Enthusiasts of human security argue that what is needed in the post-Cold-War period is a
foreign policy agenda that is more ‘people-centred’ than the state-centred focus of security
policy during the Cold War period. Among the most enthusiastic proponents of the human
security paradigm in the 1990s was the Canadian government, which, in partnership with
a number of other like-minded governments, sought to press the human security agenda,
taking a number of human security initiatives. However, since the late 1990s, we have seen
a paradox: the concept has attracted increased attention from scholars while its salience
among policy-makers appears to be declining. Using the case of the Canadian government’s
policy towards the crisis in Timor in September 1999, we explore the difficulty that
policy-makers have had in moving human security from the rhetorical realm to the level of
concrete policy that makes a difference to the safety of people whose security is threatened.
We conclude that there was a significant gap between Canada’s human security rhetoric
and Ottawa’s actual policy in Timor. While the Canadian government did eventually
contribute troops to the International Force, East Timor (INTERFET), we show that
Canada’s response was slow, cautious, and minimalist. There was neither the willingness
nor the capacity to be at the forefront of the efforts to send a robust force to East Timor.
This case demonstrates some important limits of the human security agenda, and why this
agenda remained so firmly in the realm of the rhetorical in the 1990s.
August 24, 2010 United States Naval War College // Naval War College Review
Canada’s naval response to Somali piracy has been a mixed affair.On the positive
side, in recent years the CanadianNavy has successfully dedicated a significant
level of resources to countering Somali piracy: the destroyer HMCS
Iroquois, the frigatesHMCS Calgary, Ville de Québec,Winnipeg, and Fredericton,
and the oiler HMCS Protecteur. Collectively, these vessels operated effectively
alongside the ships of several other navies, especially those of the U.S.Navy, that
together form the various international flotillas confronting Somali pirates. The
Canadian Navy’s level of involvement has been no mean task, because of the
great distances involved, its limited number of surface combatants, and its other
On the negative side, the effective handling of Somali pirates has been an
ephemeral and problematic task. Despite the international naval presence, the
incidence of Somali piracy has increased. In light of the counterpiracy mission’s prominence
for Canada and the limited effect navies have had so
far, a call by the United States for international commercial shippers to rely upon private security companies (PSCs) demands
attention. What, therefore, are the call’s implications in terms of future Canadian activism
and the overall effectiveness of countering Somali piracy?...
September 11, 2008 Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
[article appears on pgs. 7-9] organized on communal compounds in the United States and Canada, surprisingly little is known about Jama`at al-Fuqara’ (Community of the Impoverished) and its current operations. The secretive organization—it publicly operates under the name Muslims of the Americas (MOA)—has been known to law enforcement since the 1980s for dozens of violent and white collar crimes in North America. It has been described by prosecutors as advocating “the purification of the Islamic religion by means of force and violence.” Yet, the group’s nature and organization as a terrorist entity seems as unclear today as at any point in its history.
The current Jama`at al-Fuqara’ is obscured by a vague public ideology, careful to avoid any reference to Islamist ambitions or armed struggle. MOA and its subsidiary, the International Qur’anic Open University (IQOU), carries out a number of public events and hosts videos and news of its activities online. Its Pakistan-based leader, Shaykh Mubarak Ali Gilani, and other U.S.-based leaders have done much to present a devout but always law abiding image, even organizing a Muslims Scouts wing for boys that helps the needy in their various communities. Fears persist, however, due to the group’s origins as al-Fuqara’, and whether the militancy present at some of its compounds could turn anti-American.
Jama`at al-Fuqara’ was designated a terrorist organization by the State Department in 1999 for its earlier offenses in the United States, including a range of firearms and explosives charges and a series of violent crimes. Yet its founder, Pakistani cleric Shaykh Gilani, continues to deny that such an organization called Jama`at al-Fuqara’ has ever existed. Gilani expressed in interviews to the Pakistani press his fears that the U.S. government seeks to brand him as a terrorist and thus jeopardize the security of his thousands of followers in the United States, the majority of whom are African-Americans living in compounds largely isolated from the rest of American society. That fear may be true; the group’s past ties to militancy and Gilani’s own record are correctly a cause for concern for U.S. law enforcement and counter-terrorism officials....
The blame is widespread, even as the results, thus far, are very clear. Seven years on, the US-led war on terrorism has left in its wake a far more unstable world than existed on that momentous day: 11 September 2001. Rather than diminishing, the threat from al-Qaeda and its affiliates has grown, engulfing new regions of Africa, Asia and Europe and creating fear among peoples and governments from Australia to Zanzibar. In the region that spawned al-Qaeda and which the US has promised to transform after 9/11, the crisis is even more dangerous. Afghanistan is once again staring down the abyss of state collapse, despite billions of dollars in aid, 45,000 Western troops, and the deaths of thousands of people. The Taliban have made a dramatic comeback, enlisting the help of al-Qaeda and Islamic extremists in Pakistan, and getting a boost from the explosion in heroin production that has helped fund their movement....
September 4, 2008 International Journal of Epidemiology
Military fatalities occur in clusters, and causes differ between theatres of
operation or within-theatre over time. The aims of this study were as follows: Based on around 500 coalition deaths, identify major causes in Iraq and
Afghanistan. For consecutive periods (1: May 1 to September 17, 2006,
2: September 18, 2006 to February 4, 2007), ascertain UK and others’
numbers deployed to compare fatality rates per 1000-personnel years. Take
account of clustering: deaths per fatal improvised explosive device (IED)
incident, and in making short-term projections for Afghanistan. The Key messages of this study were :
Fatality rates changed in opposite directions in Iraq and Afghanistan between consecutive 140-day periods.
Fatality rates became comparable during September 18, 2006 to February 4, 2007, both as high as during the initial phase
of major combat in Iraq.
IEDs accounted for 62% of hostile deaths in Iraq, much higher than in rural Afghanistan. The distribution of fatalities per
fatal IED incident was the same, however.
Specific causes of military deaths may differ not only between theatres of operation but also over time within-theatre, for
example: small arms fire in Afghanistan.
Due to operational changes, short-term...
At the beginning of April 2008, the members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization will be meeting in Bucharest, Romania to decide which countries they want to welcome into the fold. There's a long list that would like to join NATO, but the voting on two of them -- former Soviet republics Georgia and Ukraine -- is expected to go down to the wire. Both of them see NATO membership as the next step in their pro-Western revolutions. Georgia's Ambassador to Canada, Vasil Sikharulidze, explained the importance of NATO membership for Georgia. But it's not clear that Georgia and Ukraine will get their wish. NATO wants new members as a way of guaranteeing its survival. But it also doesn't want to over-aggravate an old nemesis -- Russia. It's just one of the dilemmas facing NATO. And it's adding to the sense among many observers that the alliance -- which turns 60 in 2009 -- is in the throes of a mid-life crisis, unsure of its identity or purpose in a post-Cold War world....
September 30, 2004 Canadian Consortium on Human Security
The Human Security Bulletin, featuring timely, infomed and concise information and analysis, is the online monthly publication of the Canadian Consortium on Human Security (CCHS). The Bulletin is a core part of the CCHS' mandate to facilitate the exchange of information and analysis, and to promote deeper collaboration between academics, NGOs, government officials and international institutions on human security issues.
February 8, 2008 European Council on Foreign Relations
U.S Defence Secretary Robert M. Gates has issued a warning that NATO is becoming a “two-tier alliance”, with some allies willing to fight and die while others, predominately continental Europeans, remain combat-shy. The big issue is NATO’s mission in Afghanistan, which, while at some 40,000 troops is struggling to contain the Taliban insurgency. But how do the numbers look? Out of the 41,700 troops in ISAF, the U.S has by far the greatest number of troops in ISAF with 15,038 followed by the UK (7,753), Germany (3,155), Italy (2,358), Canada (1,730), and the Netherlands (1,512)....
A new Canadian Press-Decima Research poll shows: Two out of every three Canadians (67%) feel the number of casualties that Canada has suffered in Afghanistan has been unacceptably high while 25% say that it is acceptable given the progress we are making and the importance of the mission.
Khadr was born on September 19, 1986 in Toronto, Canada. In 1990, Khadr and his family moved from Canada to Peshawar, Pakistan.
In summer 2002, Omar Khadr allegedly received approximately one month of private al Qaeda basic training consisting in the use of rocket propelled grenades, rifles, pistols, hand grenades and explosives. He is said to have conducted surveillance and reconnaissance against the U.S. military.
Khadr is also said to have received one month of land mine training and to have joined a group of al Qaeda operatives, to have converted land mines to improvised explosive devices and to have planted them in the ground where, based on previous surveillance, U.S. troops were expected to be traveling.
On July 27, 2002, Khadr and other Al Qaeda members allegedly engaged U.S. soldiers when the latter surrounded their compound. During the firefight, Khadr is said to have thrown a grenade killing Sergeant First Class Christopher Speer....
April 27, 2007 Government of Canada // Department of National Defence
This arrangement establishes procedures in the event of a transfer, from the custody of the Canadian Forces to the custody of any detention facility operated by the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan of any detainee in the temporary custody of the Canadian Forces in Afghanistan.
The Atlantic alliance is in limbo: There is no consensus among its members on a range of key issues. No one wants to pay the bills or contribute more troops. Is NATO a Cold War relic that has lost its relevance? Or does today’s array of security challenges make it more important than ever?
There is a feeling on both sides of the Atlantic that this is the right moment for rapprochement. But times have changed. Both France and the United States have good reasons to reassess the utility of NATO to their foreign-policy objectives. Through their experiences of relative powerlessness—France during the Balkan wars and the United States in attempting to cope with Iraq and Afghanistan—both countries have rediscovered NATO as an important and useful instrument of their security policies. The United States is moving away from the haughty “toolbox” approach it developed after Kosovo. The French are giving up their self-imposed isolationism, which caused their army to lag behind the United States and the U...
As Canada watches its government's once-alarming terrorism case against the "Toronto 18" gradually shrink, it may be time to assess the threat Islamic terrorists present more generally. In a recent interview, America's Homeland Security czar, Michael Chertoff, thundered that terrorism presents "a significant existential" threat -- carefully differentiating it, apparently, from all those insignificant existential challenges the continent has so heroically faced in the past. And the New York Times assured us a few days ago that "the fight against al-Qaeda is the central battle for this generation.
As an earlier "greatest generation" once confronted Adolf Hitler and allies in a tumultuous multi-front war in which tens of millions of people perished, ours gets to earn its stripes in what Mr. Chertoff labels the "struggle" against Osama bin Laden and his allies and minions....
We gather in Bucharest to reaffirm our determination to help the people and the elected Government of Afghanistan build an enduring stable, secure, prosperous and democratic state, respectful of human rights and free from the threat of terrorism. Afghanistan is the Alliance’s key priority. We recognised after the tragic events of 11 September 2001, that Euro-Atlantic and broader international security is tied to Afghanistan’s stability and future. Our presence in Afghanistan is at the request of the Government of Afghanistan and mandated by the United Nations. Neither we nor our Afghan partners will allow extremists and terrorists such as the Taliban or al-Qaeda, to regain control of Afghanistan or use it as a base for terror that threatens all of our people and has been felt in many of our countries and beyond. As we help Afghanistan rebuild, our guiding principles are: a firm and shared long-term commitment; support for enhanced Afghan leadership and responsibility; a comprehensive approach by the international community, bringing together civilian and military efforts; and increased cooperation and engagement with Afghanistan’s neighbours, especially Pakistan....
Ahead of a presidential trip to Europe built around the upcoming summit of the Atlantic alliance in Romania, President Bush said his chief goal “is to make sure NATO stays relevant.” The best way to do that, he said, is to “deal with the threats of Afghanistan.” Yet when Bush arrives in Bucharest for the three-day summit, he’ll find his allies often define relevance differently. NATO, experts say, suffers from a deficit of strategic vision. The definition and redefinition since 1991 of an alliance once held together by the Soviet threat has yet to produce a long-term strategy everyone can coalesce around....
July 16, 2009 Institute for Research on Public Policy
Founded in 1972, the Institute for Research on Public Policy is an independent, national, nonprofit organization.
IRPP seeks to improve public policy in Canada by generating research, providing insight and sparking debate that will contribute to the public policy decision-making process and strengthen the quality of the public policy decisions made by Canadian governments, citizens, institutions and organizations.
IRPP's independence is assured by an endowment fund established in the early 1970s....
The Centre for Security Science (the Centre) is a joint endeavour between Defence Research and Development Canada (DRDC) and Public Safety Canada. It provides science and technology (S&T;) services and support to address national public safety and security objectives. It is part of the Government of Canada’s approach to public security science and technology (PSST) and is one of seven research centres within DRDC, an agency of the Department of National Defence (DND). The Centre’s mission is: Through science and technology, to strengthen Canada’s ability to prepare for, prevent, respond to, and recover from high-consequence public safety and security events....
The Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America (SPP) was launched in March of 2005 as a trilateral effort to increase security and enhance prosperity among the United States, Canada and Mexico through greater cooperation and information sharing.
The North-South Institute (NSI) is dedicated to eradicating global poverty and enhancing social justice through research which promotes international cooperation, democratic governance, and conflict prevention. It is Canada's first independent, non-governmental and non-partisan research institute focused on international development. The North South Institute provides research and analysis on foreign policy and international development issues for policy-makers, educators, business, the media and the general public. For more than 25 years NSI has built a reputation for sound, credible analysis of pressing issues related to global development. The Institutexe2x#80x99s research results, publications and seminars help foster understanding, discussion and debate about the challenges facing Canadians and the citizens of the developing world....
The Canadian Defence Academy (CDA) is a Canadian Forces formation, organizationally situated within the Assistant Deputy Minister (Human Resources-Military) Group. It is part of a Canadian Forces-wide strategy to prepare its members intellectually and professionally to meet the challenges of future operations. Specifically, the CDA champions lifelong learning through the implementation of coherent, integrated, academically rigorous and accredited education and professional development programs. This approach helps ensure members of the CF can develop their full intellectual potential.
The CDA is composed of a Headquarters, located in Kingston, Ontario, and a number of educational institutions including the Royal Military College of Canada (Kingston), the Canadian Forces College (Toronto), the Canadian Forces Language School, centered in Gatineau, Quebec, and Campus Fort St-Jean (St-Jean-sur-Richelieu, Quebec). Campus Fort St-Jean includes the Non-Commissioned Member Professional Development Centre, The Canadian Forces Management Development School, and Richelieu Squadron, which prepares officer cadets for entry into the Royal Military College....
The Canadian government has made Afghanistan one of its key military, diplomatic and development priorities, contributing over $500 million since 1990. This website provides a great deal of information on Canada's various programs and activities in the country. The website features resources such as stories from the field, photos, links to other Web resources, and a synopsis of Canada's assistance to date.
On June 2, 2011, Peacebuild, with the financial support of the International Development
Research Centre, convened a day-long discussion on the tumultuous changes taking place in the
Middle East and North Africa.
Objectives for the roundtable were to share up-to-date information on current and longer-term
political issues and dynamics, to assess areas for possible support for democratic transitions in
the region, identify areas of relevant Canadian expertise – diaspora, NGO, academic, business
sector, governmental -- and, based on the discussion, generate a set of policy options and/or
recommendations for people-to-people support, NGOs, academics and the Government of
Participants in Cairo, Ottawa and Montreal were linked into a wide-ranging discussion, which
first focused on hearing activist and expert views from the epicentre of regional change – Egypt.
Among the questions explored with human rights activist Hossam Baghat, strategic analyst
Mustafa El-Labbad, activist author May Telmissany and IDRC regional expert Roula El-Rifai were
the makeup of the reform movements in the region and their objectives, what is the real extent
of political Islam’s influence in the Middle East and what has been the role of the armed forces
in the transitions?...
On March 14, 2011, Peacebuild, with financial support from
Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada (DFAIT),
convened the first of a series of six workshops on various
peacebuilding and conflict prevention policy issues. This policy
brief synthesizes the findings and recommendations arising from
the first workshop and from two issue papers prepared to inform
the workshop discussion. It highlights policy and programming
options aimed at improving Canadian and global responses to
June 30, 2011 MiningWatch Canada // CENSAT-Agua Viva for Inter Pares
Canadian foreign direct investment in Colombia has
grown consistently since the 1990s, particularly in
telecommunications, mining, and fossil fuel extraction.
Canadian mining and oil companies are major players in
Despite a concerted public relations campaign by
the Colombian government, Colombia continues to suffer
widespread human rights abuses, including extrajudicial
executions, disappearances, extortion, and threats.
Control over land, labour, and natural resources are
integral to the war and violence in Colombia, and the
past few decades have seen massive displacement and
murder for political and economic ends. Striking correlations
have been observed between where investment –
both domestic and foreign – takes place and rights abuses,
ranging from murder and massacres and related massive
land and property theft to violations of the rights to
freedom of movement and to a healthy environment.
Human rights violations are linked to efforts by
those behind Colombia’s murderous paramilitaries to
create conditions for investment from which they are
positioned to benefit. There are also ongoing relations
between the paramilitary forces and all levels of government
and the armed forces, up to the highest officials,
and there are clear indications that political cover for
such human rights abuses and crimes will continue....
Progress in Afghanistan has been achieved on a number of fronts at the national, provincial,
district and local levels. The pace of change in Afghanistan however has been slow and not
without setbacks. Sustaining progress—whether political, economic or social—will depend on
continuing Afghan leadership, within government and in particular throughout Afghan society.
While much remains to be done, Canada continues to be inspired by those Afghans who are
fighting for change, for peace, for greater rights and freedoms for women and girls, and for
improved quality of life for all Afghans.
This quarterly report, covering the period of January 1 to March 31, 2011, describes the progress
made on Canada’s six priorities and three signature projects in Afghanistan, through a lens of
how our priorities, projects and partnerships have worked to support Afghan leadership and
ownership of their future. This report also provides insight into some of the progress that has
been made in Afghanistan through the experiences and thoughts of the Afghan people
The report covers the period from July 1 to September 30, 2010, and focuses on the progress achieved on Canada’s six priorities and three signature projects in Afghanistan, through the lens of security. The capacity of the Afghan National Security Forces contributed to an increased perception of security among Kandaharis. According to polling results, a majority of Kandaharis felt safe in their communities in four of the six key districts. This is an increase of three districts over last quarter. Province-wide, a full 60 percent of Kandaharis felt safe in their communities.Other notable achievements include: Canadian-supported training programs at Sarpoza Prison progressed, and a basic training program was delivered by Afghan correctional trainers—the result of a Correctional Service Canada train-the-trainer program.Canada helped complete seven more schools, bringing the total to date to 26. Canada advanced toward rehabilitating the Dahla Dam and irrigation system; canal surveying was conducted on 10 sub-canals. Canada continued to support efforts to eradicate polio at the national level. One national vaccination campaign. The Afghan National Customs Academy graduated its third class of students, for a total of 144 officers trained. The Canada Border Services Agency continued to provide training, mentoring and curriculum development to the Academy....