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Abstract: What role do women play in statebuilding? How do statebuilding processes affect women's participation? Support for statebuilding has become the dominant model for international engagement in post-conflict contexts, yet donor approaches lack substantial gender analysis and are missing opportunities to promote gender equality. This paper presents findings from a research project on the impact of post-conflict statebuilding on women's citizenship. It argues that gender inequalities are linked to the underlying political settlement, and that donors must therefore address gender as a fundamentally political issue.
Abstract: The big-picture issues at the crossroads of peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding were taken up by the Security Council in September 2010, under the presidency of Turkey. Leading up to that discussion, Turkey held numerous bilateral consultations, and, with the support of IPI, organized an expert meeting on these issues in New York in May 2010 and an informal retreat in Istanbul for members of the Council in June 2010.
This publication is intended to document some of that process, and includes the Statement by the President of the Security Council, the outcome summary of the June retreat, and the set of papers that were presented there. Three of these papers draw lessons from the UN’s experiences in different areas of the world (Afghanistan, the Balkans, and the Great Lakes region of Africa), and one paper analyzes cross-cutting themes.
Table of Contents:
Introduction, Francesco Mancini
Security Council Istanbul Retreat: At The Crossroads of Peacemaking, Peacekeeping, and Peacebuilding
Adam C. Smith and Vanessa Wyeth, Rapporteurs
Peacemaking In Afghanistan: A Role For The United Nations?
The Security Council And Peacekeeping In The Balkans, 1992-2010
Richard Gowan and Daniel Korski
The Great Lakes of Africa (Burundi, The Drc, And The LRA-Affected Areas)
Composite Paper on Cross-Cutting Themes
International Peace Institute
Statement by the President of the Security Council
Abstract: The Examples from the Ground are concrete illustrations of ways in which a gender perspective has been integrated in different security sector institutions around the world. They range from measures to counter human trafficking in Kosovo, to women’s organisations’ involvement with security institutions in Nepal, to female parliamentarians’ contribution to post-conflict reconstruction in Rwanda. These examples can help policymakers, trainers and educators better understand and demonstrate the linkages between gender and SSR.
The examples are organised around the following nine themes, for which a short introduction is provided:
• Police Reform and Gender
• Defence Reform and Gender
• Justice Reform and Gender
• Penal Reform and Gender
• Border Management and Gender
• Parliamentary Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• National Security Policy-Making and Gender
• Civil Society Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• SSR Assessment, Monitoring and Evaluation and Gender
Individual examples can also be downloaded individually, in English or in French, at: http://gssrtraining.ch/index.php?option=com_content&view;=article&id;=4&Itemid;=131〈=en
Abstract: The popular uprisings that swept the Arab world in early 2011 have been compared by some commentators to the fall of the Berlin Wall. In an exhilarating push for democratic change, long-term rulers have been ousted and others challenged seriously for the first time. But despite what has been achieved, many voices from the region have urged caution: even in those countries which have seen the greatest changes, the internal security apparatus and other structures of repression have remained largely intact and the struggle for real constitutional reform continues. The ability of a state to undergo political change without violence is widely considered a hallmark of a mature democracy (although the record shows that democracies, even very old ones, are hardly immune from violent conflict). Which combination of circumstances, then, makes the onset of mass killing more likely and which conditions lower the risk of a state, even an autocratic one, descending to bloody violence? It is to help answer such questions that Minority Rights Group International has developed the Peoples under Threat index. Since 2005 Peoples under Threat has pioneered the use of statistical analysis to identify situations around the world where communities are most at risk of mass killing. On numerous occasions since the index was first developed, countries that have risen sharply up the table have later proved to be the scene of mass human rights violations.
Abstract: The nationalist euphoria that greeted Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008 has given way to acute international concern over the character of this new Balkan state. Alleged corruption, abuses of power, murky ties between politicians and business, authoritarian reactions to the media and the continuing existence of inter-ethnic tensions in the flashpoint of north Mitrovica point to serious weaknesses in the country’s capacity for responsible and accountable governance. Recent reports of senior politicians’ involvement in wartime atrocities have only served to deepen the gloom. But this portrait of the country obscures other crucial developments. This report highlights the fundamental obstacles in the way of reform as well as the signs of change in the attitudes of Kosovo’s citizenry towards malfunctioning institutions, exemplified in the elections of December 2010. It concludes by offering some recommendations for donors that would strengthen mechanisms for domestic accountability in Kosovo on the basis of a realistic assessment of the way power is handled and distributed.
Abstract: This policy brief offers eight targeted policy recommendations for combating the convergence of terrorism, crime, and politics. Rather than simply warning about the potential for interaction and synergy among terrorist, criminal, and political actors, this policy brief aims to explore possibilities for exploiting their divergences. In particular, it emphasizes the need to grapple with the economic, political, and combat power that some terrorist groups enjoy through their involvement in crime and conflict.
Abstract: On December 12, 2010, Kosovo held its first general election since declaring independence from Serbia in 2008. The elections were a test of Kosovo's democratic institutions - unfortunately, they are unlikely to be remembered as a resounding success.
Contemporary politics in Kosovo has largely been shaped by the 1999 war and the Albanian struggle for independence. Such deeply traumatic and difficult times inevitably affect the development of 'normal' politics and functioning democratic institutions - this is unlikely to change in this generation. For the Serbs, living through this period has resulted in a politics of fear and isolation, whilst for Albanians the focus on independence has displaced all other political concerns. Now that statehood has been achieved, Kosovo's politicians must play catch up - the people of Kosovo need progress, transparency and democracy.
Abstract: This report has been drawn up in the wake of the revelations that appeared in the memoirs of the former Chief Prosecutor of the ICTY. Shocked by those disclosures, the Parliamentary Assembly entrusted us with the task of looking more closely into the allegations and the human rights violations said to have been committed in Kosovo in the material period. The elements reported in the former Prosecutor's book primarily concerned the alleged trafficking of human organs. Our difficult, sensitive investigations enabled us not only to substantiate those elements, but also to shed light on further, related allegations and to draw a very sombre, worrying picture of what took place, and is to some extent continuing to take place, in Kosovo.
Abstract: While the international community can take satisfaction from the peaceful process that has produced
an independent Kosovo recognized by 70 sovereign states, there are important steps that must be taken before we can be comfortable that Kosovo will not again destabilize the Western Balkans, and that the region’s integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions can be completed. Kosovo lacks United Nations membership, yet the U.N. finds itself stuck with a mission there. Meanwhile, Serbia is dissatisfied and the Russians are displeased. It will not be easy to complete the process in a way that resolves these remaining issues, but it is time to make a start.
A small group of experienced American Balkans hands met in October at the United States Institute of Peace in Washington, D.C. to discuss the situation and the way forward. This Peace Brief summarizes salient points from their discussion.
Abstract: The West Balkan region consists of Albania and the former states of Yugoslavia (Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia/ FYROM, Montenegro, Serbia, and Kosovo). Since the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords in 1995 and the NATO air campaign against Yugoslavia in 1999, the countries of the Western Balkans have faced a new challenge of promoting human security. Human security was first defined by former Special Advisor to the United Nations Development Program Administrator, Dr. Mahbub ul Haq, as encompassing seven basic needs: economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, personal security, community security, and political security. Under the rubric of human security, this paper assesses the challenges of displacement, discrimination, poverty, health standards, and environmental protection.
The effects of the wars of the 1990s still linger in the Western Balkans, especially in the areas of statelessness, displaced persons, and returnees.
Abstract: This report documents the serious human rights problems faced by those who left Kosovo for Western Europe but were subsequently sent back. They experience problems getting identity documents as well as regaining possession of any property they own. They also have difficulties accessing housing, health care, employment, and social welfare services. Many end up in places where they are separated from family members. The deportations are especially hard on children, few of whom stay in school due to the lack of language skills, curriculum differences, and poverty.
Abstract: Over the last decade, the international community
has been working toward a new and broader concept
of security, drawing input from a number of
governments, non-governmental organizations and
civil society groups as well as scholars and other
prominent individuals. This new concept—known
as human security—calls on states to ensure the
survival, livelihood and dignity of their inhabitants.
At the same time, it encourages e≠orts to equip
people to act more e≠ectively on their own behalf. Following the report by the Commission on Human Security, Human Security Now, this booklet seeks to show practical applications of human security and give the concept a human face. Between March-June 2006, in preparation for this publication, the Human Security Unit, a freelance journalist and a team of photographers visited dozens of project sites, conducting hundreds of interviews with local staff and beneficiaries. From these many compelling initiatives, nine stories were selected that reflect the range of issues, regions and institutions involved in human security work around the globe. Human security represents a fundamentally new
way of thinking about a range of contemporary
challenges—from hunger, poverty and failing
schools to armed conflict, forced migration and
human tra≤cking. Because these issues are closely
intertwined, human security emphasizes the need
for multi-sectoral responses and collaboration
among all stakeholders. Moreover, it aims to bridge
the gaps between security, humanitarian assistance,
human rights and development aid.
Abstract: The first decade of the twenty-first century has seen increasing interest in the related issues of conflict prevention and peacebuilding. The death toll and associated costs of major military campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan, and lengthy conflicts or insurgencies in many other states and regions – including Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, Sri Lanka, India, Israel-Palestine, the Caucasus, Central Asia and parts of South America – have highlighted the need for a more strategic approach to preventing conflict. Research suggesting that as many as 40 per cent of states fall back into conflict within 10 years of violence ending also indicates that a great deal more needs to be done to ensure that temporary cessations of hostility are transformed into sustainable peace settlements.
Despite the obvious benefits of attempting to defuse potential conflicts before they emerge, policymakers have found it hard to sell the idea of putting time and money into addressing latent hostilities that may never become violent. This is partly because it is difficult to provide empirical evidence for the efficacy of these measures, and partly because examples of successful conflict prevention tend to be under-reported by governments and the media.
A different set of challenges present themselves when it comes to peacebuilding. Efforts to resolve conflict and rebuild societies that are capable of withstanding future shocks are often drawn-out processes that require sustained commitment from a range of actors who have overlapping – but sometimes competing – objectives. Without a clear consensus about the best way to support peace processes, external players may exacerbate conflicts rather than help to end them. These problems of strategy may also be compounded by straitened global financial circumstances, which have left many countries with fewer resources to spend on lengthy peacebuilding processes.
This briefing paper draws out some of the lessons learned about conflict prevention and peacebuilding through the work of ippr’s Commission on National Security in the 21st Century. It draws heavily on four published case study reports on conflict prevention and peacebuilding in Afghanistan, Kosovo, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia, as well as the findings presented in the Commission’s interim and final reports. The report seeks to identify those lessons that will be most relevant to governments and international organisations, and argues that in spite of the difficulties described above, there is still a compelling case for policymakers investing more political and financial capital in both conflict prevention and peacebuilding.
Abstract: This report from the United States Institute of Peace’s Center
of Innovation for Media, Conflict and Peacebuilding illustrates
the importance of local ownership in peacebuilding and
stabilization operations—not just in concept but in practice.
It does so by drawing on the author’s personal experiences
with post-conflict media reform over the past fifteen years
in countries ranging from 1990s Bosnia and Herzegovina to
present-day Afghanistan. It argues that the lack of practical
local ownership in Afghanistan is a considerable factor in
holding back progress there. The most effective stabilization and reconstruction programs are those in which local
professionals, civil society, and communities have participated and taken ownership. But
as experience has shown, local ownership cannot be taken for granted. The international
community must quickly establish effective partnerships with local actors in a project’s
Abstract: Refugees, whether persecuted as a result of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, are excluded (sometimes in a very deliberate manner) from the structures of political power in their country of origin. The search for solutions to refugee situations is thus in part a struggle of the politically excluded for political inclusion. This paper consists of five parts. In the first section, the nature and dynamics of political participation are considered. The importance of political activity in general to democratic ideals of government is examined, as is the specific importance of political participation – both symbolic and substantive – to displaced populations.
The second part of the paper looks briefly at UNHCR's past and present engagement with refugee politics. In the following section, the political and logistical challenges of refugee participation in country of origin elections are considered. The fourth section looks at other forms of peaceful political engagement, including emerging transnational political activities. These analyzes draw on material from a number of case studies, including but not limited to Eritrea (1993), Bosnia (1996), Liberia (1997 and 2002) Kosovo (1999), East Timor (1999), Afghanistan (2004, 2009), Iraqi (2005, 2010) and Southern Sudan (2010, 2011).
The fifth and final part of the paper offers a number of conclusions and recommendations on how UNHCR might further develop its role in relation to refugee participation in country of origin politics.
Abstract: This report analyses the origins, development and post-war transformation of the Kosovo Liberation Army from the specific perspective of its members, who made the transition from opposing an oppressive state regime to participating in the construction of a new, more democratic system. In particular, it looks at commonalities between the KLA and other resistance/liberation movements across the globe, while also reflecting on distinct historical traits which makes Kosovo’s transition to statehood quite unique and arguably unprecedented.
Abstract: Five actual or potential conflict situations around the world deteriorated and none improved in August 2010, according to the new issue of the International Crisis Group’s monthly bulletin CrisisWatch.
The situation in Somalia continued to deteriorate as al-Shabaab stepped up its attacks and fighting intensified in Mogadishu.
Kyrgyzstan’s provisional government was further weakened in August. The month began with an attempted coup and culminated with the mayor of the southern city of Osh – the epicenter of June’s pogroms – defying the President’s orders to resign.
In Kashmir, anti-Indian protests that began in June worsened in August with at least 40 demonstrators killed in clashes with the police, bringing the total death toll to over 60.
In Northern Ireland dissident Republicans launched a spate of bomb attacks throughout the month in an attempt to derail the peace process. Meanwhile, in Bahrain over 200 people, including high-level Shiite political leaders, have been reported arrested in a government crackdown ahead of October’s parliamentary elections, fueling almost daily clashes between security forces and Shiite opposition supporters.
CrisisWatch identifies a conflict resolution opportunity for Kosovo in September, as the EU makes intensive diplomatic efforts to produce a UN General Assembly resolution acceptable to both Serbia and Kosovo that could serve as a basis for a comprehensive settlement.
CrisisWatch also identifies a conflict resolution opportunity for Israel, as direct peace talks between Israel and Palestine – the first in almost two years – are due to restart in Washington on 2 September.
Abstract: Adopting a feminist perspective, this paper analyses the doctrine of humanitarian
intervention and its impact on women in recipient states, particularly with regard
to sexual violence. By analysing the phenomenon of post-conflict trafficking in
Kosovo following the NATO intervention, the author presents a challenge to the
‘feminist hawks’ who have called for military intervention in situations of systematic
sexual violence. It is the author’s contention that such intervention would be
counterproductive for women’s rights and thus constitute a disproportionate response
to sexual violence in terms of the international law governing the use of force.
Abstract: The purpose of this report is to review and assess how war crimes matters have been addressed in the criminal justice system in Kosovo during the past ten years, following the conflict of May 1998 - June 1999. Furthermore, it assesses the needs that still exist and recommends ways the system can more effectively adjudicate war crimes cases. This report covers the period from June 1999 to December 2009 in Kosovo. To date, several individuals have been tried, or are still on trial, in the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), for acts which arose, at least partially, from the armed conflict in Kosovo. There were approximately 1,187 acts of suspected war crimes arising from the conflict which UNMIK identified and handed over to EULEX, and an additional 50 cases which were handed over having been referred for indictment. The findings and concerns of this report can be summarized as follows: there has been a systemic failure to adjudicate war crimes cases. From the beginning, prioritizing war crimes cases has been frequently the focus of public discourse, but it has been a priority in name only. Sufficient resources have never been allocated to this goal. Nor were the decisions made to place war crimes above other priorities. While it is true that there have been many pressing needs in Kosovo from 1999 until now, the facts tell that addressing war crimes has never been chief among them.
Abstract: The aim of this population-based study was to assess the long-lasting effects of ethnic conflict on
health and well-being (with a focus on injury and persistent pain) at family and community level.
We have also investigated possible risk factors for victimisation during the conflict and factors
contributing to healing. We conducted a district-level cross-sectional cluster survey of 1,115 households with a population of 6,845. Interviews were carried out in Mitrovice district in Northern Kosovo from September to October 2008, using standardised questionnaire to collect lifetime violence exposure, lifestyle factors and health information on individual and household. Ethnic Albanians made up 95% of the sample population. Crude mortality and under-five mortality rate was not high in 2008. Over 90% of families had been exposed to at least two categories of violence and human rights violations, and 493 individuals from 341 families reported torture experiences. During the two weeks before the survey, 20% of individuals had suffered physical or mental pain. There were differences in pain complaints according to gender and age, and whether people had been injured within 12 months, had lifetime exposure to violence-related injury, or had been tortured. Patterns of social and political participation in a family could affect the proportion of family members complaining of pain. The proportion of family members with pain complaints was related to a decline in the household income (coef=9.31, 95% CI=6.16-12.46, P<0.001) and the fact of borrowing money (coef=6.11, 95% CI=2.91-9.30, P<0.001) because of an injured person in the household. Families that were affiliated with the Kosovo Liberation Army, or had participated in a protest before or during the war, were likely to be targeted by Serbian paramilitary and law enforcement agencies. Mitrovice district is currently characterised by a low level of violence, but the effects of ethnic conflict on health and well-being have not gone. The level of lifetime exposure to violence, the proportion of family members reporting pain and lifetime violence-related injury, and family's financial burden were found to be inter-correlated. The sample confined to one ethnic group in one district limits the generalizability of the findings.
Abstract: More than two years after declaring independence, Kosovo struggles with uneven rule of law and a weak justice system that is failing its citizens. The police, public prosecutors and courts are erratic performers, prone to political interference and abuse of office. Organised crime and corruption are widespread and growing. Realising that prosperity, relations with the European Union (EU) and affirmation as an independent state depend on the rule of law, the government has taken important steps, replacing key officials and passing long-delayed reforms. But critical weaknesses remain, notably in the courts, and the government, supported by the international community, must act swiftly to curtail them.
Kosovo suffers from the widespread impression that it is run by a lawless political elite in control of every aspect of society. The EU rule of law mission, EULEX, is investigating widespread corruption at the highest levels, and its efforts to date have shown gaping holes in regulation and enforcement. This reputation keeps investment out and the country mired in poverty. A two-pronged approach is needed, tightening institutions and regulation to close off opportunities for corruption while investigating the worst of past abuses.
Abstract: In June 1999 Kosovo came under the interim administration of the United Nations Mission
in Kosovo (UNMIK), which embarked on a program to link disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) of ex-combatants with security sector reform (SSR). Many ex-combatants
processed in DDR were successfully reintegrated into the Kosovo Police Service (KPS).
From the onset, UNMIK mandated that the KPS would consist of at least 50 percent former
Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) members, and ex-KLA members viewed the KPS as a source of
well-paying jobs and a path to a meaningful career. This strategy of moving ex-combatants
into the new security sector proved effective, with few instances of confrontations between
ex-KLA members and other recruits. It also helped eliminate partisan loyalties to individual
politicians and political factions by creating a police force with a strong national and professional
Similarly, in Liberia, after fourteen years of brutal civil war, the question of what to do
with the many combatants who still wandered the countryside with weapons was significant
and specifically addressed in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), signed in 2003 by
all warring parties. The DDR program there, conducted by the United Nations Mission in
Liberia (UNMIL), disarmed and demobilized over 100,000 ex-combatants, including some
11,000 child soldiers. UNMIL was also responsible for the SSR of all civilian security organizations,
such as the Liberian National Police. Simultaneously, the United States was in
charge of demobilizing and reintegrating Liberia’s armed forces after the reconstitution of
the military and ministry of defense.
Abstract: The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1244
(1999), by which the Council decided to establish the United Nations Interim
Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and requested that I report at regular
intervals on the implementation of its mandate. The present report covers the
activities of UNMIK, and developments related thereto, from 16 December 2009 to
15 March 2010. The strategic goal of UNMIK remains the promotion of security, stability and
respect for human rights through engagement with all communities in Kosovo, as
well as with Pristina and Belgrade and regional and international actors. During the
present reporting period, UNMIK continued to support minority communities,
encourage reconciliation and facilitate dialogue and regional cooperation. In line with the Security Council presidential statement of 26 November 2008
(S/PRST/2008/44) and my report of 24 November 2008 (S/2008/692), the European
Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) has continued to operate under the
overall authority and within the status-neutral framework of the United Nations.
Information exchange and coordination between UNMIK, EULEX and the Kosovo
Force (KFOR) at the operational and strategic levels have taken place on a regular
basis. UNMIK and the United Nations team working in Kosovo are developing a
common strategic framework, under which UNMIK will continue to implement its
mandate in view of the evolving circumstances, and the 14 United Nations agencies,
funds and programmes that are active in Kosovo will focus on the implementation
of development programmes.
Abstract: As the Obama Administration continues its efforts to broker a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians, this report looks beyond the issues of the day and focuses on what an international peacekeeping force to defend a two-state solution might look like. Though no individual case study can replicate the challenges of the Middle East, the authors extract lessons learned from other peacekeeping operations - including military and political lessons -that could be applicable. Editor and contributing author Andrew Exum writes, “There should be no doubt that peacekeeping in a future Palestinian state would be fraught with difficulties, not simply because of the unique history and circumstances of the region but also because the international record of such operations is mixed. As this project makes clear, policymakers should tread cautiously when considering such an option. Any initiative to broker peace in the Middle East carries risk, but the more risks policymakers and leaders understand beforehand, the better prepared they will be to mitigate and manage them.” Security for Peace takes an “end-around” approach to the problems of the Levant, imagining the goal – the establishment of a future Palestinian state – and asking what kind of security arrangement would be necessary to serve as a facilitator for such a state.