Searched the resource database for : All Results AND Regions=Rwanda
Haven't found what you are looking for? To further refine your search: Click on the 'advanced search' menu to filter by title, abstract, source, and/or publication date; to include or exclude multiple resource categories, regions or topics.
Abstract: State-building is currently considered to be an indispensable process in overcoming state fragility: a condition characterized by frequent armed conflicts as well as chronic poverty. In this process, both the capacity and the legitimacy of the state are supposed to be enhanced; such balanced development of capacity and legitimacy has also been demanded in security sector reform , which is regarded as being a crucial part of post-conflict state-building. To enhance legitimacy, the importance of democratic governance is stressed in both state-building and SSR post-conflict countries. In reality, however, the balanced enhancement of capacity and legitimacy has rarely been realized. In particular, legitimacy enhancement tends to stagnate in countries in which one of multiple warring parties takes a strong grip on state power. This paper tries to understand why such unbalanced development of state-building and SSR has been observed in post-conflict countries, through a case study of Rwanda. Analyses of two policy initiatives in the security sector – Gacaca transitional justice and disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration – indicate that although these programs achieved goals set by the government, their contribution to the normative objectives promoted by the international community was quite debatable. It can be understood that this is because the country has subordinated SSR to its state-building process. After the military victory of the former rebels, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, the ruling elite prioritized the establishment of political stability over the introduction of international norms such as democratic governance and the rule of law. SSR was implemented only to the extent that it contributed to, and did not threaten, Rwanda’s RPF-led state-building.
Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the historical relation between conflict and land tenure in Rwanda, a country that experienced a harsh civil war and genocide in the mid-1990s. The victory of the Tutsi-led rebel, Rwandan Patriotic Front - RPF - at that time triggered a massive return of refugees and a drastic change in land tenure policy. These were refugees who had fled the country at around the time of independence, in 1962, due to the political turmoil and persecution (the "social revolution") and who shared the background of the core RPF members. The social revolution had dismantled the existent Tutsi-led political order, compelling many Tutsi families to seek refuge outside their homeland. Under the post-independence rule of a Hutu-led government, the Tutsi refugees were not allowed to return and the lands they left behind were often arbitrarily distributed by local authorities among Hutu peasants. After victory in the mid-1990s civil war, the newly established RPF-led government ordered the current inhabitants of the lands to divide the properties in order to allocate portions to the Tutsi returnees. Different patterns of land holding and land division will be explained in the paper from data gathered through the authors' fieldworks in the southern and eastern parts of Rwanda. Although overt resistance to land division has not been observed to date, the land rights of the Tutsi returnees must be considered unstable because their legitimacy depends primarily on the strength and political stability of the RPF-led government. If the authority of RPF were to weaken, the land rights will be jeopardized. Throughout Rwandan history, in which political exclusion has often led to serious conflict, macro-level politics have repeatedly influenced land holding. Promotion of an inclusive democracy, therefore, is indispensable to escape the vicious circle between political instability and land rights.
Abstract: Politics, Religion and Power in the Great Lakes Region covers the political, religious and power relations in the contemporary Great Lakes States : Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Tanzania, Kenya and the Sudan. The work is important because of the nexus between these countries’ shared present and past - their political, socio-economic, cultural and historical aspirations. In terms of regional cooperation, they are the countries, save for the DRC and the Sudan, which form the current East African Community.
The book reflects on the complex dynamics and strategies of the ensuing power struggle, bringing forth a unique set of fascinating revelations of patterns of primitive capital accumulation, resistance, human rights violations and the political compromises between traditional enemies when confronted by a common (foreign) enemy. A critical analysis of the political distortion the region suffered brings to light the relevance of these divisive tools on the current trends in the African countries, drawing inferences from the African Great Lakes Region (GLR).
The study highlights how the conflicts were finally resolved to avert a serious war, thus bringing about new reforms. This history is instructive to the contemporary reader because of the frequent skirmishes caused by ethnic and religious differences, political and territorial conflicts as well as resource and leadership disputes in the GLR.
Abstract: This paper identifies the factors linked to cross-country differentials in growth performance in the aftermath of social conflict for 30 sub-Saharan African countries using panel data techniques. Our results show that changes in the terms of trade are the most important correlate of economic performance in post-conflict environments. This variable is typically associated with an increase in the marginal probability of positive economic performance by about 30 percent. Institutional quality emerges as the second most important factor. Foreign aid is shown to have very limited ability to explain differentials in growth performance, and other policy variables such as trade openness are not found to have a statistically significant effect. The results suggest that exogenous factors ("luck") are an important factor in post-conflict recovery. They also highlight the importance in post-conflict settings of policies to mitigate the macroeconomic impact of terms of trade volatility (including countercyclical macroeconomic policies and innovative financing instruments) and of policies to promote export diversification.
Abstract: Mass atrocities are organized crimes. Those who commit
genocide and crimes against humanity depend on third
parties for the goods and services—money, matériel,
political support, and a host of other resources—that
sustain large-scale violence against civilians. Third parties
have supplied military aircraft used by the Sudan Armed
Forces against civilians, refined gold and other minerals
coming out of eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo,
and ensured a steady flow of arms into Rwanda.
Governments seeking to prevent atrocities cannot afford a
narrow and uncoordinated focus on the perpetrators of
such violence. Rather, an effective strategy must include
identifying and pressuring third-party enablers—
individuals, commercial entities, and countries—in order to
interrupt the supply chains that fuel mass violence against
The first-ever Director of War Crimes, Atrocities, and
Civilian Protection on the National Security Staff recently
convened a meeting that appears to initiate an
interagency structure to coordinate atrocities-prevention
initiatives across the government. The Administration has
an opportunity in the newly initiated structure to activate all
of the U.S. government’s resources to institute an
atrocities-prevention policy that goes beyond responding
to individual crises. This structure should incorporate a
systematic approach to disrupting enablers and should
ensure that all possible tools are developed and used to
counter these complex crimes. The intelligence
community and the Department of the Treasury, along
with the Departments of State and Defense, are key to
successfully tackling third-party enablers of atrocities.
Abstract: This report provides an overview of the CSIS study series examining the risks of instability in 10 African countries over the next decade. The 10 papers are designed to be complementary but can also be read individually as self-standing country studies. The overview draws on common themes and explains the methodology underpinning the research. The project was commissioned by the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM). The papers in this series are not meant to offer hard and fast predictions about the future. While they sketch out some potential scenarios for the next 10 years, these efforts should be treated as thought experiments that look at how different dynamics might converge to create the conditions for instability. The intention is not to single out countries believed to be at risk of impending disaster and make judgments about how they will collapse. Few, if any, of the countries in this series are at imminent risk of breakdown. All of them have coping mechanisms that militate against conflict, and discussions of potential “worst-case scenarios” have to be viewed with this qualification in mind.
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to study the short and long-term fertility effects of mass violent conflict on different population sub-groups. The authors pool three nationally representative demographic and health surveys from before and after the genocide in Rwanda, identifying conflict exposure of the survivors in multiple ways. The analysis finds a robust effect of genocide on fertility, with a strong replacement effect for lost children. Having lost siblings reduces fertility only in the short term. Most interesting is the continued importance of the institution of marriage in determining fertility and in reducing fertility for the large group of widows in Rwanda.
Abstract: The level of women’s participation in armed violence in Africa is determined by the nature and
typology of conflict. Using prior research as a data source, the article examines the nature of
women’s participation in on-going and recently-concluded armed conflicts in 15 countries in Africa.
Based upon data that show variations, and similarities in the contextual conditions under which
women become war participants, this article presents three kinds of wars, and the conditions that
distinguish them from one another, as a theoretical framework in analysing women’s involvement in
Africa’s armed conflicts. The findings show that in ‘resources/opportunistic’ driven wars, women’s
participation is higher and more complex when compared to ‘ethno-religious’ and
‘secessionist/autonomy’ driven wars. Moreover, this paper finds that women’s participation can be
active and passive; coerced and voluntary.
Abstract: The Examples from the Ground are concrete illustrations of ways in which a gender perspective has been integrated in different security sector institutions around the world. They range from measures to counter human trafficking in Kosovo, to women’s organisations’ involvement with security institutions in Nepal, to female parliamentarians’ contribution to post-conflict reconstruction in Rwanda. These examples can help policymakers, trainers and educators better understand and demonstrate the linkages between gender and SSR.
The examples are organised around the following nine themes, for which a short introduction is provided:
• Police Reform and Gender
• Defence Reform and Gender
• Justice Reform and Gender
• Penal Reform and Gender
• Border Management and Gender
• Parliamentary Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• National Security Policy-Making and Gender
• Civil Society Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• SSR Assessment, Monitoring and Evaluation and Gender
Individual examples can also be downloaded individually, in English or in French, at: http://gssrtraining.ch/index.php?option=com_content&view;=article&id;=4&Itemid;=131〈=en
Abstract: In October 2008, the forces of the National Congress for the Defense of the Congolese People
(CNDP), under the command of General Laurent Nkunda, launched a major offensive against the
Democratic Republic of Congo Armed Forces (FARDC) in eastern Congo. Within days, the
CNDP captured a number of small towns and Congolese forces retreated in large numbers.
Eastern Congo has been in a state of chaos for over a decade. The first rebellion to oust the late
President Mobutu Sese Seko began in the city of Goma in the mid-1990s. The second rebellion in
the late 1990s began also in eastern Congo. The root causes of the current crisis are the presence
of over a dozen militia and extremist groups, both foreign and Congolese, in eastern Congo, and
the failure to fully implement peace agreements signed by the parties. Over the past 14 years, the
former Rwandese armed forces and the Interhamwe militia have been given a safe haven in
eastern Congo and have carried out many attacks inside Rwanda and against Congolese civilians.
A Ugandan rebel group, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), is also in Congo, despite an
agreement reached between the LRA and the government of Uganda.
The crisis in eastern Congo has
displaced an estimated 2.1 million Congolese, according to United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees (UNHCR). Other regions of Congo have also been affected by sporadic violence.
In late 2008, the governments of Rwanda and Congo agreed on a wide range of issues. The two
governments agreed to launch a joint military offensive against the National Congress for the
Defense of the Congolese People (CNDP) and the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of
Rwanda (FDLR). They also agreed to restore full diplomatic relations and to activate economic
cooperation. In January 2009, Rwanda and Congo launched the joint military operation in eastern
Congo. In late February Rwandese forces pulled out of Congo as part of an agreement reached
The United States has been actively engaged in facilitating the Tripartite Plus talks among the
four key players in the Great Lakes region: Rwanda, DRC, Burundi, and Uganda.
Abstract: The author examines the city as a site in which the provision of public goods and services for citizens is demanded and provided through the transfer of central state revenues. The relationship between state and citizens is not conceived simply in the relatively passive and limiting terms of welfare delivery, but rather within the broader arena of social rights, understood as a core component of substantive citizenship – an important characteristic of developmental states. The focus of the paper is derived from the recognition that social rights, notably access to land and housing, are of particular importance in cities. Conflicts over the appropriate use of land are more likely to arise in urban areas, and the high value of land combined with its potential to contribute to economic development mean that the state almost inevitably becomes involved in these conflicts. This paper's examination of the spatial aspects of social rights in urban areas gives rise to a discussion of the 'right to the city', and how the denial of this right can create increased tension and destabilisation in the cities of fragile states. The author outlines the theoretical basis for the paper with an examination of social rights and substantive citizenship, illustrated through the case of a housing movement of the urban poor in São Paulo, Brazil. The paper then develops the discussion of the link between social rights and state stability through a reading of a selection of CSRC case studies of cities in fragile states.
Abstract: This report assesses the courts’ achievements and outlines a number of serious shortcomings in their work, including corruption and procedural irregularities. The report also examines the government’s decision to transfer genocide-related rape cases to the gacaca courts and to exclude from their jurisdiction crimes committed by soldiers of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), the country’s ruling party since the genocide ended in July 1994.
Abstract: Militia, freedom fighters, rebels, terrorists,
paramilitaries, revolutionaries, guerrillas, gangs,
quasi-state bodies... and many other labels. In this
issue of FMR we look at all of these, at actors defined
as being armed and being ‘non-state’ – that is to say,
without the full responsibilities and obligations of the
state. Some of these actors have ideological or political
aims; some aspire to hold territory and overthrow a
government; some could be called organised groups,
and for others that would stretch the reality. Their
objectives vary but all are in armed conflict with the
state and/or with each other. Such actors, deliberately or
otherwise, regularly cause the displacement of people.
This issue of FMR
focuses more on the consequences of their violence and
its effects on people, and suggests ways in which these
might be mitigated. The articles included here reflect the
views of civil society groups and individuals in regular
contact with non-state armed groups, of academics and
governments, and of organisations that have years of
experience in engaging – creatively and productively –
with non-state armed groups.
This issue also includes a range of articles discussing
subjects as varied as the labelling of migrants, solar
energy in camps, gang persecution, and scoring states’
performance in respect of the rights of refugees.
Abstract: A distinct and practical agenda for atrocity prevention has proven difficult to articulate. Concrete policy development has been frustrated in part by the complex relationship between mass atrocities and armed conflict. A strong empirical correlation leads some to assume a direct causal link and conclude that reinforcing existing efforts to prevent armed conflict remains the most effective approach to genocide and mass atrocity prevention.
Yet, not all conflicts give rise to mass atrocities, and many atrocities occur in the absence of armed struggle. In cases such as Bosnia, Rwanda, and Sudan, international efforts to secure peace settlements distracted attention from, and ultimately enabled, ongoing and imminent atrocities.
In a new policy analysis brief from the Stanley Foundation, Alex Bellamy considers the dynamics of the relationship between conflict and atrocity prevention. He stresses that, while conflict prevention is central to preventing mass atrocities, effective atrocity prevention demands something more—tailored engagement targeting both peacetime atrocities and those committed within a context of armed conflict.
What is required, he argues, is an “atrocity prevention lens” to inform and, where appropriate, direct policy development and decision making across the full spectrum of prevention-related activities. With the focus this lens provides, governments and international organizations can implement effective operational approaches to address the complex challenges of atrocity prevention.
Abstract: Much of the violent conflict in Burundi, Rwanda and the Kivu provinces of Congo
over the past fifty years has been because of discrimination—and political, social and
economic exclusion. In the worst cases the extreme intolerance of people of a different
ethnic identity has taken the form of massacres and genocide.
When this happens, people are being excluded or killed not for what rights or wrongs
they have done—nor for what they believe, or even for what they have—but for their
identity: for what they are, how they identify themselves and are identified by others.
A few years ago, a respected research institute in the Great Lakes region organised a
small regional conference in Bujumbura on the subject of the “identités meurtrières”
— the “deadly identities” —that characterise the region. A year or so later, a small
group of distinguished analysts from different academic disciplines began to meet
periodically to share understandings and perspectives from the three core countries of
the region. Two years ago, they decided to carry out some initial research on
“Rumours, myths, prejudice and stereotypes in the Great Lakes region”.
This is the first RAN report. It brings together the findings of that initial research carried
out in Burundi, Rwanda and South Kivu. The authors are expert academics in the fields
of social anthropology, political science and law. The research has begun to look at some
of the social forces and processes that create and perpetuate discrimination and exclusion.
Abstract: The slow progress of a joint MONUC and FARDC operation
against the FDLR in the second quarter of 2009
and continuing human rights abuses have increased
the urgency with which the international community
is seeking means to end the conflict in Eastern
DRC. Most significant is suggested legislation by the
US Senate to place a due diligence requirement on
electronics companies that source tin and other metals
from Eastern DRC. This proposition has in turn,
prompted suggestions from the UN, pressure groups
and industry groups as to what such a scheme might
look like. This follow-up paper takes a holistic view
of the regional trade in minerals from Eastern DRC
and constructively critiques the various engagement
strategies that pressure groups, the UN and other
stakeholders have recently proposed. It also makes
its own suggestions for trade reform and urges policy
makers to set the correct priorities when engaging
with the mineral sector.
We believe that the primary reason why there is insecurity
in Eastern Congo is because the Congolese
state is unable to control the monopoly of violence
and protect its citizens. This has translated into the
presence of a number of armed groups who act with
impunity, high levels of violence, including sexual violence,
and the militarisation of the economy, including
the mineral trade. In this context, military control
of the trade in minerals is another symptom of general
insecurity in Eastern DRC, rather than the principal
cause of insecurity or sexual violence as some mistakenly
stipulate. The non-militarised trade in minerals
in the Kasais, southern Katanga, Bandundu and
large swaths of Maniema, Ituri and Equateur underlines
This is not to suggest that a link between the minerals
trade and conflict dynamics do not exist, but
rather to emphasise that intervening in the trade in
minerals is not enough to solve the insecurity crisis.
Instead, policy makers should focus on consolidating
the security sector in order to impact positively on
conflict dynamics, while at the same time support
governance reform, which is essential to both guarantee
the sustainability of these positive impacts and
to provide a platform on which to build a successful
Abstract: This report was written by Nicholas Garrett and Harrison
Mitchell, Co-Directors of the London and Cambridge-based
research, investigations and consultancy firm Resource Consulting
Services Limited (RCS). The United Kingdom’s Department
for International Development (DFID) commissioned
the report under the Trading for Peace project. The
report is based on field research carried out in the DR Congo,
Rwanda, Uganda, and Tanzania between November 2008
and January 2009, commissioned by The London School
of Economics and Political Sciences’ Crisis States Research
Centre (CSRC) and the Conflict Research Group of Ghent
University. It has been complemented by follow-up desk
research in February and March 2009.
This report expands on DFID, USAID and COMESA’s Trading
for Peace research project carried out in 2006/2007,
whose aim was to “enhance the sustainable and equitable
use of the DR Congo’s natural resources in the interests of
poverty reduction in DRCongo and stability in the region,
through building a robust evidence base for policy”.
This report provides a number of concrete entry points for
policy makers to engage constructively with the trade in minerals
from Eastern DR Congo with a view to formalise the
trade. The entry points were developed of a wide evidence
base and thorough multi-stakeholder consultation.
Abstract: Between April and July of 1994, 800-850 thousand people were slaughtered in
Rwanda, the vast majority of them members of the minority
Tutsi ethnic grouping. The evident intent to wipe out the Tutsi as a people renders
this a clear case of genocide. The genocide occurred despite the existence of a
peace and power sharing agreement (the Arusha Accords) to which all parties to
the conflict had ostensibly subscribed.
This paper addresses the failings of the Arusha peace and power sharing process,
and makes three core arguments. The first argument is that the Arusha process
was more a part of the problem than it was part of any putative solution because it
heightened tensions within élite circles (whose monopoly of state power was
seriously challenged), and provided a channel through which aspirant élites could
pursue their dangerous goals.
However, even more fundamentally, the Arusha process, rooted as it was in power
sharing modalities between various élite and aspirant élite actors, failed to tackle
the most pressing problems of Rwandan society: chronic and worsening poverty;
entrenched and intensifying inequality; the treatment of the poor with contempt; a
pervasive sense of impunity in the context of egregious human rights abuses; and
the oppressive presence of the state in all aspects of social life.
This disastrous cocktail—creating what Uvin calls a situation of "structural
violence" laid the basis for mass participation in the genocide of 1994. The concluding section of the paper examines post-genocide Rwanda and how the
legacy of the Arusha Accords has, amongst other devices, been used to legitimise
new forms of repression at the same time as the abuse and violence inflicted upon
ordinary Rwandans (and their neighbours) has continued. Again, and this is the
third core argument of the paper, a seemingly reasonable political agreement to share power is being co-opted for a very different purpose—to legitimate the
inequitable and oppressive power of a new ruling élite.
Abstract: Civilians in countries ravaged by armed conflict continue to bear the brunt of ongoing hostilities, and both governments and international peacekeeping operations are too often failing to prevent atrocities. Efforts made by peacekeeping missions in conflict-affected regions, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo and southern Sudan, show that it is possible to do more, even within existing constraints. But much more needs to be done. While there is no substitute for political will, peacekeeping missions can save lives by engaging more effectively with the communities they are trying to protect.
Abstract: The United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) has reviewed its past support to transitional justice
processes in a select group of countries to assess the effectiveness of programming and draw lessons for the
development of a more coordinated, coherent and systematic approach. The objective is to design and support
strategies for the integration of a women’s human rights perspective into various transitional justice mechanisms;
including truth commissions, criminal prosecutions, traditional/local justice and reconciliation mechanisms, institutional
reform and reparations. The three country studies in this review—the
Republic of Sierra Leone, the Republic of Rwanda,
and the Republic of Peru—were selected
because each presents a unique opportunity
to extract lessons and best practice with regard
to securing gender justice in the wake of
armed conflict. The goal of the review exercise is
to inform the institutional response by all actors
engaged in justice and reconstruction efforts in
Each country study is structured
to include information on: the position of women
prior to the main political conflict; the situation
of women in the post-conflict period, which illustrates
the impact of the conflict and need for
redress; the key transitional justice mechanisms
employed and their effectiveness in addressing
women’s experiences of violations during the
conflict; UNIFEM programming in the country;
and recommendations for future programming.
The focus is primarily on women’s experiences
of sexual gender-based violence (SGBV) during
armed conflict and ways women have been
able to access justice for these crimes, whether
through prosecutions in the formal justice system,
accountability through truth commissions,
or reparative justice.
While access to justice for sexual violence crimes
is not the whole picture and will not deliver the
transformative reforms necessary to redress
the inequality, gendered norms and power differentials
that lead to and exacerbate women’s
vulnerability in conflict, it is an important component
of broader gender justice goals.
Abstract: For the past 60 years, the United Nations has been keeping foes apart in strife-torn parts
of the world, and rebuilding countries and communities afterwards. In the UN’s peace
operations in Africa, India has been an active partner since its peacekeeping mission in the
Congo in 1960. In this paper, all references to ‘the Congo’ denote the Democratic Republic
of Congo (formerly Zaire), and not the Republic of Congo (or Congo–Brazzaville).
This paper explores India’s peacekeeping efforts in Africa over the last five decades.
It analyses the reasons for India’s engagement in African peace missions, and finds that
different motives and incentives appear to be driving India’s peacekeeping. Some of these
can be explained along Cold War fault lines.
A chronological account of India’s peacekeeping actions in Africa illustrates that country’s
commitment to securing peace, the depth of involvement, the fatalities bravely borne and
the hardships endured. Even more important, the record shows that India continues to use
the experience that has been gained to refine its approach to peacekeeping.
In conclusion, the paper offers a forecast of what form India’s commitments to Africa’s
peacekeeping requirements are likely to take in the future. India may well develop criteria
that require a greater return on investment than has been the case over the last halfcentury.
A more tempered approach — particularly in view of India’s global aspirations
— seems likely.
Abstract: This brief presents the progress to date in developing
a typology of wartime rape as a first step toward
understanding the different consequences of this form
of violence in war. This publication focuses solely on
wartime rape perpetrated by armed groups against
civilians, though this form of violence is perpetrated
more widely by, and against, different actors during
war. The wider perpetration of rape against other
actors is not presented in this brief, but is nevertheless
included in the Typology. The Typology is a product of
two phases of research: a) an initial phase (November
2008–May 2009) where a preliminary typology was
created based on an examination of two country
cases of wartime rape: Bosnia and Herzegovina,
and El Salvador; and b) a second phase (September
2009–May 2010) where the typology was refined
according to data collected from a review of the
literature on ten additional country cases of wartime
rape (Cambodia, Colombia, Democratic Republic
of the Congo, Liberia, Nepal, Papua New Guinea/
Bougainville, Peru, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Timor Leste).
The Typology was designed on the basis of a definition
of wartime, which includes a myriad of war dynamics
that surround and influence the perpetration of
rape, and which can be organized into the following
type of conflict in which wartime rape occurs;
characteristics of the armed group;
motivations for the rape;
characteristics of the rapist;
characteristics of the raped person; and
characteristics of the rape.
Abstract: In the wake of the discovery of three mass graves in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in late 2005, the United Nations first announced its intention to send a human rights team to conduct a mapping exercise in DRC in a June 2006 report to the Security Council. The mapping exercise began in July 2008. Between October 2008 and May 2009, a total of 33 staff worked on the project in the DRC (including Congolese and international human rights experts). Of these, some 20 human rights officers were deployed across the country, operating out of five field offices, to gather documents and information from witnesses to meet the three objectives defined in the terms of reference. The report was submitted to the High Commissioner for Human Rights in June 2009 for review, comments and finalisation.
The mapping team's 550-page report contains descriptions of 617 alleged violent incidents occurring in the DRC between March 1993 and June 2003. Each of these incidents points to the possible commission of gross violations of human rights and/or international humanitarian law. Each of the incidents listed is backed up by at least two independent sources identified in the report. As serious as they may be, uncorroborated incidents claimed by one single source are not included. Over 1,500 documents relating to human rights violations committed during this period were gathered and analysed with a view to establishing an initial chronology by region of the main violent incidents reported. Only incidents meeting a 'gravity threshold' set out in the methodology were considered. Field mapping teams met with over 1,280 witnesses to corroborate or invalidate the violations listed in the chronology. Information was also collected on previously undocumented crimes.
Abstract: Le Secrétaire général, dans son rapport du 13 juin 2006 au Conseil de sécurité sur
la situation en RDC, a exprimé son intention d’« envoyer une équipe de spécialistes des
droits de l’homme en République démocratique du Congo pour y dresser l’inventaire des
violations graves qui y ont été commises entre 1993 et 2003 ». Le rapport du Projet Mapping comprend une description de plus de 600 incidents
violents survenus sur le territoire de la RDC entre mars 1993 et juin 2003. Chacun de ces
incidents suggère la possibilité que de graves violations des droits de l’homme ou du
droit international humanitaire aient été commises. Chacun des incidents répertoriés
s’appuie sur au moins deux sources indépendantes identifiées dans le rapport. Un incident
non corroboré – s’appuyant sur une seule source - aussi grave soit-il, ne fait pas partie du
présent rapport. Plus de 1 500 documents relatifs aux violations des droits de l’homme
commises durant cette période ont été rassemblés et analysés en vue d’établir une
première chronologie par province des principaux incidents violents rapportés. Seuls les
incidents dont le niveau de gravité était suffisamment élevé selon l’échelle de gravité
développée dans la méthodologie ont été retenus. Par la suite, les Équipes Mapping sur le
terrain ont rencontré plus de 1 280 témoins en vue de corroborer ou d’infirmer les
violations répertoriées dans la chronologie. Au cours de ces entretiens, des informations
ont également été recueillies sur des crimes jamais documentés auparavant.
Abstract: Rwanda’s laws on “genocide ideology” and “sectarianism”, more commonly known
as “divisionism”, were introduced in the decade following the 1994 Rwandan
genocide. Up to 800,000 Rwandans were killed during the 1994 genocide, most of
them ethnic Tutsi, but also some Hutu who opposed this organized killing and the
forces that directed it. Aware of the role that hate speech1 and the infamous hate
radio Radio Télévision Libre des Milles Collines (RTLM) played in inciting genocidal
participation,2 the post-genocide government led by the Rwandan Patriotic Front
(RPF) enacted laws to encourage unity and restrict speech that could promote
Following six years of extensive reforms to the conventional justice system, the
Rwandan government announced a review of the “genocide ideology” law in April
2010. Amnesty International welcomes this government initiative. This report
identifies Amnesty International’s concerns about the current legislation and its
application in light of the Rwandan government’s review process. This report is based on numerous interviews conducted by Amnesty International
staff in Rwanda in September and November 2009 and March 2010. They
conducted interviews in Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, as well as in the provinces.
Interviews were in English, French or Kinyarwanda with French translation. Some
individuals were interviewed on more than one occasion. This report is not intended to be a comprehensive overview of all “genocide
ideology” and “sectarianism” cases, convictions and acquittals. Instead, our
research documents problematic trends in how these laws have been applied.