August 8, 2011 Humphrey School of Public Affairs // University of Minnesota
Why do some armed groups commit wartime rape on a large scale, while others never turn to sexual violence? Although scholars and policymakers have made many claims about the rates, severity and locations of wartime sexual violence, there have been few systematic efforts to gather data on sexual violence during conflict. Using an original dataset, I examine the incidence of sexual violence by both insurgent groups and state actors during civil wars between 1980-2009. I first establish that there is substantial variation in the severity of wartime sexual violence, both across and within conflicts. I then use the data in a statistical analysis to test a series of competing hypotheses about the causes of wartime sexual violence. I find strong evidence that the choice of recruitment mechanism—namely, whether the armed group abducted or press-ganged its members—predicts the use of sexual violence. I maintain that this finding supports an argument about the use of rape as a method of combatant socialization, in which members of armed groups who are recruited by force use rape to create and to maintain unit cohesion. I also find that contraband funding and genocide predict sexual violence by insurgents. Notably, there is no support for several common explanations for wartime sexual violence, including ethnic war and gender inequality. Drawing on data from the Sierra Leone civil war, I examine the observable implications of the proposed mechanism on the micro level in a brief case study. The results undermine conventional wisdom on the causes of sexual violence and suggest that multiple mechanisms may be at work in understanding wartime sexual violence....
This paper identifies the factors linked to cross-country differentials in growth performance in the aftermath of social conflict for 30 sub-Saharan African countries using panel data techniques. Our results show that changes in the terms of trade are the most important correlate of economic performance in post-conflict environments. This variable is typically associated with an increase in the marginal probability of positive economic performance by about 30 percent. Institutional quality emerges as the second most important factor. Foreign aid is shown to have very limited ability to explain differentials in growth performance, and other policy variables such as trade openness are not found to have a statistically significant effect. The results suggest that exogenous factors ("luck") are an important factor in post-conflict recovery. They also highlight the importance in post-conflict settings of policies to mitigate the macroeconomic impact of terms of trade volatility (including countercyclical macroeconomic policies and innovative financing instruments) and of policies to promote export diversification....
June 7, 2011 Africa Development // Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa
Since the end of the cold war, the way we talk about war has changed.
Instead of talking about ‘noble’ inter-state warfare, as was common in the
past, there is a new Western vocabulary depicting modern conflict as chaotic
and callous. Child soldiers are seen as emblematic element of the ‘new
wars’, yet the presence of girl fighters has been continually ignored by the
international community and neglected in academic writing. When girls
have attracted attention, it has been purely as victims. Using a case study
of Sierra Leone, this essay analyses how the Western representation of
girls as victims plays into the Western construction of Africa as a place
needful of military and humanitarian intervention. By looking at discourses
of gender and youth, I examine how the construction of the girl child is integral
to maintaining the myth of the young ‘aggressive’ African male and the white
‘saviour’; both essential for ‘new wars’ and the humanitarian industry.
The conflict in Sierra Leone has been considered by many academics
as a prime example of a ‘new war’ (Kaplan 1994; Kaldor 2001) and thus
lends itself particularly well to the subject under discussion. The emphasis
in the West has been on the ‘barbarity’ and high level of atrocities carried
out by combatants as well as the use of child soldiers. As Rosen points
out, it is seen as a ‘symbol of the horrors of modern war’ (2005:58) and
continues to attract media attention, as has done the recent film Blood
Diamonds shows. Sierra Leone has also been chosen as a case study because
of the high level of female participation in the conflict (Mazurana and Carlson
2004:2) and because of the recognition that girls were failed in the
Demobilisation Demilitarization and Reintegration (DDR) process (Coulter
2005), which I shall briefly touch on in this essay, although space limits a
more detailed analysis....
July 28, 2010 African Centre for for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // African Journal on Conflict Resolution
The decade-long armed conflict and political unrest in Sierra Leone deeply
affected the civilian population. Since the end of the war in 2002, the government
of Sierra Leone and the international community have been involved in
peacebuilding activities, national reconciliation and reconstruction. The
reconciliatory process necessitated the setting up of a Truth and Reconciliation
Commission (TRC) which was also a product of the Lomé Peace Agreement
between the Government of Sierra Leone and the now defunct Revolutionary
United Front (RUF). The international community invested US$ 4,6 million in
the Sierra Leone TRC mission. The TRC examined the causes of the war, human
rights violations and the role played by foreign actors. This paper analyses the
TRC as an internationally driven process to enhance reconciliation, peace,
development and democracy in Sierra Leone. It also evaluates the impact of
the implementation of the recommendations of the TRC. Beyond this, it makes some suggestions on how the international community can better promote
transitional justice and the peacebuilding process by supporting local initiatives
and promoting national ownership for sustainability....
April 27, 2010 Asia Research Centre // Murdoch University
Since independence, the postcolonial states of Congo, Sierra Leone and the Philippines have been commonly troubled by military rebellions. Did the sub-Saharan African and Philippine mutineers share the same cause of action? Did they deploy the same strategies when rebelling against the states? Did the states manage to resolve the crises? How? These questions not only interest military science scholars, but also students of postcolonial statecraft. To answer them, this paper will examine the promise and pitfall of Bayart’s (1993) African governmentality approach for analyzing state-military relations in the Philippine context. To remedy the shortcoming of Bayart’s state-society relations which is conceived in self-reproducing circulation, a more comprehensive framework will be able to explain social changes. Thus, I will propose to conceive military rebellion as a political technology of soldiers, who as individual persons, constantly grapple with the state’s sprawling subjecting mechanisms, and challenge state power. Therefore, the state is forced to re-contain them. Against the larger backdrop of the postcolonial state-building projects, I will then compare and contrast the military rebellions in Congo, Sierra Leone and the Philippines. Unlike the sub-Saharan African soldiers who rebelled for their own personal interests, the Philippine state was able to subject the soldiers for state-building purposes. Even when the soldiers were disillusioned under the Marcos regime (1972-1986) and resorted to rebellions, the Philippine state was able to re-subject and instrumentalize them, and re-contain the mutineers in the post-Marcos era (1986 – present), through three arts of governing: producing martial law, brokering counterinsurgency, and re-containment and law-force indistinction. These techniques constitute what I mean by ‘pursuing the soldier-rebels’....
Turkey holds the presidency of the Council in June.
An open debate on protection of civilians is planned late in the month. There is also a possibility of another open debate on peacekeeping with a particular focus on troop contributing countries late in the month (this has not been confirmed at press time).
Debates are likely on Kosovo, with the participation of representatives of Serbia and Kosovo, and on Iraq, with the likely participation of the country’s representative.
Formal meetings to adopt resolutions renewing mandates of operations in the Golan Heights (UNDOF) and in Georgia (resolution 1866) are expected.
The Council is likely to receive several briefings in June:
A briefing on Sudan by John Holmes, the Under Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, originally scheduled in May but postponed.
The monthly Middle East briefing may be conducted in June by Tony Blair, the Quartet Special Envoy (at press time this has not been confirmed).
Early in the month, the Council will be briefed by the presidents and prosecutors of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and Rwanda (ICTR) on the completion strategies for each tribunal.
The Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) is also expected to brief the Council.
The Chair of the Liberia Sanctions Committee.
The Chair of the Iran Sanctions Committee.
The head of the United Nations Regional Centre for Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia (UNRCCA).
The Council is likely to receive briefings on:
Sierra Leone (UNIPSIL);
Burundi (BINUB); and
The Council will also discuss:
Central African Republic (BONUCA); and
the Counter Terrorism Executive Directorate (CTED)....
May 9, 2005 War Crimes Studies Center // University of California, Berkeley
Because of the importance of the mission with which the Special Court for Sierra Leone has been invested, the Berkeley War Crimes Studies Center established a permanent monitoring program in Freetown in June 2004. It is our conviction that only an ongoing presence and attendance at trials, day in and day out, will enable us to report on and evaluate the work of the Special Court in a comprehensive manner.
Allieu Kondewa, also known as King Dr. Allieu Kondewa was presumably born in the Bo district in the southern part of Sierra Leone. Up until his arrest, he lived in the Chiefdom of Bumpeh, Bo district, and worked as a farmer and herbs specialist. According to the indictment, Allieu Kondewa was a leading member of the Civil Defence Forces (CDF) and "High Priest" of the CDF. He was considered to be one of the leaders of the CDF, like Samuel Hinga Norman and Moinina Fofana (see "related cases") who were indicted with him. Like Moinina Fofana, Allieu Kondewa received his orders from Samuel Hinga Norman who was his immediate superior. Together#, these three men were in charge of the strategic and operational decisions of the CDF. As High Priest, Allieu Kondewa was in charge and in control of the supervision of all initiations to the CDF, including initiations of children of less than 15 years. He is also supposed to have carried out and lead numerous operations and to have had authority over the CDF units responsible for such operations....
Brima Bazzy Kamara was born on 7 May 1968 in the village of Wilberforce in the west of Sierra Leone. On 20 May 1991, he joined the Sierra Leone Army, where he was promoted to the rank of Staff Sergeant.
Brima Bazzy Kamara is alleged to have been a member of a group of 17 soldiers which took power by force on 25 May 1997 in Freetown and overthrew the democratically elected government of President Ahmed Tejan Kabbah. These soldiers identified themselves as being members of the "AFRC" (Armed Forces Revolutionary Council), their leader being Johnny Paul Koroma...
Alex Tamba Brima was born on 23 November 1971 in the village of Yaryah in the district of Kono in Sierra Leone. In April 1985, he joined the Sierra Leone Army, where he was promoted to the rank of Staff Sergeant.
Alex Tamba Brima is alleged to have been a member of a group of 17 soldiers which took power by force on 25 May 1997 in Freetown and overthrew the democratically elected government of President Ahmed Tejan Kabbah. These soldiers identified themselves as being members of the AFRC (Armed Forces Revolutionary Council), their leader being Johnny Paul Koroma....
Santigie Borbor Kanu was born in March 1965 either in the County of Maforki in the Port-Loko district of Sierra Leone, or in Freetown in the western part of Sierra Leone. On 27 November 1990, he joined the Sierra Leone Army (SLA), where he was promoted to the rank of Sergeant.
Santigie Borbor Kanu is alleged to have been a member of a group of 17 soldiers which took power by force on 25 May 1997 in Freetown and overthrew the democratically elected government of President Ahmed Tejan Kabbah. These soldiers identified themselves as being members of the "AFRC" (Armed Forces Revolutionary Council), their leader being Johnny Paul Koroma....
It is reported that Augustine Gbao, personally or in concert with other leaders of the RUF and the AFRC, exercised control, authority and command over subordinates in the RUF, the Junta and the armed forces of the RUF/AFRC. During the period covered by the indictment, the RUF and the AFRC, acting in concert with, or under the orders of Gbao led a campaign of armed attacks throughout the territory of Sierra Leone, according to the bill of indictment. The principal targets of these attacks were civilians and humanitarian assistance personnel as well as United Nations peacekeepers. These attacks were carried out primarily to terrorize the civilian population, but were also used to punish the population for failing to provide sufficient support to the RUF/AFRC alliance....
With their machetes and thirst for power, and fuelled by ‘blood diamonds’, members of Sierra Leone’s Revolutionary United Front killed, raped, maimed and sexually enslaved thousands of civilians during the country’s brutal civil war between 1991 and 2002.
Yet some justice appeared to be done on February 25, 2009 when the Special Court for Sierra Leone convicted three senior RUF commanders Issa Sesay, Morris Kallon and Augustine Gbao, of war crimes and crimes against humanity.
In a landmark verdict in what is known as the ‘RUF Trial’, the Court found all three guilty of the crime of ‘forced marriage’. This marks the first time that anyone has been convicted of this crime in an international criminal tribunal....
When Ishmael Beah was 12, the Sierra Leone Revolutionary United Front (RUF) rebels backed by Liberian warlord Charles Taylor attacked his village and killed his family. He spent a year running from the war before joining up with the army in order to survive.
Empowered by the rifles they carried, and often high on marijuana or cocaine, many of the thousands of children who took part in Sierra Leone's 10-year civil war visited unspeakable atrocities on the civilian population. Child soldiers were known to have cut open the bellies of pregnant women just to see what sex the child was.
Charles Taylor is currently on trial at the Special Court for Sierra Leone on several charges, including the recruitment of children under the age of 15 years into armed forces in violation of international humanitarian law.
The United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF) defines child soldiers as "any child—boy or girl—under eighteen years of age, who is part of any kind of regular or irregular armed force or armed group in any capacity." This age limit was established in 2002 by the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child.
February 12, 2009, also known as ‘Red Hand Day’, marks the seventh anniversary of the entry into force of the Optional Protocol.
The Optional Protocol entered into force in 2002 and requires States Parties to take all feasible measures to ensure that persons below the age of 18 do not take a direct part in hostilities and that they are not forcibly recruited into their armed forces. States must prevent the recruitment and use of child soldiers by non-state armed groups and must adoption the necessary legal measures necessary to prohibit and criminalize such practices within their State. It also enjoins States to provide assistance for the physical and psychological recovery of child soldiers and to facilitate their social reintegration....
Since the end of its civil war, Sierra Leone has faced many challenges as ex-combatants and their victims return to their communities, often living side-by-side. Official mechanisms such as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the U.N. backed tribunals have had limited impact for those living in rural communities who suffered the most from the war. In response, the non-governmental, human rights organization Forum of Conscience has begun to revive traditional conflict resolution measures to bring victims and ex-combatants together in reconciliation ceremonies....
I'm checking in from West Africa, where I've been working with women in three neighboring countries, all recently torn apart by civil wars: Liberia, Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast. Surely you remember these conflicts. Liberia's war came in three successive waves, lasting from 1989 to 2003. Sierra Leone's war started in 1991 when guerrillas of the Revolutionary United Front of Sierra Leone, trained in Liberia, invaded their own country. The war drew many players and lasted a decade, until January 2002. In Ivory Coast, the civil war began in 2002 when northern rebels attempted a coup to oust President Laurent Gbagbo; after international intervention, a treaty was signed in 2003. Today, we've been told, these countries are no longer war zones. Accords have been signed. Peacekeeping forces are on duty or close at hand. The United Nations and international aid agencies are assisting "recovery." Some arms have been surrendered; some refugees have returned from exile....
The Coalition for International Justice (CIJ) is an international, non-profit organization that supports the international war crimes tribunals for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia, and justice initiatives in East Timor, Sierra Leone, and Cambodia. CIJ initiates and conducts advocacy and public education campaigns, targeting decision-makers in Washington and other capitals, media, and the public. Working with other non-governmental organizations in Washington and elsewhere, CIJ helps focus and maximize the impact of individual and collective advocacy. In the field, CIJ provides practical assistance on legal, technical, and outreach matters to the tribunals and other justice initiatives. CIJ has offices in Washington and The Hague, and contracted employees in East Timor....
Action for Children in Conflict (AfCiC) works to break cycles of violence, hatred and despair by providing psychological, emotional and educational support for survivors of conflict to enable these survivors to come to terms with their past experiences, make the most of their present and build a better future.
AfCiC currently operates programmes in the UK, Sierra Leone, Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania. Our work focuses on children and young adults as often they are the most vulnerable during and after conflict and the most able to overcome the conflicts in their communities and to bring about change in the future.
After a feasibility study conducted throughout the sub-region, representatives of seven West African countries in 1998 officially launched WANEP in Accra Ghana. They created WANEP as a mechanism to harness peacebuilding initiatives and to strengthen collective interventions that were already bearing good fruits in Liberia, the Northern Region of Ghana, and Sierra Leone.
This website provides documents and resources on peacebuilding in Sierra Leone, with a focus on four priority areas determined by the United Nations Peacebuilding Commission, in consultation with the Government of Sierra Leone. An independent project of HPCR International, a non-profit organization, this website is targeted to practitioners and policy-makers.
June 5, 2007 Open Society Institute // Open Society Justice Initiative // International Senior Lawyers Project
CharlesTaylorTrial.org will provide news and expert analysis xe2x80x94 updated daily xe2x80x94 throughout the trial of Charles Taylor. It is intended as the primary resource for all those interested in the trial, with a particular emphasis on reaching West African audiences.
This section provides information about "conflict diamonds," or diamond trade that fuels conflicts in Africa. Specifically, Global Policy Forum focuses on the situation in Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo and Sierra Leone and Liberia, in which rebels sell diamonds, and use the profits to purchase weapons - deepening the spiral of conflict.
This page explor#es the debates and opinions from the UN, NGOs, the diamond industry, governments, and other parties involved. See also our Dark Side of Natural Resources page. ...
Since 1991, the civil war between the Sierra Leone government and the Liberia- backed rebel Revolutionary United Front (RUF) has crippled the country. In July 1999 the warring parties signed the Lomé Peace Agreement. The UN Security Council established the Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) in October 1999 to help implement the Lomé Agreement but despite UNAMSIL's presence fighting continued. In May 2000 the crisis peaked as the RUF took 500 UN peacekeepers hostages.
The civil war in neighboring Liberia complicates the Sierra Leone conflict. In 2000 the UN officially accused President Charles Taylor of Liberia of being involved in RUF's illegal trade of diamonds, arms, and timber. In May 2001, the Security Council imposed "smart" sanctions on Liberia. France's interests shaped the sanctions in a way t#hat allowed Taylor to continue the timber exports, which finance his regime and the RUF.
In January 2001 the Guinea-backed rebel group LURD (Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy) invaded the north of Liberia. The expansion of the conflict thus engulfed all three state-parties to the 1980 Manu River Union treaty. Taylor's government continues to fight the LURD without a real desire to enter into a peace process.
The May 2002 democratic elections brought only a relative political stability to Sierra Leone. Occasional RUF incursions and flows of refugees, fleeing the civil war in Liberia, pose a threat to the peace in Sierra Leone and undermine UNAMSIL's efforts to disarm, demobilize, and reintegrate the RUF.
Sierra Leone suffered through a gruesome, ten-year civil war. The Revolutionary United Front (RUF), led by Foday Sankoh, used amputations and mass rape to terrorize the population and gain control of the country's lucrative diamond mines. Charles Taylor, then president of neighboring Liberia, backed the insurgency providing arms and training to the RUF in exchange for diamonds. The pro-government Civil Defense Force (CDF), under the leadership of Sam Hinga Norman, committed serious offenses as well. In 1999 the UN eventually brokered the Lome Peace Accord between the warring parties.
In January 2002 the UN approved the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) to try those responsible for the crimes committed during the civil war. Based in the country w#here the atrocities were committed and combining international and domestic law, the SCSL ushers in a new generation of international tribunals. Experts believe this model will deliver justice faster and at a lower cost then its counterparts for Rwanda and Yugoslavia .
Since the trials opened on June 3, 2004 the SCSL has received both criticism and praise. Some argue that the Court is too constrained in terms of its time frame, jurisdiction and enforcement powers, which will weaken its ability to deliver justice. Others see the Court as an exemplary model for other international tribunals.
This page follows important cases being heard by the Special Court for Sierra Leone and provides analysis of the court's effectiveness.
November 22, 2006 American Bar Association // Central European and Eurasian Law Initiative
Emerging from a decade of violent conflict and political instability, Sierra Leone is beginning the long process of rebuilding its society, its infrastructure, and its democracy. A stable Sierra Leone will be founded on strong efforts to address past impunity through prosecution and reconciliation as well as to promote the development of a democratic justice system based on the rule of law. As part of this process, the government of Sierra Leone has opted to develop institutions and the capacity necessary to address the impunity that characterized its decade long civil war. In June 2000 the Sierra Leonean government asked the United Nations to help establish a Special Court for Sierra Leone. On August 14, 2000, the United Nations Security Cou#ncil adopted resolution 1315 commissioning "the Secretary-General to negotiate an agreement with the Government of Sierra Leone to create an independent special court. An actual agreement regarding the court was signed between the United Nations and the government of Sierra Leone on January 16, 2002. On that same day, the official Statute for the Special Court for Sierra Leone came into existence. The Special Court personnel have an initial three year mandate to try those who "bear the greatest responsibility for the commission of crimes against humanity, war crimes and serious violations of international humanitarian law, as well as crimes under relevant Sierra Leonean law within the territory of Sierra Leone since November 30, 1996." The Lomé Peace Agreement also outlined the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Article 26 states that a TRC "shall be established to address impunity, break the cycle of violence, provide a forum for both the victims and perpetrators of human rights violations to tell their story, get a clear picture of the past in order to facilitate genuine healing and reconciliation." In February 2000, Parliament approved the Truth and Reconciliation Commission Bill, paving the way for the creation of a TRC to provide a forum for publicly airing the grievances of victims and the confessions of perpetrators from the civil war. The peace is now holding and the time is ripe for engaging the individuals and institutions necessary both to begin building the democratic rule of law and to make these accountability institutions successful. To support these significant objectives CEELI and ABA-Africa are conducting a War Crimes Documentation Project in Sierra Leone. Through this project the ABA will release a quantitative analysis of war crimes violations that occurred in Sierra Leone, while providing tools to enhance local capacity to address war crimes and human rights abuses in an ongoing manner. ...
August 2, 2011 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
People become refugees for many
reasons, not least because of violent
civil conflicts in which ordinary citizens
are the greatest victims. This has
led to large numbers of women,
men and children being forced to
seek sanctuary in their neighbouring
countries and further afield. These
people can remain displaced for years,
or even decades. Some may fear that
the prolonged presence of refugees
will have a negative impact on their
community or country.
In reality, if given the opportunity to
integrate and belong, former refugees
are able to be self-reliant and to
contribute socially and economically,
in many cases becoming an asset to
their host States.
Local integration is one of the
three ‘durable solutions’ for refugees
developed by the Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees (UNHCR), in partnership
with host and origin countries. The
other durable solutions are voluntary
repatriation to the refugees’ country
of origin, and resettlement in a third
country. Local integration is particularly relevant
when people cannot return to their
country of origin in a foreseeable
future, or have developed strong
ties with their host communities
through business or marriage. It
is based on the assumption that
refugees will remain in their country
of asylum permanently and find
a solution to their plight in that
State, possibly but not necessarily
though acquiring citizenship.
Local integration is all about
partnerships and collaboration
between agencies and countries in
the pursuit of collective solutions.
Ultimately, however, both the vision
and leadership of host governments
and the support of the international
community are critical to the
ongoing success of local integration
July 28, 2011 Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior
What role do women play in statebuilding? How do statebuilding processes affect women's participation? Support for statebuilding has become the dominant model for international engagement in post-conflict contexts, yet donor approaches lack substantial gender analysis and are missing opportunities to promote gender equality. This paper presents findings from a research project on the impact of post-conflict statebuilding on women's citizenship. It argues that gender inequalities are linked to the underlying political settlement, and that donors must therefore address gender as a fundamentally political issue....
I consider it a singular honour to have been invited today by Chatham House
to address this august forum. The Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS), which I represent, is a regional organisation which has,
over the years, gained your attention only for the unfortunate reasons of state
implosion and instability caused by bad governance and marginalisation. I
therefore welcome the opportunity to throw further light on its objectives,
challenges, and achievements, which factors have effectively brought
together fifteen West African states in the enterprise of improving upon the
living standards of 230 million people as well as integrating them.
The term ‘Chatham House Rule’ is today an internationally-accepted cliché
that this Institute has contributed to international diplomacy discourse, a
reference norm in rigorous and policy-oriented exchanges on global peace
and security. I therefore view your invitation to lead today’s discourse about
‘Democracy in the context of Regional Integration in West Africa’ as an
unique honour for me personally, and a recognition of ECOWAS as a leading
brand in regional integration.
Ladies and gentlemen, the evolution of ECOWAS can only be properly
understood against the backdrop of the fascinating history and circumstances
of West Africa since establishing contact with the world beyond its borders.
The fact that slavery, colonialism, as well as racial and economic
marginalisation, had left an intrinsic yearning for freedom, unity and solidarity
among peoples of African descent everywhere defines its wish to integrate its
states and peoples....
Faced with vast post-war challenges, the government has made great strides in
rebuilding institutions and infrastructure, promoting development, providing basic
health and education, and respecting its citizens’ rights, as seen most recently in
the second poverty reduction strategy in the Agenda for Change.
However, despite important progress on many fronts, Sierra Leone is plagued by
corruption; poverty-related socio-economic rights violations; violence against
women; violations of children’s rights; impunity for past crimes against humanity;
justice system weaknesses; non-implementation of crucial Truth and Reconciliation
Commission (TRC) recommendations; and the looming threat of ethnic violence.
The absence of a clear land policy, appropriate demarcation of land, proper
registration of land and record keeping has caused disputes and violent attacks,
fuelling tensions between returned refugees and resettled IDPs over land.
In this submission, prepared for the UN Universal Periodic Review of Sierra Leone
in May 2011, Amnesty International expresses concerns in relation to the overall
human rights situation, in particular challenges within the justice sector and the
police, violations of children’s rights, gender based violence, and maternal mortality
and morbidity. Amnesty International is also concerned about impunity for past
human rights violations, and political-ethnic violence....
July 5, 2011 Center for International Cooperation and Security // University of Bradford
It is frequently asserted that effective disarmament demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) in conflict-afflicted states can help reduce the chances of conflicts resuming and act as a platform for economic, political and social development. This follows the steadily growing importance attached to DDR as an instrument of conflict management and human development. Given the fact that many of these programmes take place in some of the world’s poorest countries, it thus makes sense to ask whether such programmes have arrested human insecurity through related programming, or, duly, established a receptive environment in which development can flourish. The literature is full of ‘lessons-learned’ assessments which attempt to chart the factors that account for the success (or failure) of a given DDR programme. Few assessments have in fact been made of these broader dimensions. This paper seeks to fill that gap....