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Abstract: The big-picture issues at the crossroads of peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding were taken up by the Security Council in September 2010, under the presidency of Turkey. Leading up to that discussion, Turkey held numerous bilateral consultations, and, with the support of IPI, organized an expert meeting on these issues in New York in May 2010 and an informal retreat in Istanbul for members of the Council in June 2010.
This publication is intended to document some of that process, and includes the Statement by the President of the Security Council, the outcome summary of the June retreat, and the set of papers that were presented there. Three of these papers draw lessons from the UN’s experiences in different areas of the world (Afghanistan, the Balkans, and the Great Lakes region of Africa), and one paper analyzes cross-cutting themes.
Table of Contents:
Introduction, Francesco Mancini
Security Council Istanbul Retreat: At The Crossroads of Peacemaking, Peacekeeping, and Peacebuilding
Adam C. Smith and Vanessa Wyeth, Rapporteurs
Peacemaking In Afghanistan: A Role For The United Nations?
The Security Council And Peacekeeping In The Balkans, 1992-2010
Richard Gowan and Daniel Korski
The Great Lakes of Africa (Burundi, The Drc, And The LRA-Affected Areas)
Composite Paper on Cross-Cutting Themes
International Peace Institute
Statement by the President of the Security Council
Abstract: This report reviews the challenges facing returning refugees
and internally displaced persons after protracted conflict,
questioning the common wisdom that the solution to
displacement is, in almost all cases, to bring those uprooted
to their places of origin, regardless of changes in the political,
economic, psychological, and physical landscapes. While
affirming the right to return, the report underscores insecurity,
lack of economic opportunities, and poor services generally
available in areas of recent conflict where people are expected
to rebuild their lives, documenting cases of seriously flawed
return efforts. Greater flexibility in determining the best
solutions to displacement and more investment in
alternative forms of reintegration for those who
have been displaced is needed.
Abstract: Bosnia faces its worst crisis since the war. State institutions are under attack by all sides; violence is probably not imminent but is a near prospect if this continues. Seven months after elections, there is no state government and little prospect for one soon. The authorities of the larger of the entities, the Federation, were formed controversially – a main state institution said illegally – in March and are disputed by Croats, who have created a parallel Croat National Assembly. The other entity, Republika Srpska, has called a referendum that could provide support for a Serb walkout of Bosnian institutions. With such trends, it is all too easy to imagine Bosniak parties overseeing a failed state whose institutions Serbs and Croats have abandoned. Compromises are needed so every Bosnian side can claim enough victory to justify retreat from the brink. The international community needs to step back from over-involvement in local politics to calibrate goals to a realistic appraisal of diminished powers and best guarantee stability. Then work needs to begin to create a context for renewing Dayton and achieving EU membership.
All involved share blame for the crisis. Two rival Croat Democratic Union parties (HDZ, HDZ 1990) that represent most of the Croat population, violated the Federation constitution by blocking formation of governments and refusing to send delegates to the entity’s House of Peoples from the four cantons they control. The two HDZs and the biggest winners of the October 2010 elections, the Social Democratic Party (SDP), all rejected reasonable internationally-brokered coalition proposals. The SDP then formed a Federation government in violation of the entity constitution and against the advice of the state-level Central Election Commission (CEC). The HDZs also chose a dangerous moment to create a Croat Assembly. The RS, in particular President Dodik, provocatively called a referendum on laws imposed by the High Representative, Bosnia’s international governor, especially regarding the state court and prosecutor, issues outside RS jurisdiction. Dodik’s divisive, nationalistic speech at the RS National Assembly called into question his commitment to reconciliation and a multi-ethnic Bosnia.
Abstract: The Portfolio of Mine Action Projects is a resource tool and reference document for donors, policy-makers, advocates, and national and international mine action implementers. The country and territory-specific proposals in the portfolio reflect strategic responses developed in the field to address all aspects of the problem of landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW). This country and territory-based approach aims to present as comprehensive a picture as possible of the full range of mine action needs in particular countries and thematic issues related to mine action. The portfolio ideally reflects projects developed by mine- and ERW-affected countries and territories based on their priorities and strategies; the approaches are endorsed by national authorities. The portfolio does not automatically entail full-scale direct mine action assistance by the United Nations, but is in essence a tool for collaborative resource mobilization, coordination and planning of mine action activities involving partners and stakeholders. A country portfolio coordinator (CPC) leads each country portfolio team and coordinates the submission of proposals to the portfolio’s headquarters team. While the majority of the CPCs are UN officials, this role is increasingly being assumed by national authorities. The country portfolio teams include representatives from national and local authorities, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the United Nations and the private sector. Locally based donor representatives are invited to attend preparation meetings. Each portfolio chapter contains a synopsis of the scope of the landmine and ERW problem, a description of how mine action is coordinated, and a snapshot of local mine action strategies. Many of the strategies complement or are integrated into broader development and humanitarian frameworks such as national development plans, the UN development assistance frameworks and national poverty reduction plans. This 14th edition of the annual Portfolio of Mine Action Projects features overviews and project outlines for 29 countries, territories or missions affected by landmines and explosive remnants of war. There are 238 projects in the 2011 portfolio. Africa accounts for the largest number: 92.
Abstract: This policy brief offers eight targeted policy recommendations for combating the convergence of terrorism, crime, and politics. Rather than simply warning about the potential for interaction and synergy among terrorist, criminal, and political actors, this policy brief aims to explore possibilities for exploiting their divergences. In particular, it emphasizes the need to grapple with the economic, political, and combat power that some terrorist groups enjoy through their involvement in crime and conflict.
Abstract: A distinct and practical agenda for atrocity prevention has proven difficult to articulate. Concrete policy development has been frustrated in part by the complex relationship between mass atrocities and armed conflict. A strong empirical correlation leads some to assume a direct causal link and conclude that reinforcing existing efforts to prevent armed conflict remains the most effective approach to genocide and mass atrocity prevention.
Yet, not all conflicts give rise to mass atrocities, and many atrocities occur in the absence of armed struggle. In cases such as Bosnia, Rwanda, and Sudan, international efforts to secure peace settlements distracted attention from, and ultimately enabled, ongoing and imminent atrocities.
In a new policy analysis brief from the Stanley Foundation, Alex Bellamy considers the dynamics of the relationship between conflict and atrocity prevention. He stresses that, while conflict prevention is central to preventing mass atrocities, effective atrocity prevention demands something more—tailored engagement targeting both peacetime atrocities and those committed within a context of armed conflict.
What is required, he argues, is an “atrocity prevention lens” to inform and, where appropriate, direct policy development and decision making across the full spectrum of prevention-related activities. With the focus this lens provides, governments and international organizations can implement effective operational approaches to address the complex challenges of atrocity prevention.
Abstract: Bosnia and Herzegovina has had keen interest in the issue of post-conflict institution building
given its experience in this area. It hopes to be able to share both positive and negative lessons
learnt in post-conflict peacebuilding. In its concept paper, Bosnia and Herzegovina notes that
although the Council has discussed post-conflict institution-building in the past there remains a
number of outstanding issues that need to be addressed. The paper suggests that the Council
should answer some of the following questions:
Does the Council consider the process of institution building when preparing for a
How can the UN and international community more efficiently assist in building upon
existing national capacities and resources?
Can better partnerships be developed among international actors in order to improve
institution building? What is the Council’s role in enhancing this partnership?
What are the additional steps the UN system could take for a better integrated and more
coordinated approach to institution building processes?
How can the advisory role of the PBC help develop a more integrated approach to
institution building and addressing gaps in transition?
Abstract: This policy brief describes the important linkages between land rights and landmines in conflict-affected
contexts. Its purpose is to deepen awareness within the broader mine action and development communities
about these linkages, and provide guidance on how to effectively mainstream land rights issues into
mine action operations.
Land rights in conflict-affected situations are a topic
of increasing concern for the humanitarian and
development community. The recovery of households,
communities and countries following war depend to
a large degree on re-establishing clear rights over
land resources which are the basis of livelihoods.
The land rights situation becomes particularly critical
in mine-affected countries, where land access can
be denied for years or decades. Mine action organisations
(i.e. National Mine Action Authorities, National
Mine Action Centres, mine/ERW operators
and mine action donors) typically avoid land rights
issues in their activities, due to considerations of
neutrality, mandate, complexity, awareness and
political sensitivity. However the decision to survey
and clear (or not) particular areas inevitably involves
land rights issues.
This policy brief is based on a series of country case
studies (Afghanistan, Angola, Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Cambodia, Sri Lanka, South Sudan and Yemen)
commissioned by the Geneva International Centre
for Humanitarian Demining (GICHD), as well as
presentations and discussions that took place at an
international workshop organised by the GICHD
in October 2010. It also draws on the extensive
land and conflict related research and policy work
carried out by the Overseas Development Institute,
UN-HABITAT, academics and others.
Abstract: ICSR’s new paper explores the impact of the Bosnian conflict on the Muslim community in the UK in the 1990s. It argues that the failure of Western governments to intervene during the massacre of Bosnian Muslims caused many British Muslims to question their own security and place within Europe. It also shows how the Bosnian crisis became an important plank in the narrative put forward by a number of Islamist groups. Through this case study, Bronitsky offers a more sophisticated understanding of the relationship between foreign policy and radicalisation.
Abstract: The West Balkan region consists of Albania and the former states of Yugoslavia (Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia/ FYROM, Montenegro, Serbia, and Kosovo). Since the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords in 1995 and the NATO air campaign against Yugoslavia in 1999, the countries of the Western Balkans have faced a new challenge of promoting human security. Human security was first defined by former Special Advisor to the United Nations Development Program Administrator, Dr. Mahbub ul Haq, as encompassing seven basic needs: economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, personal security, community security, and political security. Under the rubric of human security, this paper assesses the challenges of displacement, discrimination, poverty, health standards, and environmental protection.
The effects of the wars of the 1990s still linger in the Western Balkans, especially in the areas of statelessness, displaced persons, and returnees.
Abstract: The first decade of the twenty-first century has seen increasing interest in the related issues of conflict prevention and peacebuilding. The death toll and associated costs of major military campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan, and lengthy conflicts or insurgencies in many other states and regions – including Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, Sri Lanka, India, Israel-Palestine, the Caucasus, Central Asia and parts of South America – have highlighted the need for a more strategic approach to preventing conflict. Research suggesting that as many as 40 per cent of states fall back into conflict within 10 years of violence ending also indicates that a great deal more needs to be done to ensure that temporary cessations of hostility are transformed into sustainable peace settlements.
Despite the obvious benefits of attempting to defuse potential conflicts before they emerge, policymakers have found it hard to sell the idea of putting time and money into addressing latent hostilities that may never become violent. This is partly because it is difficult to provide empirical evidence for the efficacy of these measures, and partly because examples of successful conflict prevention tend to be under-reported by governments and the media.
A different set of challenges present themselves when it comes to peacebuilding. Efforts to resolve conflict and rebuild societies that are capable of withstanding future shocks are often drawn-out processes that require sustained commitment from a range of actors who have overlapping – but sometimes competing – objectives. Without a clear consensus about the best way to support peace processes, external players may exacerbate conflicts rather than help to end them. These problems of strategy may also be compounded by straitened global financial circumstances, which have left many countries with fewer resources to spend on lengthy peacebuilding processes.
This briefing paper draws out some of the lessons learned about conflict prevention and peacebuilding through the work of ippr’s Commission on National Security in the 21st Century. It draws heavily on four published case study reports on conflict prevention and peacebuilding in Afghanistan, Kosovo, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia, as well as the findings presented in the Commission’s interim and final reports. The report seeks to identify those lessons that will be most relevant to governments and international organisations, and argues that in spite of the difficulties described above, there is still a compelling case for policymakers investing more political and financial capital in both conflict prevention and peacebuilding.
Abstract: Ten years ago, on 31 October 2000, the United Nations Security Council took
an important and unprecedented step into new territory. Recognizing the vulnerability
of women and girls to violence during and after armed conflict, and the
absence or low level of women’s representation in efforts to prevent war, build
peace and restore devastated societies, the Council passed resolution 1325. The
resolution sought formally for the first time in the Security Council to end this neglect and actively to promote and draw
on the untapped potential of women everywhere
on issues of peace and security.
The release of the 2010 edition of The
State of World Population report coincides
with the 10th anniversary of that historic
resolution. The report highlights how women
in conflict and post-conflict situations—as
well as in emergencies or protracted crises—
are faring a decade later.
The 2010 report is different from previous
editions, which took an academic
approach to topics related to the mandate
and work of UNFPA, the United Nations
Population Fund. The current report takes
a more journalistic approach, drawing on
the experiences of women and girls, men
and boys, living in the wake of conflict and
other catastrophic disruptions. This report is constructed around
interviews and reporting in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Haiti, Jordan, Liberia, the
Occupied Palestinian Territory (West Bank),
Timor-Leste and Uganda.
Abstract: It has long been recognized that the arts hold the power to expose wounds of conflict, soothe tormented spirits and teach lessons about war and peace. Children in refugee camps draw stick figures of men with guns and houses aflame. In countries as vastly different as Uganda and Afghanistan, informal or more professional drama groups give audiences a chance to laugh or cry or just say, Yes, that's the way it was—or is. Young Sri Lankans have turned to fiction to explore a violent era of civil war and a tsunami of epic pro-portions. Cambodians in refugee camps a generation ago kept alive classical Khmer dancing as a precious link to their ruined country's heritage. Almost everywhere today, creative responses to tragedy go on in many forms.
Abstract: This brief presents the progress to date in developing
a typology of wartime rape as a first step toward
understanding the different consequences of this form
of violence in war. This publication focuses solely on
wartime rape perpetrated by armed groups against
civilians, though this form of violence is perpetrated
more widely by, and against, different actors during
war. The wider perpetration of rape against other
actors is not presented in this brief, but is nevertheless
included in the Typology. The Typology is a product of
two phases of research: a) an initial phase (November
2008–May 2009) where a preliminary typology was
created based on an examination of two country
cases of wartime rape: Bosnia and Herzegovina,
and El Salvador; and b) a second phase (September
2009–May 2010) where the typology was refined
according to data collected from a review of the
literature on ten additional country cases of wartime
rape (Cambodia, Colombia, Democratic Republic
of the Congo, Liberia, Nepal, Papua New Guinea/
Bougainville, Peru, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Timor Leste).
The Typology was designed on the basis of a definition
of wartime, which includes a myriad of war dynamics
that surround and influence the perpetration of
rape, and which can be organized into the following
type of conflict in which wartime rape occurs;
characteristics of the armed group;
motivations for the rape;
characteristics of the rapist;
characteristics of the raped person; and
characteristics of the rape.
Abstract: The brutal ethnic cleansing in BiH, which was part
of the larger ethnic warfare in the former Yugoslavia, deliberately
targeted the civilian population. The organized attacks
on civilians included savage rapes and the humiliation
of women. Two million people were internally displaced or
became refugees. The people who stayed were trapped in enclaves,
subjected to constant fire and threat and made to survive
with only very meagre food resources. The traumatic
experiences during the four-year war ripped society to pieces
and inflicted serious wounds in the souls of the survivors.
The war resulted in the traumatic loss of a multicultural society
and left a legacy of bitterness, hatred, and distrust
among the ethnic groups. This study provides evidence for:
• The importance of psychosocial support for
the inner survival of women in war-torn societies.
• The fact that this help disseminates (when
women get support they in turn can help
their families and their societies).
Life is still a war.
I am still fighting
for survival. The fact that psychosocial support is an investment
in prevention. (When the traumas
can be mourned, they can be put to rest and
do not return as vengeful ghosts that can
start future conflicts.) That working in close cooperation with local
women to rebuild the social web at the
grass-root level is an important way to provide
a more sustainable and peaceful postwar
Abstract: This report from the United States Institute of Peace’s Center
of Innovation for Media, Conflict and Peacebuilding illustrates
the importance of local ownership in peacebuilding and
stabilization operations—not just in concept but in practice.
It does so by drawing on the author’s personal experiences
with post-conflict media reform over the past fifteen years
in countries ranging from 1990s Bosnia and Herzegovina to
present-day Afghanistan. It argues that the lack of practical
local ownership in Afghanistan is a considerable factor in
holding back progress there. The most effective stabilization and reconstruction programs are those in which local
professionals, civil society, and communities have participated and taken ownership. But
as experience has shown, local ownership cannot be taken for granted. The international
community must quickly establish effective partnerships with local actors in a project’s
Abstract: Refugees, whether persecuted as a result of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, are excluded (sometimes in a very deliberate manner) from the structures of political power in their country of origin. The search for solutions to refugee situations is thus in part a struggle of the politically excluded for political inclusion. This paper consists of five parts. In the first section, the nature and dynamics of political participation are considered. The importance of political activity in general to democratic ideals of government is examined, as is the specific importance of political participation – both symbolic and substantive – to displaced populations.
The second part of the paper looks briefly at UNHCR's past and present engagement with refugee politics. In the following section, the political and logistical challenges of refugee participation in country of origin elections are considered. The fourth section looks at other forms of peaceful political engagement, including emerging transnational political activities. These analyzes draw on material from a number of case studies, including but not limited to Eritrea (1993), Bosnia (1996), Liberia (1997 and 2002) Kosovo (1999), East Timor (1999), Afghanistan (2004, 2009), Iraqi (2005, 2010) and Southern Sudan (2010, 2011).
The fifth and final part of the paper offers a number of conclusions and recommendations on how UNHCR might further develop its role in relation to refugee participation in country of origin politics.
Abstract: Power-sharing mechanisms play an increasingly important role in peace agreements. However, there is profound divergence over the positive effects of the inclusion of political power-sharing provisions in peace accords. Proposing power-sharing solutions may be useful for mediators to get conflict parties to the negotiating table. At the same time those mechanisms imply a number of challenges for academics and practitioners. Many critics argue that power-sharing as specific political model has only worked in particular circumstances, such as in Switzerland. Before formulating general guidelines and recommendations on powersharing in peace agreements, one has to address this critique. To this end the working paper analyses four contested favourable conditions in the power-sharing model: a small population size, a balance of population size between divided groups, territorial isolation of population groups and a common perceived security threat. Eight case studies are carried out in order to test these four favourable conditions that might influence the durability of power-sharing peace agreements. As a result, this working paper provides evidence that the durability of power-sharing peace agreements does probably not depend on these favourable conditions. It is therefore argued that power-sharing solutions in peace agreements do not seem to require particular favourable conditions to be successful and are not doomed to fail from the outset in a range of different contexts.
Abstract: On May 25, 1993, the United Nations Security Council improbably launched a new era of
international justice. Amidst a blizzard of resolutions addressing the conflict then raging
in the former Yugoslavia, the Council adopted yet another, this time creating the International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). If the new court evoked the potent
symbolism of Nuremberg, its creation also seemed to symbolize the United Nations’ lack of
resolve—another in a series of inadequate responses to atrocities routinely described as the
worst in Europe since World War II.
Before long, however, what began as an ad hoc measure became a global paradigm:
Since the ICTY’s creation, international or internationalized courts have been established to
respond to sweeping atrocities in Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Cambodia, Kosovo, Bosnia, and Timor
Leste, and a permanent International Criminal Court is now operating in The Hague. Perhaps
more important, the work of these courts has invigorated prosecutions by national courts, the
principal pillars of judicial protection against atrocious crimes and the indispensable partners
of international and hybrid courts.
Moreover, the ICTY and its sister tribunal for Rwanda (the International Criminal Tribunal
for Rwanda, or ICTR) have generated a rich jurisprudence of international humanitarian
law, which now informs the work of national as well as other international courts. These
contributions have been widely recognized, and rightly so. But until recently, few efforts were
made to understand the impact of the ICTY and other international courts on the societies
most profoundly affected by their work, including their effect on victims and perpetrators.
Yet these communities are among the most important audiences for the Tribunal’s work—in
the case of victims, because the justice the ICTY dispenses is their justice, and in respect of
perpetrators and the communities that abetted their crimes, for reasons we explore further
in this report.
Abstract: Populations displaced as a result of mass violent conflict have become one of
the most pressing humanitarian concerns of the last decades. They have also become one
salient political issue as a perceived burden (in economic and security terms) and as an
important piece in the shift towards a more interventionist paradigm in the international
system, based on both humanitarian and security grounds. The saliency of these aspects
has detracted attention from the analysis of the interactions between relocation processes
and violent conflict. Violent conflict studies have also largely ignored those interactions
as a result of the consideration of these processes as mere reaction movements
determined by structural conditions. This article takes the view that individual’s agency
is retained during such processes, and that it is consequential, calling for the need to
introduce a micro perspective. Based on this, a model for the individual’s decision of
return is presented. The model has the potential to account for the dynamics of return at
both the individual and the aggregate level. And it further helps to grasp fundamental
interconnections with violent conflict. Some relevant conclusions are derived for the
case of Bosnia-Herzegovina and about the implications of the politicization of return.
Abstract: Forced migration and displacement is a profound injustice. It undermines human dignity and security and eliminates choice about where and how people want to live. An important aspect of redress is thus the right of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) to freely choose a solution to their dislocation. This right of free choice is guaranteed under humanitarian and human rights law. The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has outlined three durable solutions for refugees: voluntary repatriation, local integration, or resettlement in a third location. Designed originally with refugees in mind, these solutions have been extended to IDPs, through the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement. The options are adapted to: return to their former homes, integration at the location they were displaced to, or resettlement to another part of the country. This paper first discusses the politics behind the push for return in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina and the initial difficulties encountered in promoting return. It then explores the sustainability of return and the on-going challenges faced by returnees. Finally, it looks at recent developments that aim to provide refugees, IDPs and returnees with access to durable options in the form of support for sustainable return and, for the first time, support for integration. Despite this shift, however, the humanitarian space continues to be controlled by politics, hindering efforts to move toward the provision of neutral assistance.
Abstract: As the Obama Administration continues its efforts to broker a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians, this report looks beyond the issues of the day and focuses on what an international peacekeeping force to defend a two-state solution might look like. Though no individual case study can replicate the challenges of the Middle East, the authors extract lessons learned from other peacekeeping operations - including military and political lessons -that could be applicable. Editor and contributing author Andrew Exum writes, “There should be no doubt that peacekeeping in a future Palestinian state would be fraught with difficulties, not simply because of the unique history and circumstances of the region but also because the international record of such operations is mixed. As this project makes clear, policymakers should tread cautiously when considering such an option. Any initiative to broker peace in the Middle East carries risk, but the more risks policymakers and leaders understand beforehand, the better prepared they will be to mitigate and manage them.” Security for Peace takes an “end-around” approach to the problems of the Levant, imagining the goal – the establishment of a future Palestinian state – and asking what kind of security arrangement would be necessary to serve as a facilitator for such a state.
Abstract: How can youth in postconflict societies become a catalyst for positive change? This
research from the Berghof Research Centre for Constructive Conflict Management
gives an overview of the challenges facing youth work in Bosnia-Herzegovina. It
presents the ‘Young People Build the Future’ project, which uses a multidimensional
approach to try to meet some of these challenges. An integrated combination of
initiatives that provide training, empowerment, peace education, vocational training
and income generation opportunities is essential. This article first gives a rough overview of the needs and challenges facing younth work in Bosnian context. It secondly presents a multidimensional approach that strives to meet some of the challenges: the project "Young People Build the Future" that has been set up for young returnees and local population in Eastern Bosnia by Tulza-based NGO Ipak, with the support of German NGO Schuler Helfen Leben, Berlin-based Berghof Research Center.
Abstract: The refugee situation of the early 1990’s in the former Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (SFRY) was one of the most serious post-World War II crises in Europe.
Nearly 15 years following the conflict, the plight of some 97,000 refugees forced to flee
their homes in present-day Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina remains unresolved. For
the approximately 70,000 ethnic Serb refugees from Croatia, the chief impediment to
securing durable solutions is Croatia’s unwillingness to recognize their acquired rights as
former tenancy rights holders. In this report, we focus on the most pressing unresolved issues of the refugee problem in
the region -- the deprivation of acquired rights granted by previously established legal
principles of tenancy rights and the status of specially protected lessees of socially owned