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Abstract: The 94-page report, "Gold's Costly Dividend: Human Rights Impacts of Papua New Guinea's Porgera Gold Mine," identifies systemic failures on the part of Toronto-based Barrick Gold that kept the company from recognizing the risk of abuses, and responding to allegations that abuses had occurred. The report examines the impact of Canada's failure to regulate the overseas activities of its companies and also calls on Barrick to address environmental and health concerns around the mine with greater transparency.
"We interviewed women who described brutal gang rapes by security guards at Barrick's mine," said Chris Albin-Lackey, senior business and human rights researcher at Human Rights Watch. "The company should have acted long before Human Rights Watch conducted its research and prompted them into action".
Abstract: This case study examines contemporary experiences of conflict in four contexts: Papua New Guinea, with particular reference to the island of Bougainville and the Highlands region; Solomon Islands; and Vanuatu. We find common themes in these experiences, despite the region’s famous socio-linguistic diversity, fragmented geography and varied experience of globalisation. Melanesia offers distinctive lessons about how conflict may be understood, promoted and avoided. The paper is organized in two broad parts.
The first part is contextual. It provides a brief account of conflict and violence in social life before and after colonization. It then tracks, largely chronologically, through the local, national and transnational dimensions of contemporary conflict, how it was avoided, how it has changed, and how it has been managed in different contexts. Particular attention is given to global and regional influences, and to how governments, local people, and external security, development and commercial actors, have worked to mitigate and, at times, exacerbate conflict.
The second part of the case study is more analytical. It steps back from the particulars to address themes and propositions in the overall conceptual framing of WDR 2011 about the nature of conflict, and the underlying stresses and interests that may render it more likely. Part II draws lessons from the histories and contexts discussed in Part 1. We organize these around three themes thatreflect views shared with us by people during consultations. The first highlights the need to recognize conflict as an inherent part of social change and thus the need to distinguish between socially generative social contest, and forms of conflict that are corrosive and destructive. The second examines how the way people ‘see’ and understand the world directly shapes systems of regulation and ‘the rules of the game’ and thus directly affect responses to conflict. The third theme argues that capable and legitimate institutions to regulate social contest requires not just capable state institutions, but as much, relationships with local and international agents and organizations operating below and above the state.
Abstract: This brief presents the progress to date in developing
a typology of wartime rape as a first step toward
understanding the different consequences of this form
of violence in war. This publication focuses solely on
wartime rape perpetrated by armed groups against
civilians, though this form of violence is perpetrated
more widely by, and against, different actors during
war. The wider perpetration of rape against other
actors is not presented in this brief, but is nevertheless
included in the Typology. The Typology is a product of
two phases of research: a) an initial phase (November
2008–May 2009) where a preliminary typology was
created based on an examination of two country
cases of wartime rape: Bosnia and Herzegovina,
and El Salvador; and b) a second phase (September
2009–May 2010) where the typology was refined
according to data collected from a review of the
literature on ten additional country cases of wartime
rape (Cambodia, Colombia, Democratic Republic
of the Congo, Liberia, Nepal, Papua New Guinea/
Bougainville, Peru, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Timor Leste).
The Typology was designed on the basis of a definition
of wartime, which includes a myriad of war dynamics
that surround and influence the perpetration of
rape, and which can be organized into the following
type of conflict in which wartime rape occurs;
characteristics of the armed group;
motivations for the rape;
characteristics of the rapist;
characteristics of the raped person; and
characteristics of the rape.
Abstract: Do sanctions, incentives and conditionality support or undermine the peace process?
This edition of Accord assesses whether these instruments can persuade conflict
parties to engage in peacemaking. Used effectively, these tools can tip the balance
towards a settlement by increasing the costs of fighting and rewarding peace. But
unless developed as part of a coherent and strategic approach to peacemaking they
can be ineffective and have sometimes exacerbated tensions and fuelled conflict.
Sanctions, incentives and conditionality must be responsive to parties’ own
motivations and support pre-existing conditions for conflict resolution. Four overriding conclusions can be drawn from this
study for how to enhance the effectiveness of external
influence in support of peacemaking. (1) External actors
need to prioritize support for sustainable peace as their
primary goal in a conflict situation and craft their
strategy to help achieve it – recognizing that this may, in
turn, create the enabling conditions for achieving other
foreign policy goals. (2) Sanctions, incentives and
conditionality are most likely to be effective when they
are responsive to the parties’ own motivational
structures and support a pre-existing societal dynamic
for conflict resolution. (3) They need to be designed and
implemented in ways that help to create momentum in
the resolution process, which (4) typically requires a degree of strategic coherence amongst external actors,
necessitating mechanisms for coordination.
Abstract: In the last couple of decades, debate within the international community and the Pacific has centred on the challenges posed to socio-economic and political development by insecurity and conflict. This focus has also resulted in a shifting understanding of security, which now includes the safety and well-being of people and communities as well as the security of the state.
The Pacific, like other regions, is dealing with a difficult and diverse set of law enforcement, governance and security challenges. The region has witnessed violent conflict, civil unrest and political crises. This has led to a growing recognition of the critical role of law enforcement agencies and security institutions. However, in recent years, there have been concerns that these institutions lack capacity to meet the challenge of providing security to the general public; that governments do not have the necessary civilian security expertise to manage them; that legislatures are not empowered to oversee them; and that security forces are not held accountable under the law for their actions. Effective governance of security institutions is vital for the Pacific region. In the context of conflict and violence, it supports the efforts of state institutions to stabilize the security situation, begin the road to recovery and reduce the potential of relapse. In non-conflict contexts, it ensures security institutions fulfil their mandate to combat insecurity. This creates an enabling environment for poverty reduction and sustainable development.
Abstract: Between April and July 2009, police officers
raided villages in the highlands of Papua
New Guinea, forcibly evicting people from
their homes, burning down houses and
destroying their belongings, gardens and
livestock. These incidents took place in the
“special mining lease” (SML) area within
which the Porgera Joint Venture (PJV)
operates one of the largest mines in the
The area most affected by the police raids
was Wuangima, which is situated next to
the underground mining operations of the
Porgera mine. Wuangima had long been
occupied by families from three sub-clans –
the Uape, Lakima and Wangalo sub-clans.
Adult residents had been born and raised in
the area and had been raising their own
families in houses in Wuangima at the time
of the police raids. Those who lost their
homes included families with young
children, pregnant women, elderly people
and employees of PJV. Other villages within
the SML area also faced violence, including
Kulapi and Mungalep.
On 11 May 2009, Amnesty International
issued a public statement expressing
concern for the human rights of those
affected by the police activity. It called for
immediate action to stop the forced
evictions, remedy the violations that had
occurred and prevent further human rights
abuses. Between 18 August 2009 and
2 October 2009, Amnesty International
conducted further investigations into the
human rights situation of those affected by
the police brutality. Amnesty International
visited Porgera, inspected the burned
remains of houses and spoke to many of
the people directly affected by the forced
evictions, including villagers who had
previously occupied the area. Amnesty
International also interviewed police
officials, other government officers,
medical personnel, politicians, religious
leaders, landowners, women leaders, and
other community members.
Abstract: There has been a shift in discussions about security, away
from national security and towards greater emphasis on human
security. This shift requires governments to recognise the
importance of placing human beings and not states, at the
centre of security concerns. In recent years the links between
development, human security and armed violence have been
explored actively by national and international agencies, non
government organisations and the United Nations. The interest
has been driven, on the one hand, by the need to ensure
sustainable development programmes in areas threatened by
armed violence, and, on the other hand, by the realisation that
effective control of armed violence depends, in part, on
supportive development programming.
Armed violence has a deleterious effect on development and is
a core source of instability and human security. Where gun
violence is a daily reality, policymakers, bureaucrats and
analysts often fail to understand precisely how men, women
and children are differently affected, the multiplier effects of
insecurity on the wider community and how individuals
develop local solutions to their problems. Many countries are
already saturated with weapons and ammunition, and
controlling new transfers of weapons is not enough. Arms
work should be concerned not only with the weapons
themselves, but with structural factors, such as the socioeconomic
root causes of armed violence and the need for nonviolent
alternatives to gun-based livelihoods.
Abstract: In July 2009, the UN General Assembly held an Interactive Informal Dialogue and plenary session on the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP). The dialogue provided the first opportunity for the UN membership as a whole to discuss implementation of the 2005 World Summit’s commitment to the RtoP and the UN Secretary-General’s report on the matter. Fifteen governments from the Asia-Pacific region, namely Indonesia, the Philippines, Korea, New Zealand, Australia, Singapore, Japan, China, Vietnam, Solomon Islands, Myanmar, Timor-Leste, DPRK, PNG and Malaysia, participated in the dialogue. This culminated in a resolution co-sponsored by, inter alia, Australia, Fiji, Singapore, Papua New Guinea, Republic of Korea, Timor-Leste and New Zealand that noted the Secretary-General’s report, observed the fruitfulness of the interactive dialogue, and committed the Assembly to further consideration of the RtoP.
According to the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, one of the most significant aspects of the dialogue was the positive transformation of attitudes towards the RtoP within the Asia-Pacific region. Having previously been considered the region most opposed to the RtoP, the region now boasts near unanimity in its endorsement of the principle and the Secretary-General’s efforts towards its implementation (with the exception of North Korea).
Abstract: The insurgencies, civil wars, and humanitarian interventions of the 1990s introduced U.S.
military planners, strategists, and analysts to the important roles played in internal conflicts
by unofficial entities, such as nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and private military
companies (PMCs). Today, in countries as diverse as Colombia, Nigeria, and the Philippines,
multinational corporations (MNCs) are shaping zones of conflict in significant ways. However,
although academic specialists have noted the growing governance and security roles of MNCs,
U.S. strategy and policy have been slow to acknowledge the significance of these corporate
actors. For example, the U.S. Army–Marine Corps counterinsurgency manual (Field Manual
3-24) notes in passing that MNCs “often engage in reconstruction, economic development,
and governance activities”—a true statement, but one that fails to capture the range, nature,
and consequences of the MNC presence in conflicted areas. Understanding how they do so
should be a priority for those responsible for U.S. counterinsurgency policy, doctrine, and
The role of MNCs in conflict environments is not an entirely novel subject, but many
earlier studies have approached this issue from the perspective of corporate social responsibility,
human rights, and environmental policy. In contrast, this paper will focus explicitly on MNCs
as actors in conflict systems and will consider these firms’ efforts to mitigate violence and promote
stability through social development and security measures—what might be termed conflict
mitigation; conflict transformation; or, more bluntly, “corporate counterinsurgency.” This goal of this paper is relatively modest: to introduce policymakers, and analysts to the
roles MNCs play in the conflict zones. Understanding internal conflicts, and developing effective
approaches for dealing with those armed struggles, requires an appreciation of the activities
and approaches of all of the actors operating in those settings, including MNCs. These
corporations affect, and are affected by, the violent environments in which they do business. A
consideration of how an MNC is reducing or exacerbating violence in a conflict zone should
be a component of any comprehensive conflict analysis and resulting policy.
Abstract: The Australian Defence Force (ADF) is currently involved in peacebuilding operations in Timor-Leste and Solomon Islands; Australian government agencies remain engaged in reconstruction in post-conflict Bougainville (Papua New Guinea). Peacebuilding has been and will remain a major task for the ADF in the Pacific, as part of a larger governmental and aid response. The wider context for these commitments is the view that state incapacity or even failure is in prospect in parts of Australia’s immediate Pacific region. The causes of state failure include lack of a diversified economy, a dependence on exports of natural resources, a rapidly growing population, and poor education levels; a number of Pacific countries exhibit these characteristics. The conflict on Bougainville has been the most intractable in which Australian forces have been involved. The formation of Peace Monitoring Groups (largely composed of ADF personnel, but unarmed) engaged in weapons destruction, building trust and encouraging the eventual realisation of local autonomy was a major contribution to the peace process. The ADF experience of Timor-Leste dates from INTERFET. The need to redeploy peacekeeping troops in 2006 demonstrated that the existing peacebuilding program focused especially on security sector reform, while positive was still too narrow to address governance incapacity problems. From 2003 ADF elements have been central to the RAMSI reconstruction program in Solomon Islands. Though violence has largely been eradicated, the political crisis of 2006 demonstrated the need for the closest cooperation with the host government. These regional case studies show that peacebuilding is a complex task which requires engagement across all of the institutions of order and governance as well as with the wider society. Security sector reform remains a crucial area of peacebuilding in which military forces are inextricably involved. However, effective security reform depends ultimately upon the existence of governments that welcome, support, and own such reform.
Abstract: A 25th, or silver, anniversary tends to be an occasion for both
celebration and reflection. Both activities are apt when, as on
the occasion of Papua New Guinea’s 25th anniversary of
independence, silver itself has contributed significantly both to
national revenue, as the third most valuable metal export, and
to one of our greatest national tragedies, the violent conflict in
Bougainville between 1989 and 1997.
The broad scope of this book on state and society in Papua
New Guinea enables the author, Dr R.J. (Ron) May, to draw
attention both to some of Papua New Guinea’s greatest strengths
and achievements and to some of our shortcomings since
independence. It also provides an opportunity to explore some
of the links between them – a vibrant constitutional democracy
and enormous economic potential, especially in agriculture and
the resources sector. The accuracy and pertinence of the author’s
observations are made all the greater because of the way that they
draw on his two academic specialties, economics and politics.
Abstract: In recent years, the Pacific has not been an ocean of peace. After a generally harmonious transition from European colonialism to independence, a number of the small Pacific island states have been plagued by internal conflict.
The largest of the Pacific island states, Papua New Guinea, having withstood the challenge of regional separatist groups in Papua and in Bougainville on the eve of independence, faced a rebellion on Bougainville from 1988 to 1997 (and is still in the process of implementing a peace agreement) and has seen an escalation of local-level inter-group fighting in the central highlands over the past two decades. Fiji became the first Pacific island state to have a military coup, in 1987, and continues to suffer the effects of racially-based tensions. In the Solomon Islands, ethnic divisions contributed to an outbreak of violence on the island of Guadalcanal in 1998, which culminated in the effective collapse of government two years later. Vanuatu’s transition to independence was marred by a separatist rebellion on the island of Santo, and although it has enjoyed a relatively peaceful history since 1980 it has had to survive more than one constitutional crisis. In New Caledonia, independence demands by the indigenous kanak people resulted in violent confrontation between pro- and anti-independence groups in the 1980s, and New Caledonia remains a French dependency.
While each of these cases is, to some extent, a unique reflection of particular historical and other circumstances, there are some recurring features of the internal conflicts, which largely derive from the fragmented nature of the pre-colonial societies and/or ethnic divisions created by the influx of settler populations during the colonial period, and the absence, in all these cases, of a developed sense of national (as opposed to local) identity.
This paper will briefly describe the nature of the conflicts in each of the four states and one territory listed above, and the processes of conflict resolution in each. It will then attempt to identify what features are common and what are unique in the five cases, and to suggest some lessons from their experience, which might be relevant to conflict and peace-making elsewhere.
Abstract: Internal conflict has become the predominant threat to the security and stability of many of the small island nations of the Southwest Pacific and particularly in the countries of Melanesia.
Since the late 1980s, conflicts of varying causes and degrees of intensity have occurred in Papua New Guinea (Bougainville secession attempt)i, Fiji (coups and attempted coups), Vanuatu (police rebellion) and Solomon Islands (ethnic conflict and coup).
These events have seriously debilitated the already fragile national economies and polities of all countries, so much so in the Solomon Islands that that country is now being described by many analysts as a “failing”, if not “failed”, state.ii
While most of these countries have so far been able (not without difficulty) to maintain a measure of state integrity, the situation in Solomon Islands has become so precarious that Australia and New Zealand (with the support of most Pacific Island governments and anticipating a request from the Solomons’ parliament) are preparing to intervene in an attempt to restore the rule of law and rebuild administrative institutions. The form of that intervention is not yet clear - it is thought likely to include up to 2,000 armed military and police with a large team of civilian technical personnel – nor has a mandate been determined.
In this context a host of questions arises as to how best to resolve, contain, manage and/or transform these internal conflicts in the interest of the security, stability and well-being of the peoples of the countries concerned and of the region as a whole. The purpose of this paper is to consider one form of conflict management undertaken recently in the region; that is, the peace monitoring interventions by Australia, New Zealand and some Pacific Island Countries (PICs) in Bougainville and Solomon Islands. How useful have these exercises been in assisting peace processes and in conflict management/peace construction, and what lessons can be drawn from them for any future such operations - including perhaps for the more vigorous “co-operative intervention” currently in prospect?
Abstract: This paper quantifies the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth in Asia for 1970–2004. Our panel estimations show that transnational terrorist attacks had a significant growth-limiting effect. Transnational terrorism reduces growth by crowding in government expenditures. An internal conflict has the greatest growth concern, about twice that of transnational terrorism. For developing Asian countries, intrastate and interstate wars have a much greater impact than terrorism does on the crowding-in of government spending.
Policy recommendations indicate the need for rich Asian countries to assist their poorer neighbors in coping with the negative growth consequences of political violence. Failure to assist may result in region-wide repercussions. Conflict and terrorism in one country can create production bottlenecks with region-wide economic consequences. International and nongovernmental organizations as well as developed Western countries and regions could assist at-risk Asian countries with attack prevention and post-attack recovery.
This study has six purposes. First, and foremost, we present panel estimates for a sample of 42 Asian countries to quantify the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth for 1970–2004. Panel estimation methods control for country-specific and timespecific unobserved heterogeneity. Second, we distinguish the influence of terrorism on economic growth from that of internal and external conflicts. Third, these influences are investigated for cohorts of developed and developing countries to ascertain whether development can better allow a country to absorb the impact of political violence. Fourth, econometric estimations relate violence-induced growth reductions to two pathways— reduced investment and increased government expenditures. Fifth, a host of diagnostic and sensitivity tests to support our empirical specifications. Last, we draw some policy conclusions.
Abstract: Ce rapport contient des résumés sur les régions suivants: Chine, Inde, et Asie du Sud et du Sud-Est, et aussi sur les thèmes suivantes: Double péril - sexospécifité et risque de VIH parmi les consommateurs de drogues injectables; Comprendre les nouvelles estimations du VIH en Inde, et Surprise dans le Sud.
Abstract: Safety, Security, and Accessible Justice argues that the current approach to addressing crime and lawlessness in Papua New Guinea (PNG) impedes development across all areas of the country's society and economy, and fails to address the underlying problems of crime and violence that have stalled economic and social development. The paper further contends that institutional reform targeted toward improving administrative and organizational functions in the formal legal realms - the judiciary, prisons, and other law and justice agencies - as well in programs such as the Enhanced Cooperation Program (ECP), needs to be implemented simultaneously with participatory-based approaches at the community level. These reforms need to focus on expanding social, economic, and political opportunity for the broader PNG community, including traditionally marginalized groups such as women and children. They should also enable a greater proportion of the population to participate directly in strengthening the processes of justice in accordance with both PNG norms and values and fundamental human rights.
Abstract: The 'international community' is increasingly focused on peacebuilding as a significant priority, yet it often has a narrow focus, giving primary attention to roles of international actors. The peace process for Bougainville, Papua New Guinea (PNG), offers a case of a peace process that might well be regarded as an extreme example of an intervention supporting a locally initiated process, largely in accordance with agendas set by local actors, one where the international intervention has combined a lightness of touch with some sensitivity and creativity on the part of those involved in coordinating the intervention.
Abstract: This 81-page report is the product of more than a year of research. The report documents daily abuses by police officers and other security forces in the mountainous and isolated Central Highlands area of the Indonesian province of Papua, located on the western half of the island of New Guinea.
Abstract: In the latest Lowy Institute Paper entitled Pitfalls of Papua: understanding the conflict and its place in Australia-Indonesia relations, Dr Rodd McGibbon calls on the Australian government to engage more actively in the public debate in Australia over the Papua conflict. This debate so far has been dominated by local supporters of West Papuan self-determination who seriously undersell the importance for Australian security interests of strong, stable relations with Indonesia. By carefully examining the history of Papua's incomplete integration into Indonesia and its role in Australia-Indonesia relations, this Paper critically evaluates the claims of the West Papua constituency in Australia and provides new ways to support the development of Papua and of stronger Australia-Indonesia relations.
Abstract: Drawing on the Aceh peace process that resulted in the Helsinki agreement, this study investigates the possibility of a peace process to resolve the conflict over the political status of Papua vis-Ã -vis Indonesia. After presenting essential features of the Papua conflict, the study discusses the key actors, explores who should be brought into the peace process, what are the issues of contention, and how they may be p#ackaged for dialogue. It also explores the possible roles of the international community. The study advances six findings: First, peace through dialogue is possible in Papua, although the Papuan case will require a more complex approach than that used in Aceh; second, negotiations must be more open, and mechanisms must be built to facilitate communication between the negotiators and their constituencies; third, the Special Autonomy consultation process is one possible model for constructing such mechanisms; fourth, a lasting peace can only be built through a process that includes the radical secessionist elements; fifth, the accord must establish mechanisms to monitor implementation and guarantee the safety of the negotiators; and finally, the dialogue process requires international facilitation.
Abstract: Police in Papua New Guinea are continuing to meet the country's serious crime problem with routine wanton violence and abuse. Such tactics have proven ineffective as crime control, and have deeply eroded the public trust and cooperation crucial to policing.
Abstract: PNG's social, political and economic histories have been
moulded by its tropical forests. Covering 60 per cent of the PNG
land mass and largely impenetrable, the forests have limited
trade, defi ned customary laws and delineated life and culture.
Gloriously, the forests account for 6 percent of the world's
biodiversity. When the world thinks of PNG, they see its forests.
Now, the logging of these incomparable life systems is corroding
PNG's society and politics, with only trivial economic benefi t,
and with alarming fl ow-on effects in the region.
The PNG logging industry is dominated by a handful of
Malaysian companies, the largest of which is Rimbanan Hijau.
It is an industry that is synonymous with political corruption,
police racketeering and the brutal repression of workers, women
and those who question its ways. Its operations routinely destroy
the food sources, water supplies and cultural property of those
same communities. They provide a breeding ground for arms
smuggling, corruption and violence across the country.
In return, the industry generates no lasting economic benefi t to
forest communities, considerable long-term cost and a modest 5
per cent contribution to the national budget.
This record is a far cry from fulfi lling PNG's Fourth National
Goal - set upon its independence in 1975 - that its "natural
resources and environment xe2x80xa6 be conserved and used for the
collective benefi t of us all, and be replenished for the benefi t of
Abstract: The decade since the early 1990s has witnessed the growth of a field of research and practice aimed at resolving and preventing violent conflict. Research on violent conflict has led to a number of different theories on causes of violent conflict, many of them based on the study of large-scale, protracted conflicts in Africa and the Balkans. Advocates of conflict prevention have linked longer-term root causes of violent conflict to aspects of underdevelopment, and tensions inherent in development processes.
Abstract: We can never respond with equal attention to all of the injustices of this world, but sometimes unexamined, selective and uneven attention can be dangerous. Since the arrival of 43 asylum seekers from the Indonesian province of Papua in Australia in January, and especially after the Indonesian government reacted strongly to the decision to grant 42 of their number temporary protection visas, a major public debate has taken place about the Papua issue in Australia. Much of that debate has taken the form of a simplistic contest pitched in terms of realpolitik versus morality. On one side are those who say that the Australian state has a pre-eminent interest in maintaining good relations with Indonesia and that human rights considerations should be subordinated to this over-riding goal. On the other are those who say that human rights principles should guide Australia's response and that Australia should not "appease" Indonesia. In the process of this debate, there is much simplification, distortion and myth-making on both sides, not only about Papua, but also about Indonesia and Australia itself.