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Abstract: Politics, Religion and Power in the Great Lakes Region covers the political, religious and power relations in the contemporary Great Lakes States : Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Tanzania, Kenya and the Sudan. The work is important because of the nexus between these countries’ shared present and past - their political, socio-economic, cultural and historical aspirations. In terms of regional cooperation, they are the countries, save for the DRC and the Sudan, which form the current East African Community.
The book reflects on the complex dynamics and strategies of the ensuing power struggle, bringing forth a unique set of fascinating revelations of patterns of primitive capital accumulation, resistance, human rights violations and the political compromises between traditional enemies when confronted by a common (foreign) enemy. A critical analysis of the political distortion the region suffered brings to light the relevance of these divisive tools on the current trends in the African countries, drawing inferences from the African Great Lakes Region (GLR).
The study highlights how the conflicts were finally resolved to avert a serious war, thus bringing about new reforms. This history is instructive to the contemporary reader because of the frequent skirmishes caused by ethnic and religious differences, political and territorial conflicts as well as resource and leadership disputes in the GLR.
Abstract: What role do women play in statebuilding? How do statebuilding processes affect women's participation? Support for statebuilding has become the dominant model for international engagement in post-conflict contexts, yet donor approaches lack substantial gender analysis and are missing opportunities to promote gender equality. This paper presents findings from a research project on the impact of post-conflict statebuilding on women's citizenship. It argues that gender inequalities are linked to the underlying political settlement, and that donors must therefore address gender as a fundamentally political issue.
Abstract: This paper identifies the factors linked to cross-country differentials in growth performance in the aftermath of social conflict for 30 sub-Saharan African countries using panel data techniques. Our results show that changes in the terms of trade are the most important correlate of economic performance in post-conflict environments. This variable is typically associated with an increase in the marginal probability of positive economic performance by about 30 percent. Institutional quality emerges as the second most important factor. Foreign aid is shown to have very limited ability to explain differentials in growth performance, and other policy variables such as trade openness are not found to have a statistically significant effect. The results suggest that exogenous factors ("luck") are an important factor in post-conflict recovery. They also highlight the importance in post-conflict settings of policies to mitigate the macroeconomic impact of terms of trade volatility (including countercyclical macroeconomic policies and innovative financing instruments) and of policies to promote export diversification.
Abstract: The paper investigates the effect of child malnutrition on the risk of mortality in
Burundi, a very poor country heavily affected by civil war. We use anthropometric data from
a longitudinal survey - 1998-2007. We find that undernourished children, as measured by the
height-for-age z-scores - HAZ - in 1998 had a higher probability to die during subsequent
years. In order to address the problem of omitted variables correlated with both nutritional
status and the risk of mortality, we use the length of exposure to civil war prior to 1998 as a
source of exogenous variation in a child’s nutritional status. Children exposed to civil war in
their area of residence have worse nutritional status. The paper finds that one year of exposure
translates into a 0.15 decrease in the HAZ, resulting in a 10 percent increase in the probability to die
for the whole sample as well as a 0.34 decrease in HAZ per year of exposure for boys only,
resulting in 25 percent increase in the probability to die. We show the robustness of our results.
Food and income transfer programs during civil war should be put in place to avoid the longterm
effects of malnutrition.
Abstract: While the world’s attention often gravitates to the latest emergency situation, we are acutely aware that
most of the world’s internally displaced persons (IDPs) live in protracted displacement. Displacement
drags on, sometimes for years or decades, because of continuing conflict, because peace processes are
stalled, or because political settlements fail to provide the necessary security and support for the displaced to find solutions.
The 2nd Expert Seminar on Protracted Internal Displacement was held in Geneva from 19-20 January 2011 on the theme of “IDPs in protracted displacement: Is local integration a solution?” Around 100 participants discussed challenges and possibilities of local integration in diverse protracted displacement situations over the course of the two days.
This publication includes the six case studies commissioned for the seminar as well as an introductory essay which
explores the common themes emerging from the studies on protracted displacement and local integration. By focusing on the possibilities and challenges of local integration in protracted displacement, we hope that these
six case studies lead to better understanding—and to concrete actions—which will bring an end to internal displacement
which has gone on for far too long in these six countries and in many others.
Abstract: The big-picture issues at the crossroads of peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding were taken up by the Security Council in September 2010, under the presidency of Turkey. Leading up to that discussion, Turkey held numerous bilateral consultations, and, with the support of IPI, organized an expert meeting on these issues in New York in May 2010 and an informal retreat in Istanbul for members of the Council in June 2010.
This publication is intended to document some of that process, and includes the Statement by the President of the Security Council, the outcome summary of the June retreat, and the set of papers that were presented there. Three of these papers draw lessons from the UN’s experiences in different areas of the world (Afghanistan, the Balkans, and the Great Lakes region of Africa), and one paper analyzes cross-cutting themes.
Table of Contents:
Introduction, Francesco Mancini
Security Council Istanbul Retreat: At The Crossroads of Peacemaking, Peacekeeping, and Peacebuilding
Adam C. Smith and Vanessa Wyeth, Rapporteurs
Peacemaking In Afghanistan: A Role For The United Nations?
The Security Council And Peacekeeping In The Balkans, 1992-2010
Richard Gowan and Daniel Korski
The Great Lakes of Africa (Burundi, The Drc, And The LRA-Affected Areas)
Composite Paper on Cross-Cutting Themes
International Peace Institute
Statement by the President of the Security Council
Abstract: Most of the world’s 27.5 million internally displaced people
(IDPs) live in protracted displacement. These are
situations where the process for finding durable solutions
is stalled, and/or where IDPs are marginalised
as a consequence of violations or a lack of protection
of their human rights, including economic, social and
cultural rights.1 Solutions are absent or have failed and
IDPs remain disadvantaged and unable to fully enjoy
The seminar brought together about 100 participants
from around the world, from a range of backgrounds
and organisations. They included representatives of
governments and civil society organisations in countries
with protracted internal displacement, international
humanitarian and development organisations (including
UN agencies) donors, research organisations, academics
and other experts. The Chatham House Rule was in
effect during the meeting to allow participants to speak
The seminar focused on the experiences of six countries
with protracted internal displacement – Burundi,
Colombia, Georgia, Serbia, southern Sudan and Uganda.
For each country field research was commissioned and
the resulting case studies were distributed before the
seminar. Other background materials circulated to participants
included an overview of local integration of
IDPs in protracted displacement and reference materials
relating to durable solutions.
Abstract: The level of women’s participation in armed violence in Africa is determined by the nature and
typology of conflict. Using prior research as a data source, the article examines the nature of
women’s participation in on-going and recently-concluded armed conflicts in 15 countries in Africa.
Based upon data that show variations, and similarities in the contextual conditions under which
women become war participants, this article presents three kinds of wars, and the conditions that
distinguish them from one another, as a theoretical framework in analysing women’s involvement in
Africa’s armed conflicts. The findings show that in ‘resources/opportunistic’ driven wars, women’s
participation is higher and more complex when compared to ‘ethno-religious’ and
‘secessionist/autonomy’ driven wars. Moreover, this paper finds that women’s participation can be
active and passive; coerced and voluntary.
Abstract: It is a small country, no larger than the state of Maryland, with a population numbering just
over 8 million.
The dimensions of the human tragedy that has played itself out in Burundi since the country’s
independence in 1960, however, are anything but diminutive: an estimated 400,000 killed,
some 800,000 forced to flee the country, and many tens of thousands internally displaced. The
human catastrophe that is Burundi is dwarfed in Africa only by its neighbor, Rwanda, which
in 1994 saw close to 1 million of its population systematically murdered.
This report examines the efforts that regional states and other international actors undertook
to end the Burundian cycle of violence. Their efforts were significant for a simple reason:
the ramifications of the conflict extended far beyond Burundi. Indeed, the conflict between
Tutsi and Hutu in Burundi, as in Rwanda, is at the heart of Central African regional instability,
producing massive refugee flows, insurgencies, and cross-border violence.
The Burundi conflict therefore cannot be fully understood, much less resolved, without
reference to the wider region. The Tutsi-Hutu schism within Burundi and the war within the
Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)—which involved as many as seven national armies,
two rebel groups, and a host of foreign armed groups based within Congolese territory—were
interlinked. Not only did the belligerent parties operate across borders, but a very large number
of regional states were also interested parties in both conflicts. Moreover, events in Rwanda
directly affect Burundian political dynamics and the DRC, just as Burundian developments
affect the perspectives and actions of both Rwandans and the Congolese.
The Burundi conflict is significant for a second reason as well: the use of an innovative
long-term leadership training initiative in collaborative decision-making, one that targets key
leaders in all sectors and is designed to build the foundations for a more sustainable peace and
to enable a country to effectively tackle the multiple challenges of postconflict reconstruction.
The lessons gleaned fro
Abstract: This report reviews the challenges facing returning refugees
and internally displaced persons after protracted conflict,
questioning the common wisdom that the solution to
displacement is, in almost all cases, to bring those uprooted
to their places of origin, regardless of changes in the political,
economic, psychological, and physical landscapes. While
affirming the right to return, the report underscores insecurity,
lack of economic opportunities, and poor services generally
available in areas of recent conflict where people are expected
to rebuild their lives, documenting cases of seriously flawed
return efforts. Greater flexibility in determining the best
solutions to displacement and more investment in
alternative forms of reintegration for those who
have been displaced is needed.
Abstract: Lake Chad is shrinking. Once Africa’s third-largest
inland water body, it could shrink severely in the coming two decades due to overuse,
mismanagement and climate change. Nigerian fishermen have followed the receding
lake into Chad and Cameroon, coming into conflict with local populations in the
lands around the lake, where unresolved disputes have led to violence. There has also
been a movement of some people in search of employment to Maiduguri, the capital
of Nigeria’s north-eastern Borno State. The fates of many Africans are
inextricably linked to the state of the environment, the availability of natural resources
and the sustainable management of those resources. Factors such as population
growth, human movements, current and progressive land scarcity, rising levels of
global consumption, climate change and political and social instability all directly and
indirectly impact on the natural environment and, thereby, on livelihoods. In turn,
the allocation and management of increasingly scarce resources often contribute to
conflict in Africa. The competition for and control over resources – in particular,
minerals – can also drive conflict.
This report emanates from an exploratory study conducted in 2009 by the African
Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD), in collaboration
with the Madariaga College of Europe Foundation. With a focus on Burundi, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Sudan, the study solicited views
and perspectives on the role that natural resources and the environment can play in
complex conflict situations.
Abstract: The phenomenon of the use of child soldiers, particularly in violent conflicts in the developing world, is widely recognized as a problem deserving serious world attention. Indeed, given the number of gala events and international conferences held to discuss the issue and the elaborate structure of international agreements to halt the recruitment of children already in place, one might think that the problems should all have been solved some years ago. They have not.
This paper is grounded on the belief that the child soldier problematique might benefit from a more detached analysis than it usually receives. While the authors share the emotional horror at conditions faced by many helpless children forced into violent conflict by unscrupulous adults, we also think that it is not useful to try to separate the problem from its political, security, economic or social contexts. Contemporary dialogue seldom goes deeper beneath the surface of the problem to look at underlying issues associated with basic assumptions about the nature of states or the ways in which political power can be harnessed or challenged by non-state actors. Fundamental notions about the relationships between obligations, agency and human rights under conditions of conflict need also to be considered as part of any serious attempt to intervene on behalf of children. Children are part of larger contexts and thus the attempt to carve out a protected space for them must take into account the social, economic and political factors affecting the communities in which they live.
This study will devote a good deal of effort to the discussion of what we feel are core concepts of the child soldier context: governance and Agency. We use the term ‘governance’ in the neutral sense relating to the capacity of polities5 to govern themselves. The term ‘Agency’, when capitalized, we associate strictly with the notion of collective action. We hope the discussion of the relationship between these concepts will both clarify the ways in which we use the terms and illustrate the difficulties of trying to apply abstract notions of human rights to contexts characterized by political and moral complexity.
Abstract: Much of the violent conflict in Burundi, Rwanda and the Kivu provinces of Congo
over the past fifty years has been because of discrimination—and political, social and
economic exclusion. In the worst cases the extreme intolerance of people of a different
ethnic identity has taken the form of massacres and genocide.
When this happens, people are being excluded or killed not for what rights or wrongs
they have done—nor for what they believe, or even for what they have—but for their
identity: for what they are, how they identify themselves and are identified by others.
A few years ago, a respected research institute in the Great Lakes region organised a
small regional conference in Bujumbura on the subject of the “identités meurtrières”
— the “deadly identities” —that characterise the region. A year or so later, a small
group of distinguished analysts from different academic disciplines began to meet
periodically to share understandings and perspectives from the three core countries of
the region. Two years ago, they decided to carry out some initial research on
“Rumours, myths, prejudice and stereotypes in the Great Lakes region”.
This is the first RAN report. It brings together the findings of that initial research carried
out in Burundi, Rwanda and South Kivu. The authors are expert academics in the fields
of social anthropology, political science and law. The research has begun to look at some
of the social forces and processes that create and perpetuate discrimination and exclusion.
Abstract: The slow progress of a joint MONUC and FARDC operation
against the FDLR in the second quarter of 2009
and continuing human rights abuses have increased
the urgency with which the international community
is seeking means to end the conflict in Eastern
DRC. Most significant is suggested legislation by the
US Senate to place a due diligence requirement on
electronics companies that source tin and other metals
from Eastern DRC. This proposition has in turn,
prompted suggestions from the UN, pressure groups
and industry groups as to what such a scheme might
look like. This follow-up paper takes a holistic view
of the regional trade in minerals from Eastern DRC
and constructively critiques the various engagement
strategies that pressure groups, the UN and other
stakeholders have recently proposed. It also makes
its own suggestions for trade reform and urges policy
makers to set the correct priorities when engaging
with the mineral sector.
We believe that the primary reason why there is insecurity
in Eastern Congo is because the Congolese
state is unable to control the monopoly of violence
and protect its citizens. This has translated into the
presence of a number of armed groups who act with
impunity, high levels of violence, including sexual violence,
and the militarisation of the economy, including
the mineral trade. In this context, military control
of the trade in minerals is another symptom of general
insecurity in Eastern DRC, rather than the principal
cause of insecurity or sexual violence as some mistakenly
stipulate. The non-militarised trade in minerals
in the Kasais, southern Katanga, Bandundu and
large swaths of Maniema, Ituri and Equateur underlines
This is not to suggest that a link between the minerals
trade and conflict dynamics do not exist, but
rather to emphasise that intervening in the trade in
minerals is not enough to solve the insecurity crisis.
Instead, policy makers should focus on consolidating
the security sector in order to impact positively on
conflict dynamics, while at the same time support
governance reform, which is essential to both guarantee
the sustainability of these positive impacts and
to provide a platform on which to build a successful
Abstract: This report covers the period from January
2008 until June 2010, and attempts to distill the
information Geneva Call and its numerous local
partners have collected on humanitarian mine
action in areas where the organization works,
specifically in locations where armed NSAs that
have signed the Deed of Commitment operate.
As such, the reader will find information on
landmine issues in parts of the world that do not
often get much attention.
Cognizant also of the fact that each of Geneva
Call’s signatories to the Deed of Commitment
was once a non-signatory, it is useful to examine
examples of armed NSAs Geneva Call currently
engages and whose position concerning AP
mines is evolving.
In each of the cases presented below,
NSAs, though not yet willing to commit to
the mine ban, are actively involved in humanitarian
mine action in some form, at times
independently, at others with the assistance
of international mine action agencies.
Abstract: The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1902
(2009), by which the Council extended the mandate of the United Nations Integrated
Office in Burundi (BINUB). The report provides an update on major
developments in Burundi since the issuance of my last report (S/2009/611) on
30 November 2009, and outlines proposals on the mandate and structure of the
post-BINUB presence. The period under review was characterized by significant progress in the
country’s move away from a violent past towards a future of peace, stability and
Abstract: Burundi is emerging from a long civil war which claimed the lives of hundreds
of thousands of people. One of the consequences of the war has been
the proliferation of small arms and light weapons among the civilian population,
on a hitherto unprecedented scale. The government, civil society, and
Burundi’s partners are aware of this problem and believe that lasting peace
will not be restored while these arms remain in the hands of civilians.
The study is based on a
number of different methodological tools, including a survey of 3,000
households in six provinces, and an analysis of statistics from the UN, the
Ligue Iteka, and MSF-Belgium (medical statistics from its Minor Injuries
Centre (the Centre des Blessés Légers, or CBL). Further information was
drawn from a two-day workshop in which ex-combatants affiliated to seven
former armed groups took part.
Results of the study
This study has made it possible to assess more accurately the problems associated
with the possession and use of firearms in Burundi.
Abstract: Nine actual or potential conflict situations around the world deteriorated and one improved in November 2010, according to the latest issue of the International Crisis Group’s monthly bulletin CrisisWatch released today.
Tensions surged on the Korean peninsula as two South Korean civilians and two marines were killed when North Korea fired dozens of artillery shells at Yeonpyeong Island, where South Korea was conducting military drills. Haiti ’s late month presidential elections ended in confusion, as several opposition candidates called for the vote to be annulled amid reports of fraud, and thousands of people took to the streets in protest. International observers from the OAS called the vote valid despite “serious irregularities”, but tensions remain high. Ivory Coast saw deadly pre-election clashes on the streets of the capital Abidjan between rival supporters of the two presidential candidates, incumbent Laurent Gbagbo and former Prime Minister Alassane Ouattara. The tightly contested 28 November run-off and delays in announcing the preliminary results has led to heightened tensions between the two camps and fears of further violence.
In Guinea, preliminary results declaring opposition leader Alpha Condé winner of the 7 November second round presidential election sparked three days of violence resulting in at least four deaths and dozens injured. CrisisWatch also noted deteriorated situations in Burundi, Central African Republic, Madagascar, Egypt and Western Sahara.
In Niger, the situation improved as results from the 31 October referendum showed 90 per cent of voters in favour of the new constitution, paving the way for January 2011 elections and a return to civilian rule.
Once again this month CrisisWatch describes violence against civilians in North and South Kivu provinces in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Abstract: Burundi is cracking down on civil society, media, and opposition parties in the wake of troubled local and national elections from May through September 2010, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today.
The 69-page report, "Closing Doors?: The Narrowing of Democratic Space in Burundi," documents abuses including torture, arbitrary arrests, banning of opposition activities, and harassment of civil society groups. Human Rights Watch called on the government to end the abuses and to strengthen institutional mechanisms to promote accountability by government officials and security forces.
"With the elections over, Burundi has a perfect opportunity to reach out to its critics and to work with them to build a more inclusive, rights-respecting state," said Rona Peligal, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "But instead we are seeing arrests of journalists and opposition party members, and harassment of civil society, crushing hopes that this could be a new beginning for Burundi."
The report is based on more than 100 interviews with journalists, civil society activists, opposition party members, government officials, diplomats, and election monitors. It documents the Burundian authorities' increasing efforts to silence dissenting voices before, during, and since the elections.
Abstract: Since the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and
Security in October 2000, there has been growing international recognition of women’s role in
conflict resolution and peacebuilding. However, while implementation of Resolution 1325 is taking
root at the international strategic and policy levels, worldwide experience shows that there remain
significant barriers to the full integration of a gender perspective in peace and post‐conflict processes
at the country level. For instance, women’s participation in peace negotiations continues to be
limited, and women remain underrepresented at all levels of decision‐making during the crucial postconflict
Based on case studies of two countries that recently emerged from armed internal conflict − Burundi
and Nepal − this report examines one fundamental aspect of Resolution 1325: the provisions to
increase women’s participation in post‐conflict decision‐making. While Burundi and Nepal display
many differences, the two countries present interesting similarities in terms of achievements and
challenges in relation to involving women in decision‐making following the end of armed conflict. For
example, women in both countries have traditionally been barred from access to public and political
life, and during the Burundian and Nepali peace processes no woman took part in the formal
negotiations in either country.
This marginalization notwithstanding, Burundi and Nepal stand out in their efforts to advance
women’s involvement in national politics following the end of armed conflict. Introduction of
mechanisms for affirmative action prior to the first post‐conflict elections in each of the two
countries led women to obtain close to one‐third of the seats in their respective legislatures. Women
in civil society have also been heralded for their mobilization and efforts throughout the peace and
post‐conflict process in both countries, and women’s organizations have been an important driving
force behind women’s engagement in political life and the promotion of provisions stipulated in
These positive achievements, however, should not blind us to the many remaining challenges that
impede women’s effective participation in decision‐making in Burundi and Nepal. Even though
women’s representation in political institutions has substantially increased, entrenched patriarchal
norms, gender inequality and discriminatory practices continue to limit the ability of women to
participate in and influence political decision‐making in both countries.
This independent evaluation was conducted in October and November 2009 by a team of one international lead consultant and two Burundian consultants. Over a period of 5 weeks in Burundi, the team visited each PBF project in at least two provinces, conducted over 240 interviews and focus groups with a sample of all relevant stakeholders, and conducted extensive document review. While this is not an impact evaluation due to the very short period of time allocated in the Terms of Reference, the evaluators were able to gather sufficient data to assess outcomes for each project, judge the likelihood that each project achieved its overall goal and objectives, recommend ways to sustain project results, and consolidate the lessons learned and corresponding recommendations from Burundi's pioneering experience with the PBF.
This evaluation is based on the core understanding from the peacebuilding literature that peacebuilding is largely experimental. Peacebuilding aims to promote individual, organizational, institutional, and cultural change in a context where this change has not been previously attempted or, if attempted, has been unsuccessful. It tries to achieve this type of change in a highly complex and dynamic environment, where the players and their positions are in continuous flux. Consequently, peacebuilding best practice states that all peacebuilding programs should regularly investigate and monitor whether their programmatic assumptions hold true in this dynamic context. It thus becomes particularly important to emphasize programmatic monitoring and adaptation for peacebuilding success. Furthermore, because the ultimate goal of peacebuilding is sustainable change at the national level, its contribution depends on the willingness of national actors to buy–into and to sustain the proposed change. Partnership, national capacity building, and ownership are therefore likely to be critical for peacebuilding success. These characteristics set peacebuilding apart from standard humanitarian and development programming, and have implications for the capacity and systems of organizations implementing peacebuilding programs, including those funded by the PBF.
Abstract: In 2008, the High Commissioner for Refugees (HC) launched a Special Initiative on
Protracted Refugee Situations (PRS) to promote durable solutions and improvements in
the life of these refugees. The HC’s initiative focused on five situations in different parts
of the world, four of which have been selected for evaluation: the Croatian refugees in
Serbia; the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh; the Eritrean refugees in Eastern Sudan; and
the Burundian refugees in Tanzania. The four evaluations aim to assess how effectively
UNHCR has exercised its mandate and the catalytic role performed in engaging other
players in seeking durable solutions, as well as the progress UNHCR has made in improving
the quality of life for the refugees. The evaluations also aim to identify examples
of good practice, innovative approaches and lessons learned.
In addition to the stated aims above, the Evaluation of the Tanzania PRS assesses: i) the
relevance and appropriateness of the strategies to refugees themselves, to host communities,
and to national and local governments; ii) the effectiveness of the strategies pursued
for Burundian refugees in Tanzania as well as the role of UNHCR in supporting these;
iii) UNHCR engagement through the UN Delivering as One (DaO) reform process to
which Tanzania is a pilot country; and finally iv) links between short-term humanitarian
activities and the medium- and longer-term development activities.
The Evaluation is a joint effort of the Danish Government (the Evaluation Department
in Danida) and UNHCR (the Policy Department and Evaluation Service). The Evaluation
was conducted between May and October 2010 with fieldwork carried out in Tanzania
between 4th and 17th June 2010.
The report starts with a descriptive account of the operational context and an analysis of
the comprehensive solutions strategy, TANCOSS, and its three pillars. This is followed
by an assessment of the role of UNHCR and the role of the High Commissioner’s Special
Initiative on PRS in the planning and implementation of the strategy. The analyses
are then assessed against selected key OECD/DAC evaluation criteria followed by some
lessons to be learned from the Tanzanian PRS.
Abstract: The report starts with a background on conflict in Burundi and the DDR programmes undertaken
there. Subsequently, ex-combatants’ motivations for mobilization are explored as well as the relations
between the different actors involved in the DDR process in Burundi. Compared to many other
countries in which DDR programmes are taking place, in Burundi, economic motivations appeared to
be relatively less important in combatants’ decisions to stop fighting. Relations between the
Burundian government and the international community (especially the World Bank) have been
problematic, leading to frustrations on both sides and delays in funding of the DDR programme, and
consequently delayed payments of DDR benefits to ex-combatants. After discussing the experiences with DDR in Burundi, the report focuses on local security. DDR is
expected to have significant consequences for local security. At the same time, improved security at
the local level is a key prerequisite for successful DDR. Both ex-combatants and other community
members interviewed considered security to be a very broad concept, ranging from the absence of
theft and violence to security within the family and the ability to work and eat. While security has
improved in comparison to the violent past, insecurity remains common.
Abstract: Peacebuilding and statebuilding are reinforcing processes that support the building of effective, legitimate, accountable and
responsive states. These overlapping but distinct processes are essential elements for guiding national and international
efforts in addressing state fragility and promoting peace and stability in situations of conflict and fragility.
The Synthesis Report was prepared to inform discussions at the first meeting of the International Dialogue on Peacebuilding
and Statebuilding on 9-10 April 2010 in Dili, Timor-Leste. “The Dialogue” is an ongoing discussion process that engages
representatives of national and regional governments, bilateral and multilateral development partners and civil society in
an open and frank conversation about improving peacebuilding and statebuilding efforts in fragile and conflict-affected
situations. This report identifies seven peacebuilding and statebuilding priorities as stepping stones to reach the Millennium
Development Goals in conflict-affected and fragile states. The report also identifies bottlenecks and emerging good practices,
drawing on findings of seven multi-stakeholder consultations that were carried out as part of the Dialogue in Burundi,
Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Conto, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Southern Sudan, and Timor-Leste.
Abstract: The interconnections between conflict and HIV/AIDS are more complex and less obvious than is often thought. HIV/AIDS affects the lives of many: those people caught up in conflict, those who are the protagonists in conflicts, and those whose role it is to provide security during and after conflict.
The AIDS, Security and Conflict Initiative (ASCI) undertook research over a number of years to examine the connections, to gather evidence and to advance analysis (see Related Document URL 1). This 32-page special FMR supplement presents a selection of the ASCI case-studies alongside a number of other articles on the subject – written by practitioners, policymakers and researchers – which were submitted in response to an FMR call for articles.