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Abstract: Conflict continues to pose one of the biggest
threats to the survival, development and well being
of a significant number of children across the world.
In the past decade, 2 million children have died
directly as a result of conflict and 6 million have
been permanently disabled or seriously injured.
Explosive weapons were responsible for the death
and injury of thousands of children in a number of
conflicts in 2009, including Operation Cast Lead
in Gaza, the final stage of the war in northern
Sri Lanka, and the intensification of conflicts in
Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia and Yemen. In these
latter four countries, as well as in the occupied
Palestinian territory and Iraq, the use of explosive
weapons continued through 2010. Children were
often the victims in these conflicts, with too little
attention paid to minimising the risk to them or to
ensuring that their fundamental human rights, such
as the right to life,were not violated.
As well as governments’ use of explosive weapons
in populated areas, recent decades have seen
a rising number of non state actors using more
sophisticated explosive weapons. For instance,
information leaked from Afghanistan indicates that
the Taliban has used shoulder launched surface to
air missiles, which are more technologically
advanced than the rocket propelled grenades they
frequently use. Improvised explosive devices
have also become more sophisticated and more
deadly over the past two decades.
Section 1 of this report describes the impact
of explosive weapons on children and their
communities. Section 2 outlines the international
human rights and legal framework that could
and should be implemented to protect children.
In Section 3, Save the Children proposes three
steps towards minimising the impact of explosive
weapons on children and makes recommendations
to the international community, governments and
Abstract: President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s authoritarian and Sinhalese nationalist post-war policies are undermining prospects for reconciling Sri Lanka’s ethnic communities, weakening democracy for all Sri Lankans and increasing the risk of a return to violent conflict.
Reconciliation in Sri Lanka: Harder than Ever , the latest report from the International Crisis Group, analyses how the Rajapaksa government continues to use its war-time “with us or against us” paradigm to consolidate power and deny the Tamil minority’s legitimate grievances against the state.
“Two years since the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Sri Lanka is further from reconciliation than ever”, says Robert Templer, Crisis Group’s Asia Program Director. “President Rajapaksa and his powerful brothers continue to repress the media and political opponents, while manipulating elections and silencing civil society”.
Decades of political violence and civil war have polarised Sri Lanka’s ethnic communities and politicised institutions, particularly those involved in law and order. Each of the major ethnic groups – Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims – has suffered immensely. Conflicts have left hundreds of thousands dead, injured or displaced and entrenched fears and misunderstandings in each community.
Instead of addressing these post-war challenges, the government has increasingly co-opted opponents, undermined institutions and cut minorities out of decisions on their economic and political futures, clinging to its claim that the war was about “terrorism” and not an ethnic conflict. It has controlled narratives both within and outside the country, reacting furiously to any challenge to the official version. Its hand is strengthened by the unwillingness of much of the million-strong Tamil diaspora to recognise the brutality of the LTTE and its share of responsibility for a largely broken Tamil society.
Abstract: This report analyses the role of global arms trade in civil wars, focusing specifically on Sri Lanka. The war between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam - ltte - was one of the world’s most violent and long-lasting armed conflicts. An estimated 84 000 people lost their lives, while hundreds of thousands were displaced. Severe human rights abuses accompanied the armed conflict, which started in 1983 and ended with a government military victory over the ltte in 2009 – a victory that, however, did not end the underlying conflicts that had caused the war.
The experiences from Sri Lanka vividly illustrates how contemporary armed conflicts remain one of the most pressing global problems, causing death, displacement, poverty, social divides and personal trauma. Civil wars such as the one in Sri Lanka are enabled by weapons provided through the global arms trade. A global process is currently under way, aiming to develop an Arms Trade Treaty - att - – a comprehensive and binding agreement that would control the international trade in conventional weapons. The treaty is being negotiated in a series of preparatory committee meetings, leading up to a negotiating conference in 2012.
This in-depth study of arms supplies to Sri Lanka aims to contribute to the debate about arms trade and a potential international treaty. The report illustrates the workings of the global arms trade and the limitations of current arms trade regulations, while also connecting the arms deals to its real consequences in armed conflict. The report shows how the arms trade was part of and has affected both the conflict and conflict resolution attempts in Sri Lanka. It looks at the human suffering and economic consequences of the war, investigates from where the Sri Lankan government and the ltte obtained their weapons and, finally, identifies the gaps between arms trade regulations and the rhetoric by international actors, on the one hand, and the practices of arms trade on the other.
Abstract: India has long been the country with the greatest influence over Sri Lanka but its policies to encourage the government there towards a sustainable peace are not working. Despite India’s active engagement and unprecedented financial assistance, the Sri Lankan government has failed to make progress on pressing post-war challenges. Government actions and the growing political power of the military are instead generating new grievances that increase the risk of an eventual return to violence. To support a sustainable and equitable post-war settlement in Sri Lanka and limit the chances of another authoritarian and military-dominated government on its borders, India needs to work more closely with the United States, the European Union and Japan, encouraging them to send the message that Sri Lanka’s current direction is not acceptable. It should press for the demilitarisation of the north, a return to civil administration there and in the east and the end of emergency rule throughout the country.
Abstract: Russia and Mexico, two of the world’s most murderous countries for the press, are heading in different directions in combating deadly anti-press violence, the Committee to Protect Journalists has found in its newly updated Impunity Index. The index, which calculates unsolved journalist murders as a percentage of each country’s population, found improvement in Russia as journalist murders ebbed and prosecutors obtained two high-profile convictions. But deadly anti-press violence continued to climb in Mexico, where authorities appear powerless in bringing killers to justice.
Colombia continued a years-long pattern of improvement, CPJ’s index found, while conditions in Bangladesh reflected a slight upturn. But the countries at the top of the index—Iraq, Somalia, and the Philippines—showed either no improvement or even worsening records. Iraq, with an impunity rating three times worse than that of any other nation, is ranked first for the fourth straight year. Although crossfire and other conflict-related deaths have dropped in Iraq in recent years, the targeted killings of journalists spiked in 2010.
“The findings of the 2011 Impunity Index lay bare the stark choices that governments face: Either address the issue of violence against journalists head-on or see murders continue and self-censorship spread,” said CPJ Executive Director Joel Simon. “Convictions in Russia are a hopeful sign after years of indifference and denial. But Mexico’s situation is deeply troubling, with violence spiking as the government promises action but fails to deliver.”
CPJ’s annual Impunity Index, first published in 2008, identifies countries where journalists are murdered regularly and governments fail to solve the crimes. For this latest index, CPJ examined journalist murders that occurred between January 1, 2001 through December 31, 2010, and that remain unsolved. Only the 13 nations with five or more unsolved cases are included on the index. Cases are considered unsolved when no convictions have been obtained.
Impunity is a key indicator in assessing levels of press freedom and free expression in nations worldwide. CPJ research shows that deadly, unpunished violence against journalists often leads to vast self-censorship in the rest of the press corps. From Somalia to Mexico, CPJ has found that journalists avoid sensitive topics, leave the profession, or flee their homeland to escape violent retribution.
Abstract: On June 22, 2010, the Secretary General announced the appointment of a Panel of Experts to advise him on the implementation of the joint commitment included in the statement issued by the President of Sri Lanka and the Secretary General at the conclusion of the Secretary General's visit to Sri Lanka on March 23, 2009. In the Joint Statement, the Secretary General "underlined the importance of an accountability process", and the Government of Sri Lanka agreed that it "will take measures to address those grievances". The Panel's mandate is to advise the Secretary General regarding the modalities, applicable international standards and comparative experience relevant to an accountability process having regard to the nature and scope of alleged violations of international humanitarian and human rights law during the final stages of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka.
The Panel's determination of credible allegations reveals a very different version of the final stages of the war than that maintained to this day by the Government of Sri Lanka. The Government says it pursued a "humanitarian rescue operation" with a zero policy of "zero civilian casualties". In stark contrast, the Panel found credible allegations, which if proven, indicate that a wide range of serious violations of international and human rights law was committed by both the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE, some of which would amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Abstract: The Portfolio of Mine Action Projects is a resource tool and reference document for donors, policy-makers, advocates, and national and international mine action implementers. The country and territory-specific proposals in the portfolio reflect strategic responses developed in the field to address all aspects of the problem of landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW). This country and territory-based approach aims to present as comprehensive a picture as possible of the full range of mine action needs in particular countries and thematic issues related to mine action. The portfolio ideally reflects projects developed by mine- and ERW-affected countries and territories based on their priorities and strategies; the approaches are endorsed by national authorities. The portfolio does not automatically entail full-scale direct mine action assistance by the United Nations, but is in essence a tool for collaborative resource mobilization, coordination and planning of mine action activities involving partners and stakeholders. A country portfolio coordinator (CPC) leads each country portfolio team and coordinates the submission of proposals to the portfolio’s headquarters team. While the majority of the CPCs are UN officials, this role is increasingly being assumed by national authorities. The country portfolio teams include representatives from national and local authorities, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the United Nations and the private sector. Locally based donor representatives are invited to attend preparation meetings. Each portfolio chapter contains a synopsis of the scope of the landmine and ERW problem, a description of how mine action is coordinated, and a snapshot of local mine action strategies. Many of the strategies complement or are integrated into broader development and humanitarian frameworks such as national development plans, the UN development assistance frameworks and national poverty reduction plans. This 14th edition of the annual Portfolio of Mine Action Projects features overviews and project outlines for 29 countries, territories or missions affected by landmines and explosive remnants of war. There are 238 projects in the 2011 portfolio. Africa accounts for the largest number: 92.
Abstract: The paper provides an assessment of India’s role in the final years of the civil war in Sri Lanka
(2003‐2009). In particular, it looks for explanations for India’s inability to act as a conflict manager
in its own region, which is in contrast to predominant assumptions about the role of
powerful regional states. It also seeks to explain the surprising turn in India’s approach to the
conflict, when in 2007 New Delhi began to rather explicitly support the Sri Lankan government—
in disregard of its traditional preference for a peaceful solution and its sensitivity for
the fate of Sri Lankan Tamils. While historical and domestic pressures led to India’s indecisive
approach during the years 2003‐2007, starting from 2007 regional and international factors—
most notably the skillful diplomacy of the Sri Lankan government and the growing Chinese
presence there—induced New Delhi to support the government side in order to keep some
leverage on Sri Lankan affairs. The analysis of the Sri Lankan case opens several avenues for
further research in the fields of regional conflict management and foreign policy analysis.
Abstract: Militia, freedom fighters, rebels, terrorists,
paramilitaries, revolutionaries, guerrillas, gangs,
quasi-state bodies... and many other labels. In this
issue of FMR we look at all of these, at actors defined
as being armed and being ‘non-state’ – that is to say,
without the full responsibilities and obligations of the
state. Some of these actors have ideological or political
aims; some aspire to hold territory and overthrow a
government; some could be called organised groups,
and for others that would stretch the reality. Their
objectives vary but all are in armed conflict with the
state and/or with each other. Such actors, deliberately or
otherwise, regularly cause the displacement of people.
This issue of FMR
focuses more on the consequences of their violence and
its effects on people, and suggests ways in which these
might be mitigated. The articles included here reflect the
views of civil society groups and individuals in regular
contact with non-state armed groups, of academics and
governments, and of organisations that have years of
experience in engaging – creatively and productively –
with non-state armed groups.
This issue also includes a range of articles discussing
subjects as varied as the labelling of migrants, solar
energy in camps, gang persecution, and scoring states’
performance in respect of the rights of refugees.
Abstract: This policy brief offers eight targeted policy recommendations for combating the convergence of terrorism, crime, and politics. Rather than simply warning about the potential for interaction and synergy among terrorist, criminal, and political actors, this policy brief aims to explore possibilities for exploiting their divergences. In particular, it emphasizes the need to grapple with the economic, political, and combat power that some terrorist groups enjoy through their involvement in crime and conflict.
Abstract: This handbook is intended to serve as a document that provides relevant information on issues that external actors who interact with diasporas in development and peacebuilding will encounter. It does not present simple replicable techniques, tools or instruments; rather, the authors aim to explain the underlying philosophy and aspects of process involved in facilitating participation of diasporas in development and peacebuilding (Pretty et al., 1995: ii). How to best apply these principles will vary from context to context. The document is based on experiences with various diaspora communities in the five European countries (Finland, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Norway), though many of the examples cited focus on the Somali diaspora and, more generally, on diasporas originating from Africa. A number of those experiences are described in detail in separate text boxes.
Abstract: With the end of the conflict between Sri Lankan government forces and the Liberation Tigers for Tamil Eelam (LTTE or ‘Tamil Tigers’) in 2009, normality has returned for much of the population of Sri Lanka. But for members of the country’s two main minority groups – Tamils and Muslims – living in the north and east of the country, harsh material conditions, economic marginalisation, and militarism remain prevalent. Drawing on interviews with activists, religious and political leaders, and ordinary people living in these areas of the country, MRG found a picture very much at odds with the official image of peace and prosperity following the end of armed conflict.
Abstract: To assist Pakistan in building a national rehabilitation
programme, the Government of Pakistan has engaged
Singapore’s International Centre for Political Violence
and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR) since 2008. ICPVTR staff
held meetings throughout Pakistan to build support in
laying the foundation for a rehabilitation programme.
This included meetings with both political leaders and
The vision of building a structured rehabilitation
programme for inmates and detainees driven by terrorist
and extremist ideologies was shared by Mr. Tariq Pervez,
chairman of the National Counter Terrorism Authority
of Pakistan, when he participated at the inaugural
International Conference on Terrorist Rehabilitation held
in Singapore on 24-26 February 2009. The paper was aptly
entitled “Challenges of Establishing a Rehabilitation Programme in Pakistan.”
Nonetheless, the initiative to launch the rehabilitation
programme in Pakistan is a natural progression.
Abstract: In late 2010, over 320,000 people who had fled their homes due to the armed conflict before and after 2008 were estimated to remain internally displaced in Sri Lanka. Meanwhile, over 190,000 IDPs had returned to their homes, but were still in need of protection and assistance.
More than 280,000 people (“new” IDPs) had fled the conflict in the northern Vanni region between April 2008 and June 2009. As of October 2010, more than 100,000 among them remained in displacement, including 26,000 people staying in temporary camps in Vavuniya and Jaffna districts, 71,000 living with host families and 1,800 in transit camps in their districts of origin. 180,000 people who had returned to their homes remained in need of protection and assistance there. In addition, 8,000 people who had been separated from the IDPs because of alleged LTTE affiliation remained in detention and had not received due process.
Among people who had been forced to flee their homes prior to April 2008 (“old” IDPs), at least 227,000 remained in displacement. More than 70,000 of them had been displaced from areas that were declared High Security Zones. Also included in the category of “old” IDPs were at least 60,000 Muslims whom the LTTE had expelled from their homes in the north in 1990 and who have since been in protracted displacement in Puttalam district. More than 14,000 had returned to their homes in the Northern Province by October 2010.
Abstract: This policy brief describes the important linkages between land rights and landmines in conflict-affected
contexts. Its purpose is to deepen awareness within the broader mine action and development communities
about these linkages, and provide guidance on how to effectively mainstream land rights issues into
mine action operations.
Land rights in conflict-affected situations are a topic
of increasing concern for the humanitarian and
development community. The recovery of households,
communities and countries following war depend to
a large degree on re-establishing clear rights over
land resources which are the basis of livelihoods.
The land rights situation becomes particularly critical
in mine-affected countries, where land access can
be denied for years or decades. Mine action organisations
(i.e. National Mine Action Authorities, National
Mine Action Centres, mine/ERW operators
and mine action donors) typically avoid land rights
issues in their activities, due to considerations of
neutrality, mandate, complexity, awareness and
political sensitivity. However the decision to survey
and clear (or not) particular areas inevitably involves
land rights issues.
This policy brief is based on a series of country case
studies (Afghanistan, Angola, Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Cambodia, Sri Lanka, South Sudan and Yemen)
commissioned by the Geneva International Centre
for Humanitarian Demining (GICHD), as well as
presentations and discussions that took place at an
international workshop organised by the GICHD
in October 2010. It also draws on the extensive
land and conflict related research and policy work
carried out by the Overseas Development Institute,
UN-HABITAT, academics and others.
Abstract: On 19 May 2009 Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse declared to parliament that the country’s 30-year-old war had come to an end with the defeat of the Liberation Tigers for Tamil Eelam (LTTE). He led Sri Lanka through a week of celebrations as people were asked to hoist the national flag at homes and schools, while the media, especially the Sinhala language press, trumpeted praise for the country’s heroic armed forces. In northern Sri Lanka, however, the scenario was very different. Over 280,000 people were pouring into Internally Displaced Persons’ (IDPs) camps that were struggling to cope with the numbers. The government was completely unprepared for the exodus. Although International Non-Government Organizations (INGOs) had warned that more than 200,000 people were trapped in the fighting, the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the Indian government stuck to a figure of 70,000. Many children were suffering from malnutrition, having been starved for days by the LTTE and having no access to food. The majority were severely traumatized, having watched numbers of people killed by the LTTE and by the Sri Lankan army. They brought with them stories of dead bodies scattered across the roads. In the run-up to their escape, when they were held hostage by the LTTE, shot at by the militants whilst trying to escape, and faced incessant shelling by the Sri Lankan military, thousands were killed. During the escape many families were separated.
Abstract: While none of the previous attempts at formal peacemaking in Sri
Lanka allowed women any role in the negotiating process1, the peace
talks which commenced in 2002 established a formal space for their
engagement by creating a Sub Committee for Gender Issues (SGI) to
report directly to the plenary of the peace talks. Mandated to “explore
the effective inclusion of gender concerns in the peace process”, the SGI
was facilitated by a senior Norwegian politician (Dr. Astrid Heiberg)
and was comprised of ten appointees, five each from the Government
of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
I was a member of the SGI from its inception and remained a part of it
until 2003 when the talks collapsed. In this paper I examine the SGI as
a mechanism for women’s inclusion in peace processes and consider the
pros and cons of such mechanisms for advancing gender concerns and
women’s interests in peacemaking processes and outcomes.
Abstract: This document provides chapter summaries from SIPRI's 2009 yearbook. The 40th edition of the SIPRI Yearbook includes coverage of developments during 2008 in:
major armed conflicts;
multilateral peace operations;
international arms transfers;
world nuclear forces and fissile material stocks;
nuclear arms control and non-proliferation;
reducing security threats from chemical and biological materials;
conventional arms control;
controls on security-related international transfers; and
multilateral arms embargoes;
as well as special studies on:
mass displacement caused by conflicts and one-sided violence;
one-sided violence against civilians;
the legitimacy of peace operations;
security and politics in Afghanistan;
US and Iraqi military spending;
arms transfers to Sri Lanka;
the adoption of the Cluster Munitions Convention; and
defence trade cooperation agreements
SIPRI Yearbook 2009 also has extensive annexes on arms control and disarmament agreements and international security cooperation bodies, and a chronology of events during 2008 in the area of security and arms control.
Abstract: A year-long study in six countries has found that the goals of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1325, enacted 10 years ago, have not been fulfilled and that implementation is generally poor. The U.N. itself, major industrial powers, other international organizations, and conflict states have all failed to include women in peace processes and peacebuilding, two key goals of the resolution.
The study, “What the Women Say: Participation and UNSCR 1325,” was organized by the MIT Center for International Studies, Cambridge, Mass., and the International Civil Society Action Network, a NGO based in Washington DC. The 50-page study and recommendations are being released on Oct. 28 at 10:00 A.M. at the U.S. Mission to the U.N.
In the six countries—Aceh (Indonesia), Colombia, Israel and Palestine, Liberia, Sri Lanka, and Uganda—researchers found that the governments had essentially failed to take the necessary steps to raise women’s participation. In some of these countries, formal legislation had been enacted but had not been implemented. In others, special advisers or commissions have been created, but the offices are ineffective, politicized, or diverting resources from women NGOs.
“The cases show that by limiting peace talks to only belligerents – state and non-state actors – and marginalizing peace groups, the international community is de facto legitimizing violence. ” said Sanam N. Anderlini, the study’s principal author and co-organizer of the project. “The way things are, as long as women are not a security threat, their concerns and interests will be sidelined. Peace processes are about ceasefires and power deals, not real peace.”
The study was based on extensive interviews in each country, government documents, press accounts, and the experience of the study team. The work was supported by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Irish Aid, Forum for Women and Development, Channel Foundation, among others.
The case studies were conducted by Cerue Garlo, Liberia; Shyamala Gomez, Sri Lanka; Suraiya Kamaruzzaman, Aceh; Turid Smith Polfus, Palestine/Israel; Elena Rey, Colombia; and Lina Zedriga, Uganda.
Abstract: The authors analyse the current trends and the transnational politics of the Tamil Diaspora after the military defeat of the LTTE in May 2009. The main objective of the paper is to offer a nuanced understanding of the Tamil Diaspora politics as it is being currently expressed globally and specifically in the United Kingdom and Canada. This study examines the driving factors, the underlying change theory and the internal as well as external dynamics to shed light on the complex and multifaceted nature of Tamil Diaspora politics in the post-war era. The authors suggest looking at the Tamil Diaspora as a rational political actor vested with interest and agency. The paper argues that the Tamil Diaspora will remain a critical factor in any conflict resolution effort, including those by host countries, due to its "homeland" politics and its stance towards the domestic policies of the host. Hence, any political settlement of the ethnopolitical conflict in Sri Lanka will only be sustainable if the Tamil Diaspora is included as an essential stakeholder in conflict resolution efforts and their concerns are given due consideration.
Abstract: The Mediation Practice Series (MPS) was initiated in 2008 as
part of the HD Centre’s efforts to support the broader mediation
community. Based on the shared view that mediators often confront similar
dilemmas although mediation differs widely across peace
processes, the HD Centre has decided to produce a series of
decision-making tools that draw upon the comparative experience
of track one mediation processes. As mediators consider engagement with armed groups they
face a variety of challenges and options – including whether it is
wise to engage at all. This contribution to the Mediation Practice
Series addresses engagement by those working toward peace
processes which involve formal interaction between leaders.
The focus is on the dilemmas, challenges and risks involved in a
mediator’s early contacts with an armed group and subsequent
engagement as interlocutor, message-carrier, adviser and/or
facilitator – all roles that may precede and accompany formal
negotiation between parties to a conflict.
The armed groups considered are those whose rebellion or
resistance explicitly challenges the authority of the state, rather
than the full spectrum of non-state armed groups (which would
include criminal organisations and gangs, as well as paramilitary
actors accountable to the state). The former claim their violence
is rooted in legitimate self-defence against the infringement of
their rights. Political in its origin – if at times criminal in its conduct
– armed action is pursued as a means to a political end. While
military pressure, or other actions by security forces, may be necessary to counter it, in almost all cases a lasting resolution to
the conflict will depend on some form of political accommodation
or agreement. Case studies include: The FMLN and the UN in El Salvador (p. 8-13), Dilemmas of talking to the Taliban (p. 13-14), Private mediators and the GAM
in Aceh (p. 15-18), Coping with pre-conditions
on Hamas (p. 20-23), The ICC and the LRA in conflict
at the peace table (p. 23-28), Case study : Norway and the LTTE (p. 28-29), Case study : Engaging the Maoists in Nepal (p. 31-35).
Abstract: Seven actual or potential conflict situations around the world deteriorated and none improved in September 2010, according to the latest issue of the International Crisis Group’s monthly bulletin CrisisWatch.Guinea saw increased political and ethnic divisions, exacerbated by controversies related to the presidential elections. Two days of violent clashes in the capital between rival supporters of the two presidential candidates, Alpha Conde and Cellou Diallo, left one person dead and dozens injured. Continued delays in the timing of the run-off and Diallo’s rejection of the appointment of the election commission’s new head led to further tensions between the two camps.
In Sri Lanka moves by President Rajapaksa to consolidate his power through a de facto constitutional coup transformed the political terrain. On 8 September the parliament passed the 18th Amendment to the Constitution, which gives the President nearly unbridled power by scrapping term limits on the presidency, abolishing the Constitutional Council and allowing the President to appoint directly officials to the judiciary, police and electoral bodies.
More protesters were killed by police in Kashmir as anti-India demonstrations continued and spread to new areas, bringing the death toll from the demonstrations since June to over 100. The Indian government on 25 September announced an eight-point plan aimed at calming the situation. Separatist leaders rejected the initiative and said that protests will continue.
The situation in Burundi deteriorated as violent clashes between security forces and armed groups increased, alongside kidnappings and fatal attacks on civilians. There are increasingly credible indications that elements disgruntled with elections held earlier this year have re-established bases and taken up arms in the Rukoko and Kibira areas. However, local authorities deny that former rebels are regrouping and insist that bandits are behind the recent attacks.
The month saw a new upsurge of violence in Russia’s restive North Caucasus region, demonstrating the growing ability of guerrillas to carry out major operations. In the deadliest terrorist strike anywhere in Russia since the March subway bombings in Moscow, a suicide attack killed at least 17 at a market in the capital of North Ossetia. A spate of bold guerrilla attacks also struck security personnel and infrastructure in Dagestan. The situation in Ecuador took a dramatic turn at the end of the month when disaffected members of the police and armed forces staged a protest against proposed austerity measures, taking control of the National Assembly building and airport and laying siege to a hospital where President Correa had sought refuge. President Correa later said the revolt amounted to an attempted coup. Meanwhile, in Mozambique 13 people were killed and over 170 injured in three days of riots that took place early in the month over food and energy price increases.
Abstract: Although the conflict between the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) ended in May 2009, the GoSL continues to detain approximately eight thousand individuals under administrative detention without charge or trial. “Beyond Lawful Constraints: Sri Lanka’s Mass Detention of LTTE Suspects” addresses the human rights concerns arising from the world’s largest mass detention of persons held in connection with an internal armed conflict. The ICJ is concerned that the GoSL’s “surrendee” and “rehabilitation” regime fails to adhere to international law and standards, amounting to an arbitrary deprivation of liberty and denial of the right to a fair trial.
Abstract: The present report, covering the period May 2009 to May 2010, is submitted
pursuant to General Assembly resolution 51/77 and other subsequent resolutions of the
Assembly on the rights of the child, including its most recent resolution 64/146, in which
the Assembly requested the Special Representative on Children and Armed Conflict to
continue to submit a report to the Human Rights Council on the activities undertaken in
discharging her mandate, including information on her field visits and on the progress
achieved, and challenges remaining on the children and armed conflict agenda.
Abstract: After three decades of conflict, Sri Lanka's government defeated the ethnic separatist insurgent group Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), popularly known as the Tamil Tigers, in May 2009. The violence and brutality employed by both sides in the final years of the conflict drew significant interest from the global civilian and military communities, especially when Sri Lanka credited its callousness to civilian casualties as a key to its success. The defeat of the LTTE added to the debates over U.S. counterinsurgency (COIN) doctrine and the role of lethal force in counterinsurgency. Some have advocated that the United States consider employing such tactics as part of an effective COIN campaign, utilizing recent cases such as Sri Lanka and Chechnya to bolster their case.