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Abstract: This Policy Brief examines the real and imagined influence of al-Qa‘ida in North Africa and the Sahel. Despite a perception of the transnationalization of terrorist movements in North Africa under al-Qa‘ida’s banner, robust evidence of an effective al-Qa‘ida’s expansion in the Maghreb and the Sahara/Sahel region remains elusive at best. Rather, doubts about al-Qa‘ida’s actual threat and the efficacy of international response in the context of pervasive state failure in the Sahel raise questions regarding the policy objectives of US-led counter-terrorism in the region.
Abstract: It would be hard to conceive of two States that offer greater contrasts than
Somalia and Eritrea: the former, a collapsed State for over two decades, with no
functional national institutions; the latter, possessing the most highly centralized,
militarized and authoritarian system of government on the African continent. From a
sanctions monitoring perspective, however, the two countries present very similar
challenges: in both cases, power is concentrated in the hands of individuals rather
than institutions and is exercised through largely informal and often illicit networks
of political and financial control. Leaders in both countries often depend more
heavily on political and economic support from foreign Governments and diaspora
networks than from the populations within their own borders. And both countries —
in very different ways — serve as platforms for foreign armed groups that represent a
grave and increasingly urgent threat to peace and security in the Horn and East
More than half of Somali territory is controlled by responsible, comparatively
stable authorities that have demonstrated, to varying degrees, their capacity to
provide relative peace and security to their populations. Without exception, the
administrations of Somaliland, Puntland, Gaalmudug, and “Himan iyo Heeb”
evolved independently of centralized State-building initiatives, from painstaking,
organic local political processes. Much of Galguduud region is controlled by anti-Al-
Shabaab clan militias loosely unified under the umbrella of Ahlu Sunna wal Jama’a
(ASWJ), but lacks a functional authority. Consolidation of and cooperation between
such entities represents the single most effective strategy for countering threats like
extremism and piracy, while expanding peace and security in Somalia.
Abstract: This Policy Note focuses on the gendered consequences of the militarisation of the Horn of Africa. Despite being in different ‘moments’ of conflict, the countries of this region share features of extreme social, economic and political violence, which impact negatively on their citizens. Protracted refugee and refugee-like conditions, extreme disinvestment in social programmes, increasing militarisation and political repression adversely affect women, thereby further entrenching gender disparities. Concerted national and international efforts and resources should support local democratic initiatives to find political solutions to these protracted conflicts and advance the struggle against sexual and gender-based violence and discrimination.
Abstract: Somalia has engendered the policy debate on the extent of the spread of transnational Islamist Jihadist groups in the Horn of Africa (HOA) and their consequences for peace and security across the region. These concerns are justified given the emergence since the late 1980s of extremist groups such as the Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement and the Somali Jihadist Islamist groups of the likes of Al-Ittihad, the Islamic Courts Union and currently Al Shabab. The leaders and fighters of these groups relocated to the HOA after the defeat of the Taliban following the 2001 US invasion of Afghanistan. The operations of these transnational Islamist groups within and across the countries of the Horn pose serious challenges to the region and beyond.
Abstract: This paper analyses Israel's response to a recent influx of African asylum seekers, a phenomenon whose nature and scale are unprecedented in Israel's history. It addresses three intertwined questions. What are the discursive challenges to the construction of an Israeli refugee regime? What dynamics foster their development? And how can those challenges be explained and deconstructed?
The paper consists of two parts. The first provides a historical overview that aims to situate the influx within a regional geo-political context. The second suggests a threefold evaluative typology of discourses; security, ethnonationalism and the gravity of the holocaust – societal pillars which critically influence both the state and the asylum seekers.
By critically presenting the evolution of Israel's responses to the influx, it argues that a pattern of 'ordered disorder' governs a spectrum of rejectionist responses, underpinned by the fundamental role of the 'asylum-migration nexus'. The ordered disorder also explains the degree of accommodating measures, provided by all actors. The disordered relationship between the nation-state and the asylum seekers becomes the Israeli "national order of things" (Malkki 1995a).
Abstract: The Portfolio of Mine Action Projects is a resource tool and reference document for donors, policy-makers, advocates, and national and international mine action implementers. The country and territory-specific proposals in the portfolio reflect strategic responses developed in the field to address all aspects of the problem of landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW). This country and territory-based approach aims to present as comprehensive a picture as possible of the full range of mine action needs in particular countries and thematic issues related to mine action. The portfolio ideally reflects projects developed by mine- and ERW-affected countries and territories based on their priorities and strategies; the approaches are endorsed by national authorities. The portfolio does not automatically entail full-scale direct mine action assistance by the United Nations, but is in essence a tool for collaborative resource mobilization, coordination and planning of mine action activities involving partners and stakeholders. A country portfolio coordinator (CPC) leads each country portfolio team and coordinates the submission of proposals to the portfolio’s headquarters team. While the majority of the CPCs are UN officials, this role is increasingly being assumed by national authorities. The country portfolio teams include representatives from national and local authorities, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the United Nations and the private sector. Locally based donor representatives are invited to attend preparation meetings. Each portfolio chapter contains a synopsis of the scope of the landmine and ERW problem, a description of how mine action is coordinated, and a snapshot of local mine action strategies. Many of the strategies complement or are integrated into broader development and humanitarian frameworks such as national development plans, the UN development assistance frameworks and national poverty reduction plans. This 14th edition of the annual Portfolio of Mine Action Projects features overviews and project outlines for 29 countries, territories or missions affected by landmines and explosive remnants of war. There are 238 projects in the 2011 portfolio. Africa accounts for the largest number: 92.
Abstract: This report collects statistics from a variety of sources on casualties sustained during Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF), which began on October 7, 2001, and is ongoing. OEF actions take place primarily in Afghanistan; however, OEF casualties also includes American casualties in Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Guantanamo Bay (Cuba), Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Jordan, Kenya, Kyrgyzstan, the Philippines, Seychelles, Sudan, Tajikistan, Turkey, and Yemen. Casualty data of U.S. military forces are compiled by the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD), as tallied from the agency's press releases. Also included are statistics on those wounded but not killed.
Because the estimates of Afghan casualties contained in this report are based on varying time periods and have been created using different methodologies, readers should exercise caution when using them and should look to them as guideposts rather than as statements of fact. This report will be updated as needed.
Abstract: This is the first paper using household survey data from two countries involved in an international war (Eritrea and Ethiopia) to measure the conflict’s impact on children’s health in both nations. The identification strategy uses event data to exploit exogenous variation in the conflict’s geographic extent and timing and the exposure of different children’s birth cohorts to the fighting. The paper uniquely incorporates GPS information on the distance between survey villages and conflict sites to more accurately measure a child’s war exposure. War-exposed children in both countries have lower height-for-age Z-scores, with the children in the war instigating and losing country (Eritrea) suffering more than the winning nation (Ethiopia). Negative impacts on boys and girls of being born during the conflict are comparable to impacts for children alive at the time of the war. Effects are robust to including region-specific time trends, alternative conflict exposure measures, and an instrumental variables strategy.
Abstract: Refugees and asylum seekers escaping conflict, genocide, famine, and torture face an extremely difficult journey. Thousands set out from Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, and other African countries in search of safety and protection, passing through Egypt, where their situation remains hostile and insecure. Once arriving in Israel, they are immediately detained, often for several weeks, months, and sometimes even years. As a first stop after detention, they find their way to the Open Clinic at Physicians for Human Rights-Israel (PHR-Israel) in Tel Aviv-Jaffa to receive treatment for trauma or illness experienced along the way. PHR-Israel's Open Clinic is an open medical center operated by volunteer Israeli physicians who provide medical treatment to uninsured persons and engage in advocacy to the government to ensure better protection for refugees, asylum seekers, and other migrant groups.
In recent months, clinic staff began noticing a growing trend of women, recently freed from detention, seeking abortions. In conversations with our doctors, many women confessed to being raped prior to entering Israel. Of a total of 165 abortions facilitated by the clinic between January- November 2010, PHR-Israel suspects that half were requested by women who were sexually assaulted in the Sinai. During the same period, 1,303 women have been referred for gynecological treatment, here too, a large percentage as a result of the trauma endured in Sinai. Harsh experiences in the Sinai have also translated into an increased number of patients seeking rehabilitative services from our Open Clinic. In the first 11 months of 2010, 367 people required orthopedic treatment; 225 were referred for physiotherapy.
To make sense of the growing accounts of torture, hostages, ransom, rape, physical and sexual abuse, PHR-Israel initiated a questionnaire posed to new patients arriving to Israel through the Sinai desert. Between October 12 and December 7, 2010, PHR-Israel interviewed a total of 167 individuals from Eritrea and Ethiopia, Sudan, the Ivory Coast, Somalia, Nigeria, Ghana, Congo, and Sierra Leone, including 108 men and 59 women, ranging in age from 19 to 66.
Abstract: Iran’s sustained crackdown on critical voices and China’s brutal suppression of ethnic journalism have pushed the number of journalists imprisoned worldwide to its highest level since 1996, the Committee to Protect Journalists has found. In its annual census of imprisoned journalists, CPJ identified 145 reporters, editors, and photojournalists behind bars on December 1, an increase of nine from the 2009 tally.
Iran and China, with 34 imprisoned journalists apiece, are the world’s worst jailers of the press, together constituting nearly half of the worldwide total. Eritrea, Burma, and Uzbekistan round out the five worst jailers from among the 28 nations that imprison journalists.
Abstract: For the past 60 years, the United Nations has been keeping foes apart in strife-torn parts
of the world, and rebuilding countries and communities afterwards. In the UN’s peace
operations in Africa, India has been an active partner since its peacekeeping mission in the
Congo in 1960. In this paper, all references to ‘the Congo’ denote the Democratic Republic
of Congo (formerly Zaire), and not the Republic of Congo (or Congo–Brazzaville).
This paper explores India’s peacekeeping efforts in Africa over the last five decades.
It analyses the reasons for India’s engagement in African peace missions, and finds that
different motives and incentives appear to be driving India’s peacekeeping. Some of these
can be explained along Cold War fault lines.
A chronological account of India’s peacekeeping actions in Africa illustrates that country’s
commitment to securing peace, the depth of involvement, the fatalities bravely borne and
the hardships endured. Even more important, the record shows that India continues to use
the experience that has been gained to refine its approach to peacekeeping.
In conclusion, the paper offers a forecast of what form India’s commitments to Africa’s
peacekeeping requirements are likely to take in the future. India may well develop criteria
that require a greater return on investment than has been the case over the last halfcentury.
A more tempered approach — particularly in view of India’s global aspirations
— seems likely.
Abstract: International responses to the protracted instability and violence in Somalia
have included both general restrictions on arms supplies to the country and
arming specific actors. A United Nations embargo imposed in 1992 bans arms
supplies to non-state actors. Since late 2006, the UN has supported the use of
military force by and in support of the Somali Transitional Federal Government
(TFG) and did not hinder or formally protest at a military intervention
by Ethiopian forces in late 2006 intended to bolster the TFG.
This Background Paper discusses recent arms supplies to Somalia and to
African external actors involved in the conflict, along with the risks associated
with supplying arms to the TFG and its supporters. Section II gives
brief background information on the conflict, armed actors in Somalia and
the arms embargo. Section III discusses arms flows to Somali opposition
groups and section IV to Eritrea, considered one of the main adversaries of
the TFG. Section V examines arms supplies to the TFG.1 Supplies to Ethiopia
and participants in the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) are
discussed in section VI. Section VII offers conclusions.
Abstract: Refugees, whether persecuted as a result of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, are excluded (sometimes in a very deliberate manner) from the structures of political power in their country of origin. The search for solutions to refugee situations is thus in part a struggle of the politically excluded for political inclusion. This paper consists of five parts. In the first section, the nature and dynamics of political participation are considered. The importance of political activity in general to democratic ideals of government is examined, as is the specific importance of political participation – both symbolic and substantive – to displaced populations.
The second part of the paper looks briefly at UNHCR's past and present engagement with refugee politics. In the following section, the political and logistical challenges of refugee participation in country of origin elections are considered. The fourth section looks at other forms of peaceful political engagement, including emerging transnational political activities. These analyzes draw on material from a number of case studies, including but not limited to Eritrea (1993), Bosnia (1996), Liberia (1997 and 2002) Kosovo (1999), East Timor (1999), Afghanistan (2004, 2009), Iraqi (2005, 2010) and Southern Sudan (2010, 2011).
The fifth and final part of the paper offers a number of conclusions and recommendations on how UNHCR might further develop its role in relation to refugee participation in country of origin politics.
Abstract: Eritrea has been deeply troubled since independence in 1991. Following the devastating war with Ethiopia (1998-2000), an authoritarian, militarised regime has further tightened political space, tolerating neither opposition nor dissent. Relations are difficult with the region and the wider international community. At African Union (AU) behest, the UN Security Council imposed sanctions in 2009 for its support of the Somali Islamic insurgency. It has become, in effect, a siege state, whose government is suspicious of its own population, neighbours and the wider world. Economically crippled at birth, it is a poor country from which tens of thousands of youths are fleeing, forming large asylum-seeking communities in Europe and North America. But Eritrea is an extreme reflection of its region’s rough political environment, not its sole spoiler. More effort to understand the roots of its suspicions and greater engagement rather than further isolation would be a more promising international prescription for dealing with the genuine risks it represents.
Abstract: Eritrea and Ethiopia are neighbors on the Horn of Africa. They share common languages, ethnicities, tribal structures and religious traditions. By outward appearances, they should co-exist symbiotically, like Canada and the United States. Instead, they resemble the Koreas – each at the other’s throat with no prospect for reconciliation on the horizon. Eritrean political culture over the past fifty years has spawned a national psyche consumed with fear and hatred of all things Ethiopian. That same culture has isolated Eritrea from the African Union (AU), the UN and the United States, and has driven the country into alignment with destabilizing regional forces for which it has no pre-ordained cultural affinity. Principal among Eritrea’s unlikely allies is Al Shabaab, the al Qaeda-affiliated militia prosecuting the Islamist insurgency in Somalia and an expanding terror campaign in greater Africa. This article reviews the genesis of this strange alliance and explores potential military solutions.
Abstract: South Sudan is just eight months away from a self-determination referendum that will likely result in its secession from the North. Much remains to be done to implement the outstanding elements of Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), and time is running out. The agreement’s underlying aim of “making unity attractive” has failed, and most Southerners thus appear determined to choose independence. Neighbouring states are increasingly focused on the fragile circumstances in Sudan and the likelihood of a newly independent state in the region. Support from Sudan’s neighbours for the referendum process and respect for its result will be crucial to ensuring peace and stability in the country and the region.
Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia, and Egypt are among the immediate regional states that matter most, as well as Eritrea and Libya. If a credible referendum is held in accordance with the CPA and the Interim National Constitution, and Khartoum endorses the process, recognition of a new Southern state should prove relatively uncomplicated for the region and CPA signatories more broadly. If, however, the process does not go according to plan – particularly if Khartoum attempts to manipulate, deny or delay the exercise or its result – regional states and institutions will need to consider how best to respond to ensure respect for the CPA and the right of self-determination and to avoid a new conflict. Not enough planning is being done in this regard.
Abstract: Towards the end of the six-year interim period defined in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), Sudan is potentially sliding into yet another crisis. The general elections in April – the first in 24 years – represent a rare test of confidence for the country’s incumbent elites. For many observers, however, the elections are merely a prelude to the referendum on the future status of South Sudan scheduled for early 2011. Political tensions in the run-up to the elections indicate that older conflicts still persist, and that the referendum will only reconfigure challenges. The already fragile situation could easily trigger a new outbreak of violence. It is therefore of the utmost urgency to prepare for the post-CPA period in Sudan. This publication, by a diverse group of others, discusses political perspectives and future scenarios for Sudan. In the introductory chapter, Alex de Waal outlines the enduring features that underlie Sudanese politics, and develops scenarios for the future of the country after the end of the CPA. He particularly emphasizes that the current debate around unity vs. secession may easily obscure an equally important question: whether or not, after decades of conflict and institutional decay, Sudan will remain governable at all. Atta El-Battahani, one of the most respected advocates of democracy in Khartoum, continues from there. He traces Sudan’s largely unsuccessful attempts at democratic transformation since independence, putting current efforts into historical perspective. El-Battahani then goes on to provide a concise and well-informed guide to the 2010 general elections: a brief who’s who of the Sudanese political scene, including all major parties, their internal dynamics, and electoral strategies. John Yoh adds a Southern perspective to this picture. His contribution critically assesses the SPLM’s five years as a 'liberation movement in power,' and it stresses the urgency for Southerners to think beyond the 2011 referendum. Yoh’s analysis of Southern Sudan is complemented by Marina Peter’s chapter on the future of the 'three areas.' People in Blue Nile, the Nuba Mountains, and Abyei – three regions that challenge the clear-cut North-South divide in Sudan – are increasingly concerned that the SPLM’s support for independence might leave them high and dry. Informed by her long-time work with Sudanese civil society, Peter argues for an inclusive political process that gives the population of the 'three areas' a real say in their future. The last two chapters focus on the external dimension of Sudanese politics and conflicts. Roland Marchal disentangles the complex web of interests, rivalries, alliances, and dependencies that links Sudan to its neighbors in the region. He then develops scenarios on how the possible secession of Southern Sudan could affect this precarious regional order. Finally, Peter Schumann shows how an initially local conflict became the concern of a variety of international actors, and outlines the sometimes conflicting interests of key players.
Abstract: Eritrea, with a population of an estimated 5.5 million, is a one‑party state that became independent in 1993 when citizens voted for independence from Ethiopia, following 30 years of civil war. The People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), previously known as the Eritrean People's Liberation Front, is the sole political party and has controlled the country since 1991. The country's president, Isaias Afwerki, who heads the PFDJ and the armed forces, dominated the country, and the government continued to postpone presidential and legislative elections; the latter have never been held. The border dispute with Ethiopia continued, despite international efforts at demarcation. The situation was used by the government to justify severe restrictions on civil liberties. Although civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces, consistent and systemic gross human rights violations persisted unabated at the government's behest. uman rights abuses included abridgement of citizens' right to change their government through a democratic process; unlawful killings by security forces; torture and beating of prisoners, sometimes resulting in death; abuse and torture of national service evaders, some of whom reportedly died from their injuries while in detention; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention, including of national service evaders and their family members; executive interference in the judiciary and the use of a special court system to limit due process; and infringement on privacy rights, including roundups of young men and women for national service, and the arrest and detention of the family members of service evaders. The government severely restricted freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, and religion.
Abstract: The Humanitarian Action Report is UNICEF's only publication dealing specifically with the needs of children and women in emergencies. It spotlights crises that require exceptional support, and additional funding, to save lives and protect children from harm in an increasingly challenging humanitarian environment.
This year's report – subtitled 'Partnering for children in emergencies' – says the world is seeing crises exacerbated by larger trends, such as climate change and the international financial downturn, that are beyond the capacity of any one agency to address.
The report appeals for nearly $1.2 billion in international donor funding for emergency-response efforts in 28 countries covering six regions – from Eastern Europe to Africa to Asia to Latin America. The funding will be used to support a greater emphasis on emergency preparedness, early warning, disaster risk reduction and rapid recovery.
Abstract: This article analyzes contemporary Eritrea’s acute crisis within the framework of the theory
of anomie. It is based on the hypothesis that militarization, forced labor, mass exodus,
and family disintegration can be interpreted as the consequences of two incompatible
norm and value systems: the collectivist, nationalistic, and militaristic worldview of the
former liberation front and ruling party People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ),
and the traditional cultural system of Eritrea’s society. In 2002 the regime introduced an
unlimited “development campaign,” thereby forcing large parts of the society to live as
conscripts and perform unpaid labor. This has caused a mass exodus of young people and
a rapid process of family disintegration. The article is based on empirical fieldwork and
evaluates the ongoing developments, which have led to rapid economic decline and the
destabilization of the entire fabric of society.
Abstract: The Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) is the regional organisation of
seven Eastern African countries with a stated ambition to achieve peace, prosperity and
regional integration among its member states. Each of these objectives is challenging, but
none more so than the prevention, management and resolution of violent conflict in a region
that has been steeped in warfare for decades. The current conflicts in the Horn of Africa
include civil war in Darfur, protracted state collapse in Somalia, deep hostility and a stalled
peace process between Ethiopia and Eritrea, a fragile peace agreement between North and
South Sudan, a border dispute between Eritrea and Djibouti and periodic bouts of unrest in
the Ogaden and Northern Uganda.
This paper assesses the contribution that IGAD has made to regional security in the Horn of
Africa since the mid 1990s. It begins with a brief account of the origins of IGAD in 1986 and
the development of its peace and security mandate in 1996, set in the context of an evolving
African regionalism. It then examines the two major peace processes over which IGAD has
presided, the first for Sudan (1993-2005) and then the Somali process (2002-2004). The next
section considers the overall effectiveness of IGAD’s contribution to peace and security and
assesses the success of IGAD’s reconciliation efforts in Sudan and Somalia. The paper argues
that the regional security framework of IGAD was conceived during an exceptional (and
brief) interlude of good relations among all its member states. It attributes the subsequent
failure of IGAD to prevent or resolve much of the serious conflict in the Horn to an
entrenched political culture that endorses the use of force and mutual intervention by states in
each other’s conflicts and domestic affairs. It notes that IGAD member states continue to fuel
conflict even when reconciliation talks are in progress and suggests that where positive results
have been achieved these are more the product of regional power politics than of IGAD’s
institutional strength. It concludes that the scope for the IGAD Secretariat to develop an
autonomous conflict-resolution capability will remain limited, but that member states will still
seek to utilise IGAD’s authority to legitimise their own regional policies.
Abstract: The following is intended to provide a report of the discussions at the “Examining the ‘Bastions’ of Terror: Governance and Policy in Yemen and the Horn of Africa” conference held November 4-6, 2004 at the John F. Kennedy School of Government. Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, and the Sudan—the countries constituting the “Horn of Africa”— together with Yemen, are potential hostages to terrorism. Their largely unsecured territories provide a platform for terrorists, and their internal conflicts and weaknesses create potential breeding grounds for current and future anti-American terrorism.
American efforts to combat terrorism in the region demand cohesive strategies across U.S. foreign policy agencies and across the region. The U.S. must employ multipronged social, economic, political, and military strategies to overcome not only the immediate threats but medium- and longer-term risks.
Abstract: This report deals with the closure of the United Nations Mission
in Eritrea and Ethiopia (UNMEE). This study seeks to understand why the UN
Security Council decided to close the mission – before its completion, and counter
to the recommendation of the Secretary-General. There is no unambiguous answer to
this, but in unpacking UNMEE’s trajectory, contextual factors and addressing various
stakeholders’ retrospective perceptions, there emerges a largely congruent master narrative
of the mounting dilemmas and challenges that UNMEE was faced with, and
that eventually led the Security Council to terminate the mission. Understanding this
trajectory and the dilemmas it conveys should also be of relevance for the management
of ongoing and establishment of new peacekeeping missions. In unravelling the UNMEE story and seeking an answer to why the mission was
terminated, this paper also takes up aspects perceived to be general policy dilemmas
with regard to managing peacekeeping mission. These relate to the political role of
peacekeeping missions and the ability to detect and manage the impact of deteriorating
political consent. This paper thus argues that UNMEE’s lack of a political component
and role and its structural detachment from other instruments deemed central to the
peace process were detrimental not only to the mission and the perception of UN,
but also to the conflict, by shifting the focus from a comprehensive solution to the
conflict and border issue.
Abstract: The Security Council today imposed arms and travel sanctions on Eritrea for supporting insurgents trying to topple the nascent government in nearby Somalia.
The resolution, supported by 13 of the 15 members of the Council, places an arms embargo on Eritrea, imposes travel bans on the Horn of Africa nation's top political and military officials, and freezes the assets of some of the country's senior political and military officials.
China, one of the five permanent members of the Council, abstained from voting for the resolution, while Libya voted against it.
In the resolution, the Council expressed concern over Eritrea's rejection of the United Nations-facilitated Djibouti Agreement, a 2008 peace accord between Somalia's Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia (ARS).
Despite that pact, fighting and humanitarian suffering continue to engulf Somalia, which has been without a central authority for nearly two decades. Eritrea and Djibouti are also engaged in a border dispute.
Today's resolution “demands that all Member States, in particular Eritrea, cease arming, training, and equipping armed groups and their members including al-Shabaab, that aim to destabilize the region or incite violence and civil strife in Djibouti.”
It also calls on all nations to support the Djibouti peace process and support the TFG's reconciliation efforts in Somalia.
Abstract: This data source provides the numbers of refugees and asylum seekers in Kenya, disaggregated by country of origin and location, and with trend data from 2006 to 2009. The data source also provides numbers of refugees and asylum seekers by the status of refugee or asylum status (applied, decided, pending), and the numbers of repatriated and resettled refugees and asylum seekers.