group perspectives have been reinforced by interviews with politicians and experts in Chisinau, Tiraspol and Berlin. The study is in three sections: a conflict analysis, an examination of the players, and themes from the focus groups. At the end, the report provides detailed policy and programme recommendations to the European Union.
The People’s Peacemaking Perspectives project is a joint initiative implemented by Conciliation Resources and Saferworld and financed under the European Commission’s Instrument for Stability. The project provides European Union institutions with analysis and recommendations based on the opinions and experiences of local people in a range of countries and regions affected by fragility and violent conflict....
April 27, 2011 International Peace Research Institute
The political transitions in Egypt and Tunisia have rekindled
the interest in how states and societies have moved from authoritarian
regimes to democracy after overthrowing old regimes.
This report responds to that interest by providing a factual
overview of transitions to democracy of nine European states
between 1974 and 1991.
The states covered fall into two geographical regions:
Southern Europe, and Central and Eastern Europe. The context
of transition in each of these regions was different. The transitions
in Southern Europe took place as mainly discrete events
with little influence of one country over another. In contrast,
there was a strong regional dynamic in Central and Eastern
Europe, where all transitions were influenced by Gorbachev’s
policies of perestroika and glasnost and the loosening of the
Soviet Union’s grip on its satellite states....
March 31, 2011 Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik // German Institute for International and Security Affairs
Under pressure from the rebellion, an international intervention, and comprehensive sanctions, Muammar al-Qaddafi’s regime is on the verge of collapse. As of late March 2011, regime forces are focused on retaining control of the north-western Libya, raising the prospect of protracted civil war and partition. Qaddafi’s demise is a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for Libya’s renewed stabilization. The post-Quaddafi state will essentially have to be built from scratch. However, political players will likely be more focused on the redistribution of wealth than on state building institutions. Scenarios for the post-Quaddafi era include a new deal among former regime elites that would lead to a renewed instability in the medium-term, or a more protracted, but ultimately more sustainable, state-building process. Hastening Qaddafi’s fall should be the main priority of Germany and other EU member states now. External actors should also support the Interim National Council as the nucleus of a post-Qaddafi government. However, they should refrain from playing an active role in the state-building process that will follow Qaddafi’s demise, as this would risk discrediting the process....
Damaged by shelling during the 1992 conflict, the Gura Bicului Bridge, which
spans the Dniestr river, was reconstructed in 2001 with money from the
European Union. The bridge—along the main highway between the Black Sea
and the Baltic coast—should facilitate trade and contacts between Moldova and
the break-away region of Transdniestria. But it has never been reopened: only
pedestrians and bicyclists are allowed to cross. It stands as a potent symbol of how
hard it has been, for the past twenty years, to bridge the two sides of the Dniestr....
February 24, 2011 International Peace Research Institute, Oslo
This handbook is intended to serve as a document that provides relevant information on issues that external actors who interact with diasporas in development and peacebuilding will encounter. It does not present simple replicable techniques, tools or instruments; rather, the authors aim to explain the underlying philosophy and aspects of process involved in facilitating participation of diasporas in development and peacebuilding (Pretty et al., 1995: ii). How to best apply these principles will vary from context to context. The document is based on experiences with various diaspora communities in the five European countries (Finland, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Norway), though many of the examples cited focus on the Somali diaspora and, more generally, on diasporas originating from Africa. A number of those experiences are described in detail in separate text boxes....