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Abstract: This report deals with a series of Indonesian military documents that were
passed to the West Papua Project -WPP- in early 2011.1 The documents
provide remarkable insights into how the Indonesian military (Tentara
Nasional Indonesia – TNI), operates within the disputed territory of West
Papua (disputed, that is, between the vast majority of Papuans and the
Indonesian government), and how they view West Papuan civil society. The
documents reveal the names and activities of Indonesian intelligence agents;
describe how traditional Papuan communities are monitored; and include a
detailed analysis of both the West Papuan armed guerrilla groups and the
non-violent civil society organisations which promote self-determination.
Identifying so many West Papuan leaders and others as ―separatists‖, these
documents effectively show that support for independence is widespread and
surprisingly well organised. West Papuans have long complained of living
under an Indonesian military ―occupation‖ and these documents go a long
way to substantiating this claim.
Abstract: The post-Soeharto era in Indonesia has been marked by the eruption of several violent internal conflicts throughout the country. This combined with the transition to democracy begun by Soeharto's successor, Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie, have had direct impacts on the ways in which conflicts are managed in the country. This report takes a practical look at the management of internal conflicts in Indonesia, focussing its attention on three affected regions - Poso, Maluku, and Papua . It attempts to fill the gap in existing comparative research and analysis in this area in order to inform future peacemaking efforts in the country. The publication is one of three produced as part of the HD Centre's project
Abstract: The election for Aceh governor and other local executive posts – now scheduled for 14 November 2011 – has deepened an old rivalry within the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) between incumbent Governor Irwandi Yusuf, its former propaganda chief, and those around its ex-“prime minister”, Malik Mahmud. The two factions ran against each other in 2006, with Irwandi defeating the ticket backed by Malik. Irwandi is leading in the polls again, but five years later, the context is very different with Malik and his allies controlling the GAM political party, Partai Aceh. Sporadic violence between the rival camps is likely but not on a scale to cause serious concern. The bigger problem for Aceh is how to curb the autocratic tendencies of Partai Aceh without undermining the political gains won in the 2005 Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) that brought an end to three decades of conflict.
Abstract: The Examples from the Ground are concrete illustrations of ways in which a gender perspective has been integrated in different security sector institutions around the world. They range from measures to counter human trafficking in Kosovo, to women’s organisations’ involvement with security institutions in Nepal, to female parliamentarians’ contribution to post-conflict reconstruction in Rwanda. These examples can help policymakers, trainers and educators better understand and demonstrate the linkages between gender and SSR.
The examples are organised around the following nine themes, for which a short introduction is provided:
• Police Reform and Gender
• Defence Reform and Gender
• Justice Reform and Gender
• Penal Reform and Gender
• Border Management and Gender
• Parliamentary Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• National Security Policy-Making and Gender
• Civil Society Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• SSR Assessment, Monitoring and Evaluation and Gender
Individual examples can also be downloaded individually, in English or in French, at: http://gssrtraining.ch/index.php?option=com_content&view;=article&id;=4&Itemid;=131〈=en
Abstract: General Soeharto resigned as president of Indonesia in May 1998 after 32 years of authoritarian
rule. This report provides a review of transitional justice mechanisms in the reform period that
followed. Known in Indonesia as reformasi, the process began with a period of momentous
change and hope that effective systems of accountability would be established, but became
compromised before stalling altogether.
Successive governments during the period have established or provided legal bases for a number
of commissions of inquiry, truth and reconciliation commissions, an agency for the protection
of victims and witnesses, permanent human rights courts, and ad hoc human rights courts for
particular cases. Human rights protections have been inserted in the national constitution,
international conventions ratified, a constitutional court established, and guaranteed seats in the
legislature for security forces eliminated.
Despite all of these changes in relation to the structures protecting human rights, in practice
progress has been consistently blocked by a deep, systemic unwillingness to uncover the truth
surrounding serious human rights violations and hold those who are responsible accountable
for their actions.
Abstract: The issue of terrorist motivations and pathways towards violent extremism has been the subject
of numerous studies in recent years. Much of that work, however, has focused on open source
literature. Less attention has been given to understanding the individuals themselves and their
personal experiences within terrorist organisations.
To help address this gap, the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI) in Canberra and the Centre
of Excellence for National Security, a constituent research unit of the S. Rajaratnam School of
International Studies (RSIS) in Singapore undertook a twelve month joint research project to
conduct personal interviews with members of the Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) terrorist organisation who
are serving or have served prison sentences in Indonesia.
This project is the first detailed study of both the former leadership group and the foot soldiers
of the JI organisation in prison. Interviews were conducted across four Indonesian prisons and
detention centres with more than thirty convicted terrorists.
The results of this study will contribute to a better understanding of radicalisation among
Indonesia’s terrorist groups. Following the arrest of the former JI leader, Umar Patek, in Pakistan,
this study also highlights the continuing threat from individuals who seek to link Southeast Asian
terrorist groups to al-Qaeda’s global networks.
Despite the death of the al-Qaeda leader, Osama bin Laden, the narrative of violent religious
extremism will continue to resonate among a small group of jihadists in Indonesia. And recidivism
rates are a growing problem, as several of these men transition out of the prison system and return
to their old networks.
This paper outlines several policy options to counter the problem of radicalisation, including
strategies for promoting simple disengagement from terrorism, improving coordination between
counter-terrorism agencies and prison authorities, and supporting efforts to increase penalties for
inciting religious intolerance.
Abstract: This provincial report examines a peace and development programme for Maluku
and North Maluku provinces, and presents policy recommendations. Drawing on
three parallel threads of research, the report analyses the causes and impacts of
conflict in Maluku and North Maluku, the responses by governmental and nongovernmental
actors and the existing vulnerabilities and capacities for peace.
Recommendations are made for the provincial and national governments in
Indonesia, and for local and international NGOs and agencies.
There are both structural and proximate causes of conflict.
The report details the specific triggering incidents for each major episode of
conflict, and identifies three main factors in the escalation of the conflicts: Security forces and militias, Biased media and disinformation, Cycles of revenge. The conflict has caused negative and lasting impacts in the two provinces, not
only in terms of their human and economic impact but their impact on gender as
Abstract: This provincial report examines the development of a peace and development
programme for Central Sulawesi Province. Drawing on three parallel threads
of research, the report analyses the causes and impacts of conflict in Central
Sulawesi, the responses by governmental and non-governmental actors, and
the existing vulnerabilities and capacities for peace. Recommendation are made
both for the provincial and national governments in Indonesia, and for local and
international NGOs and agencies.
This study, the third in a series of volumes titled Overcoming Violent Conflict, results
from the contributions of a large number of individuals and institutions. Primary credit for
the written material in this volume goes to Graham Brown of the Centre for Research on
Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity at the University of Oxford. He drew substantive
material from field research notes compiled primarily by Carunia Firdaus Mulya of the
Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI).
Abstract: Violent extremism in Indonesia increasingly is taking the form of small groups acting independently of large jihadi organisations. This is in part a response to effective law enforcement that has resulted in widespread arrests and structural weakening of Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), Jama’ah Ansharut Tauhid (JAT) and other organisations accused of links to terrorism. But it is also the result of ideological shifts that favour “individual” over “organisational” jihad and low-cost, small-scale targeted killings over mass casualty attacks that inadvertently kill Muslims. The suicide bombing inside a police station mosque on 15 April 2011 and a spate of letter bombs delivered in Jakarta in mid-March are emblematic of the shift. The government needs urgently to develop prevention strategies to reduce the likelihood that more such groups will emerge.
The report looks at detailed case studies of small violent groups that have emerged in Indonesia in 2009 and 2010 in Medan and Lampung, on Sumatra, and in Bandung and Klaten, on Java. All involved at least one former prisoner; three of the four had links to JAT but operated independently of JAT control. Three of the four also involved mosque-based study groups that evolved into hit squads, and all were committed to the idea of ightiyalat, secret assassinations. In none of them was poverty a significant driver of radicalisation.
Abstract: Blasphemy can be a deadly affair in Indonesia and Pakistan, two of Asia's largest Muslim majority countries. Triggered by allegations of blasphemy, virulent mob attacks against those perceived to have offended Islam have rocked the two countries in recent months. While Indonesia and Pakistan have laws that specifically address issues of blasphemy, those unfortunate enough to be labeled blasphemers are rarely taken to court. Encouraged by, if not with tacit approval from, conservative Muslim leaders, Indonesian and Pakistani mobs have been taking the law into their own hands instead.
Abstract: The environment in which an al Qaeda affiliate
operates is one of the most important factors in
assessing the threat it poses to US interests. Defeating
the militant Islamist network led by al Qaeda
requires a nuanced strategy that supports the appropriate
combination and prioritization of policies and
approaches for each environment in which an al
Qaeda affiliate or franchise operates. The US government
has not articulated such a strategy, a deficiency
that acquires urgency because terrorist groups based
abroad have been linked to three attacks against the
American homeland in the past year. Building a strategy
to oppose the al Qaeda network requires detailed
understanding of its different operating environments,
the ties between its various parts, and how
territory affects its vitality. A comprehensive strategy
should deny the al Qaeda network access to operating
environments from which it can pose a major
threat to the United States and the West.
Abstract: The paper examines as a case study the territory of Timor-Leste (East Timor), the small half-island located about four hundreds miles north of Australia and east of Java, Indonesia. In particular the focus is upon the evolution and progression of the territory from colony to independent nation-state and the patterns of conflict and settlement that have marked the disputed and contested area and its people. A central narrative is that, while independence for East Timor looked most unlikely in the late 1990s, a confluence of developments and factors combined to enhance the prospects and reality of this outcome in 1999.
The paper examines a number of themes including: the historical and geo-political context; the brief interregnum between de facto Portuguese decolonisation and Indonesian re-colonisation; the invasion and occupation of the territory by Indonesia; referendum and independence for East Timor; post-conflict matters of justice; the international dimension; and the comparative dimensions of the East Timor case study.
Abstract: Community-driven development (or CDD) projects are now a major component of World Bank assistance to many developing countries. While varying greatly in size and form, such projects aim to ensure that communities have substantive control in deciding how project funds should be used. Giving beneficiaries the power to manage project resources is believed by its proponents to lead to more efficient and effective fund use. It is also claimed that project-initiated participatory processes can have wider ‘spillover’ impacts, building local institutions and leadership, enhancing civic capacity, improving social relations and boosting state legitimacy.
This paper briefly reviews the World Bank’s experience of using CDD in conflict-affected and post-conflict areas of the East Asia and Pacific region. The region has been at the forefront of developing large-scale CDD programming including high profile ‘flagships’ such as the Kecamatan Development Program (KDP) in Indonesia and the Kapitbisig Laban Sa Kahirapan-Comprehensive and Integrated Delivery of Social Services (KALAHI-CIDSS) project in the Philippines.
How successful have such efforts been? Through what mechanisms have projects had impacts (or not)? And what factors—related to project design or to the context in which programs are operating—have affected performance? This paper provides a framework for assessing the impacts of CDD projects in post-conflict and conflict-affected areas. It tries to unpack the potential causal channels through which projects may have their desired, or other, impacts. It then looks at the evidence on whether and how projects have achieved these outcomes, focusing on a range of recent and current projects in Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Timor-Leste. The analysis summarizes results, draws on comparative evidence from other projects in the region and elsewhere, and seeks to identify factors that explain variation in outcomes and project performance. The paper concludes with a short summary of what we know, what we don’t, and potential future directions for research and programming.
Abstract: Indonesia needs to learn promptly the lessons from the sporadic violence witnessed in its local elections during 2010 as there is some evidence these easily preventable incidents could be increasing in frequency since the last cycle. While most district polls pass peacefully, the small number that do not reveals nationwide institutional weaknesses that should be fixed. These contests are often intense personal rivalries for community power that can be highly emotive and, if not closely watched, can quickly turn violent. While religious and ethnic ties are accentuated by these tense races, to date they have not triggered any sectarian schisms. Many confrontations could be avoided in future polls by relatively simple changes in practices, policies and laws. Rather than being too small for national attention, these political battles matter to this large country because, since decentralisation, it is this level of public administration that has the greatest impact on the lives of citizens. How these elections take place can determine the judgments that voters make on the success or failure of democracy throughout the archipelago.
Abstract: This map depicts ethnic-related violence and displacement in the Kalimantan provinces from 1997-2010.
It is estimated that up to 200,000 people, comprising mostly
Madurese, were displaced from West and Central Kalimantan
between 1997 and 2001. In West Kalimantan, most IDPs have
resettled or integrated locally as they have not been allowed
to return to their home areas in Sambas. In Central Kalimantan,
return has been possible since 2004, although under stringent
conditions. Most people displaced in Tarakan in September 2010
are believed to have been able to return home in the following
days or weeks.
Abstract: This issue includes the following articles:
- The Strengths and Weaknesses
of Jihadist Ideology
- The Role of Lashkar-i-Islam in
Pakistan’s Khyber Agency
- The Torkham Border Closure and
Attacks on NATO Supply Convoys in
- Mitigating the Further Radicalization
of India’s Muslim Community
- From Iraq to Yemen: Al-Qa`ida’s
- From Iraq to Yemen: Al-Qa`ida’s
Abstract: Religious tolerance in Indonesia has come under increasing
strain in recent years, particularly where hardline Islamists
and Christian evangelicals compete for the same ground.
Islamists use “Christianisation” – a term that generally
refers both to Christian efforts to convert Muslims and
the alleged growing influence of Christianity in Muslimmajority
Indonesia – as a justification for mass mobilisation
and vigilante attacks. The tensions brought about by
these clashing fundamentalisms are nowhere clearer than
in Bekasi, a suburb of Jakarta, where a series of disputes
since 2008 over church construction, alleged mass conversion
efforts and affronts to Islam have led in some cases
to violence. The Indonesian government needs a strategy
to address growing religious intolerance, because without
one, mob rule prevails. Local officials address each incident
only when it gets out of hand and usually by capitulating
to whoever makes the most noise. Every time this
happens, the victors are emboldened to raise the stakes
for the next confrontation.
Abstract: Deradicalizing Islamist extremists may be even more important than getting them to simply disengage from terrorist activities, according to a new RAND Corporation study that examines counter-radicalization programs in the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Europe.
Although there has been much research about the radicalization and recruitment of Islamist extremists, there has been little study until recently about how one deradicalizes those who have been recruited into the Islamist extremist movement.
A key question is whether the objective of counter-radicalization programs should be disengagement (a change in behavior) or deradicalization (a change in beliefs) of militants. A unique challenge posed by militant Islamist groups is that their ideology is rooted in a major world religion, Islam.
The RAND study indentifies and analyzes the processes through which militants leave Islamist extreme groups, assesses the effectiveness of deradicalization programs and summarizes the policies that could help to promote and accelerate the processes of deradicalization.
Abstract: Participation of women in all areas of a peace process is vital for ensuring that the agreement reached is representative of the whole population. Gender parity has yet to be reached however.
In Indonesia, while women have been heavily involved in managing conflict at the community level, only a handful has been involved in formal peace processes.
This report, co-produced with the Indonesian Institute of Sciences, looks at the roles of Indonesia women in conflict resolution, both at the formal and informal levels. It highlights the key challenges women face both in conflict situations and in participating to formal peace processes, and provides recommendations on how to encourage their participation.
Abstract: In the past 10 years, the rehabilitation of Muslim radicals has become a pressing issue. Great
numbers of radicals have passed in and out of various incarcerating institutions and are returned
to their societies where they frequently rejoin radical groups, sometimes more radicalized and
technically proficient than they were prior to their incarceration. Both Muslim and non-Muslim
governments have sought different methods to rehabilitate radicals, ranging from arranging
debates between radicals and mainstream Muslim religious elite to confronting them with
betrayals and denunciations by relatives, friends, and associates. There are also full-scale “reeducation”
camps. This policy paper will seek to evaluate these methodologies and propose for
the United States a workable policy for re-integrating radicals into society, thus defusing the
power of recidivism.
Abstract: The Mediation Practice Series (MPS) was initiated in 2008 as
part of the HD Centre’s efforts to support the broader mediation
community. Based on the shared view that mediators often confront similar
dilemmas although mediation differs widely across peace
processes, the HD Centre has decided to produce a series of
decision-making tools that draw upon the comparative experience
of track one mediation processes. As mediators consider engagement with armed groups they
face a variety of challenges and options – including whether it is
wise to engage at all. This contribution to the Mediation Practice
Series addresses engagement by those working toward peace
processes which involve formal interaction between leaders.
The focus is on the dilemmas, challenges and risks involved in a
mediator’s early contacts with an armed group and subsequent
engagement as interlocutor, message-carrier, adviser and/or
facilitator – all roles that may precede and accompany formal
negotiation between parties to a conflict.
The armed groups considered are those whose rebellion or
resistance explicitly challenges the authority of the state, rather
than the full spectrum of non-state armed groups (which would
include criminal organisations and gangs, as well as paramilitary
actors accountable to the state). The former claim their violence
is rooted in legitimate self-defence against the infringement of
their rights. Political in its origin – if at times criminal in its conduct
– armed action is pursued as a means to a political end. While
military pressure, or other actions by security forces, may be necessary to counter it, in almost all cases a lasting resolution to
the conflict will depend on some form of political accommodation
or agreement. Case studies include: The FMLN and the UN in El Salvador (p. 8-13), Dilemmas of talking to the Taliban (p. 13-14), Private mediators and the GAM
in Aceh (p. 15-18), Coping with pre-conditions
on Hamas (p. 20-23), The ICC and the LRA in conflict
at the peace table (p. 23-28), Case study : Norway and the LTTE (p. 28-29), Case study : Engaging the Maoists in Nepal (p. 31-35).
Abstract: Since May 2010 and particularly in May and June, an unknown number of Papuans, ranging from several hundreds to several thousands, have been reported to be internally
displaced in the central highlands region of Puncak Jaya, where the government of Indonesia has been conducting counter-insurgency operations against rebels of the OPM (Free Papua Movement). Fleeing the army’s “sweeping operations”, which are often accompanied
by severe human rights violations, most internally displaced people (IDPs) have taken shelter in the jungle, where they have very limited or no access to basic necessities of life including food, shelter, water and health care. Following past waves of violence, displaced Papuans living in similar conditions have faced malnutrition, disease and sometimes
The high level of violence and destruction carried out by the armed forces, such as the burning of homes and properties, the destruction of vegetable gardens and other means of livelihoods including livestock, makes the prospects of recovery and durable solutions poor. The recovery process is also hampered by the lack of access to basic services in these very remote places.
Abstract: This map represents the main locations of conflict and displacement in Papua and West Papua between 2003 2010. The map details the location of IDP and refugee camps, the proportion of migrants versus Papuans across different regions, and the locations of Indonesian settlers installations.
Abstract: This map shows the ethnic composition and the severity of the effect of conflict on each region in Aceh. The PDF also includes a list of regioncies with highest number of IDPs/Returnees, and an estimated total number of displaced in the province.