This paper identifies the factors linked to cross-country differentials in growth performance in the aftermath of social conflict for 30 sub-Saharan African countries using panel data techniques. Our results show that changes in the terms of trade are the most important correlate of economic performance in post-conflict environments. This variable is typically associated with an increase in the marginal probability of positive economic performance by about 30 percent. Institutional quality emerges as the second most important factor. Foreign aid is shown to have very limited ability to explain differentials in growth performance, and other policy variables such as trade openness are not found to have a statistically significant effect. The results suggest that exogenous factors ("luck") are an important factor in post-conflict recovery. They also highlight the importance in post-conflict settings of policies to mitigate the macroeconomic impact of terms of trade volatility (including countercyclical macroeconomic policies and innovative financing instruments) and of policies to promote export diversification....
January 8, 2010 Military Review // United States Army Combined Arms Center
THE OPERATIONS HEADQUARTERS of European Union Force
Chad/Central African Republic in Mont Valérien, France, near Paris,
is located 270 kilometers from the political and strategic decision-making
headquarters in Brussels, Belgium, and 4,300 kilometers from the two
military theaters of operation in Chad and the Central African Republic.
Chad is the fifth largest country in Africa. It is surrounded by Sudan to the
east, Libya to the north, Niger and Nigeria to the west, and Cameroon and
part of the area of operations in the Central African Republic to the south.
The geographical distances involved are important. The force headquarters
is in Abéché, more than 2,000 kilometers from the port of Douala in
Cameroon, the main sea point of disembarkation. The area of operations
measures some 850 kilometers long and 250 kilometers wide....
October 21, 2009 Gonzaga Journal of International Law
Rape has frequently been used as an element of government and Janjaweed attacks on the civilian populations in Sudan. It has been used as a "deliberate strategy with a view to achieve certain objectives, including terrorizing the population, ensuring control over the movement of the IDP population and perpetuating its displacement." In the Darfur region alone, the U.S. State Department found that twenty percent of refugees interviewed had witnessed a rape during the attacks.
There is documentation of "multiple perpetrators [committing rape against] large numbers of women and girls . . . by Sudanese government forces and militias." The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCR) concluded that "rape and gang rape continue to be perpetrated by armed elements in Darfur, some of whom are members of law enforcement agencies and the armed forces, and the Government appears either unable or unwilling to hold them accountable." The Commission also noted that Sudanese police officials often refuse to register and investigate allegations of sexual violence made by women.
The women and girls fleeing this sexual torment are not safe once they have left. Rather, when they arrive in refugee camps outside Sudan in Chad, they are faced with this same violence. They are exchanging one rapist, the Janjaweed or other military or state rapists, for another in Chad. Women and girls in these refugee camps are being raped by Chadian armed forces and militia, Sudanese armed forces and militia, and other refugees. This must be stopped. How much violence must this group continue to suffer before the international community steps in and says enough? This paper sets forth the legal basis for the international community to respond to these rapes as a means to strengthen the effort of the international community in this endeavor. It is my hope that in writing this, the message to the world to help will be louder and stronger.
More specifically, Part II examines the sexual violence in these refugee camps. Part III sets forth how to hold Sudanese and Chadian armed forces and militia responsible for these rapes under international law. Part V examines the culpability of rapes by other refugees under international law. Finally, Part VI suggests who should be held responsible for these rapes to prevent future rapes from occurring not only in the refugee camps in Chad, but in all refugee camps around the world....
In an interview to IRIN on February 5, the foreign minister of Chad, Ahmat Allam-mi called for an urgent international support ‘to ensure its sovereignty, territorial integrity and to protect its citizens.’ Allam-mi warned that the Central African nation is ‘in a dramatic and catastrophic situation in the whole sub-region’ which has a great potentiality to cause a major humanitarian disaster in Chad as well as in the whole Central African region. The current crisis had out broken with the rebellion of the anti-government forces on the last Saturday when the rebels had advanced to N’djamena, the capital city of Chad, by surrounding the presidential palace. Immediately after the out broke of the rebellion, tens of thousands of Chadians had begun to flee into the neighboring country, Cameroon. In the current situation, the Chadian government claimed on Monday that it had forced back the rebels while the rebellion group claimed that they had initiated a ‘tactical withdrawal’ in order to let people escape before a renewed assault....
December 19, 2007 United Nations // Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees
Even though it is a group of approximately 30 million people that are currently
considered refugees or internally displaced people7 and even though there are
currently close to a thousand of refugee camps in more than forty countries8, there are
only eleven pages in one single book that describes planning strategies for refugee
camps. And even though the setting within which these camps develop could not be
more political and conflictual, the engagement with the theme is on a purely technical
level only. It often ignores the social, political and collective consequences that every
planning decision has in this critical context....
Human Security Research is a monthly publication by the Human Security Report Project (HSRP) which compiles the latest human security-related research published by university research institutes, think-tanks, governments, IGOs and NGOs. This publication highlights recent research on the protection of civilians in armed conflict and the foundation documents underpinning the issues. The contents are:
TRENDS: Protection of Civilians in 2010: Facts, Figures, and the UN Security Council’s Response
RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT: The UN Security Council and the Responsibility to Protect: Policy, Process, and Practice
CIVILIAN CASUALTIES: Who Takes the Blame? The Strategic Effects of Collateral Damage
CHILDREN: In Their Words: Perspectives of Armed Non-State Actors on the Protection of Children from the Effects of Armed Conflict
INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW: Privileging Asymmetric Warfare?: Defender Duties Under International Humanitarian Law
MYANMAR: Self-Protection Under Strain: Targeting of Civilians and Local Responses in Northern Karen State
HUMANITARIAN RELIEF: Incorporating Protection into Humanitarian Action: Approaches and Limits
PEACE OPERATIONS: Challenges of Strengthening the Protection of Civilians in Multidimensional Peace Operations
CHAD: Protecting Civilians Against Sexual and Gender-Based Violence in Eastern Chad
PEACE OPERATIONS: Enhancing Civilian Protection in Peace Operations: Insights from Africa
ARMS: Meeting the Challenges: Protecting Civilians through the Convention on Cluster Munitions...
April 21, 2010 Ethical Cargo // Stockholm International Peace Research Institute
Air transportation has played a key role in the transfer of weapons, narcotics and precious
minerals, fuelling the war economies that have devastated much of Africa in recent decades.
At the same time, those air cargo carriers transporting these commodity flows that have
been so destabilizing are also involved in humanitarian aid and peacekeeping missions.
Air transport companies named in United Nations Sanctions Committee reports covering
weapons deliveries to Angola, Chad, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ivory Coast,
Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan and Zimbabwe have all serviced humanitarian aid or
peacekeeping operations. They may avoid scrutiny by registering their aircraft in “flag of
convenience” states where safety oversight is poor and corruption is common. As a result,
their aircraft have crashed more frequently than others, sometimes with narcotics,
weapons, humanitarian aid or peacekeeping officials on board....
Born in 1942, Hissxc3xa8ne Habré ruled the former French colony of Chad from 1982 until his ouster by the current President Idriss Déby and his flight to Senegal. His one party regime was marked by widespread violations of human rights and mass campaigns of violence against his own people. On occasions he undertook persecutions by making collective arrests and committing mass murders against different ethnic groups, especially when he perceived their leaders to be a threat to his regime.
January 25, 2007 Energy Information Administration
In the last three years, Chad's economy has experienced strong economic growth from its oil industry. In 2004, foreign investments into Chad and petroleum exports via the Chad-Cameroon pipeline were the primary driving forces behind the country's considerable real gross domestic product growth (GDP) rate of 30 percent. In 2005, high oil prices attributed to Chad's GDP growth rate of 7 percent. Investments in Chad's oil industry have led to growth in other areas as well, such as the trade, transportation, and public services sectors. Additional economic growth is expected to come from foreign investment in new oil exploration licenses that are to be offered in 2007. Although oil production was not impeded, Chad experienced civil strife throughout 2006, which included rebel forces marching on the capital, N'Djamena. Cameroon's economy has exhibited steady economic growth since the mid 1990's. However, the country saw a slight decline in real GDP growth after the completion of the Chad-Cameroon pipeline. In 2005, the real GDP growth rate was 2.6 percent. High energy prices have helped offset economic growth declines, but they have also increased inflationary pressures in Cameroon. In 2005, inflation was 2 percent. In May 2006, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank indicated that Cameroon had completed its obligations under the Enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative. Cameroon will now receive more than $1 billion in bilateral debt relief and additional multilateral aid, which together, will provide a 50 percent reduction in the country's total external debt....
The conflict in Sudan's Darfur region increasingly threatens two neighboring countriesxe2x80x94Chad and the Central African Republic. The Sudanese government and rebel groups signed a peace agreement in May, but violence in Darfur has escalated since then. Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir has barred deployment of a UN peacekeeping force in Darfur (authorized by UN Security Council Resolution 1706). Meanwhile, the conflict is in a "free fall," that includes eastern Chad and northern Central African Republic, UN Humanitarian Chief Jan Egeland recently told the Associated Press. "We have kept people alive, but we haven't protected them," he said. With the security situation so unstable in both Darfur and eastern Chad, aid groups are starting to withdraw from the region, leaving humanitarian assistance at its lowest since 2003 and 2004....
July 13, 2006 Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
The Court of Justice of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS/CEEAC) is an institution that exists solely as a possibility on paper. ECCAS was founded upon the decision of the members of the Central African Customs and Economic Union (UDEAC) to form a larger community by merging with the Economic Community of the Great Lakes States and a few other states. The Community began to operate, with the appointment of a Secretariat in 1985.
November 20, 2008 Center for Strategic & International Studies - Africa Policy Forum
As the rainy season comes to an end in Chad, the recent détente between Chadian and Sudanese governments will not last. “Rebellion season” is on the horizon. Violence in the volatile East is again on the rise, and civilians are once again at grave risk. A high-ranking official in the Chadian government recently told us: “We know the rebels are just across the border [in Sudan]. They are coming as soon as the roads are accessible, but we are ready for them, because we monitor their moves.” Indeed, flooded roads along the Chad-Sudan border are becoming passable once more; treacherous armed bandits known as zaraguinas are menacing Darfurian refugees and internally displaced Chadians; and tensions are escalating between pastoralists and farmers competing for land. The upsurge in violence has forced aid agencies to suspend assistance to tens of thousands of civilians.
The chronic instability plaguing Chad is frequently—and inaccurately—characterized principally as “spill-over” from the Darfur conflict. There is no doubt that the Chad-Sudan proxy war has put Chad’s instability in sharper focus, but the rebellion in Chad is also the latest chapter in a decades-long internal power struggle. Chad’s government is among the world’s most corrupt, and President Idriss Déby’s authoritarian regime has quashed (often brutally) legitimate political opposition. In Chad, politics and armed conflict are synonymous. The capital N’Djamena has seen three coup attempts in as many years; it is only a matter of time before the small attacks currently occurring in eastern Chad morph into another march towards N’Djamena....
Following attempts by reportedly Sudan-backed rebels to overthrow the Chadian government, with violence and displacement in Eastern Chad and capital city N’Djamena, Darfur activists urged world leaders to quickly adopt policies that will end Sudan’s menacing role in the region. Activists from the Save Darfur Coalition, the ENOUGH Project and the Genocide Intervention Network outlined three key steps to address the unrest in Chad and its root cause in Khartoum, including sanctions against Sudanese officials responsible for supporting the overthrow of Chadian officials and those responsible for obstructing the deployment of international peacekeepers in Darfur and Chad....
Waging Peace (WP) is a non-governmental organisation that campaigns against genocide and systematic human rights abuses, with a particular focus on Sudan, Chad and the Central African Republic. As a UK-based NGO, they lobby the British government to use its influence to ensure the protection of civilians in countries where their rights are ignored or, indeed, their lives and homes in danger due to repressive rulers and regimes. We carry out frequent fact finding-missions on the ground – gathering first-hand evidence of humanitarian, human rights and political conditions. We use the facts and testimonies we uncover to support the call for urgent, effective and measurable action from the UK government and the international community. We offer reports and briefings based on these missions....
In October 2004 MAG began a United Nations Office of Project Services project to provide a training, supervisory and management role to the High Commission for National Demining in Chad. The project provides one Technical Operations Manager and two Technical Field Managers.
This Policy Brief examines the real and imagined influence of al-Qa‘ida in North Africa and the Sahel. Despite a perception of the transnationalization of terrorist movements in North Africa under al-Qa‘ida’s banner, robust evidence of an effective al-Qa‘ida’s expansion in the Maghreb and the Sahara/Sahel region remains elusive at best. Rather, doubts about al-Qa‘ida’s actual threat and the efficacy of international response in the context of pervasive state failure in the Sahel raise questions regarding the policy objectives of US-led counter-terrorism in the region....
July 26, 2011 International Organization for Migration
The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has witnessed
unprecedented civil unrest since 16 February
2011. As the security situation deteriorated and
casualties mounted, many countries called on
their citizens to leave the country.
Before the crisis, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya
reportedly hosted over 2.5 million migrant workers
from neighbouring countries, as well as Africa and
Asia. Thousands of these workers have fled the
country since the outbreak of violence, and many
governments have requested assistance from the
International Organization for Migration (IOM) to
ensure the safe and timely return home of their
nationals. As of 28 May, over 885,600 persons,
including Libyans, have crossed the Libyan border,
with thousands more waiting to cross the border
or stranded at sea and in airports.
The purpose of this report is to provide a cumulative
overview of the evacuation operations of IOM and
its partners over the past three months through
28 May, supplemented with graphs and photos to
provide more detail. In addition to the macro-level
information, highlights of activities and caseload at
the country level are also presented in subsequent
sections. The report’s final section gives a human
face to the crisis through the personal accounts
of migrants and TCNs who benefited from IOM
I consider it a singular honour to have been invited today by Chatham House
to address this august forum. The Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS), which I represent, is a regional organisation which has,
over the years, gained your attention only for the unfortunate reasons of state
implosion and instability caused by bad governance and marginalisation. I
therefore welcome the opportunity to throw further light on its objectives,
challenges, and achievements, which factors have effectively brought
together fifteen West African states in the enterprise of improving upon the
living standards of 230 million people as well as integrating them.
The term ‘Chatham House Rule’ is today an internationally-accepted cliché
that this Institute has contributed to international diplomacy discourse, a
reference norm in rigorous and policy-oriented exchanges on global peace
and security. I therefore view your invitation to lead today’s discourse about
‘Democracy in the context of Regional Integration in West Africa’ as an
unique honour for me personally, and a recognition of ECOWAS as a leading
brand in regional integration.
Ladies and gentlemen, the evolution of ECOWAS can only be properly
understood against the backdrop of the fascinating history and circumstances
of West Africa since establishing contact with the world beyond its borders.
The fact that slavery, colonialism, as well as racial and economic
marginalisation, had left an intrinsic yearning for freedom, unity and solidarity
among peoples of African descent everywhere defines its wish to integrate its
states and peoples....
The level of women’s participation in armed violence in Africa is determined by the nature and
typology of conflict. Using prior research as a data source, the article examines the nature of
women’s participation in on-going and recently-concluded armed conflicts in 15 countries in Africa.
Based upon data that show variations, and similarities in the contextual conditions under which
women become war participants, this article presents three kinds of wars, and the conditions that
distinguish them from one another, as a theoretical framework in analysing women’s involvement in
Africa’s armed conflicts. The findings show that in ‘resources/opportunistic’ driven wars, women’s
participation is higher and more complex when compared to ‘ethno-religious’ and
‘secessionist/autonomy’ driven wars. Moreover, this paper finds that women’s participation can be
active and passive; coerced and voluntary....
This special research report provides an analysis of a set of new issues that have been emerging in the West African subregion and possible implications for the Security Council in the coming year(s). It identifies some key emerging threats to peace and security in the 16-state subregion and their linkages to existing security challenges. The report points to a key feature: the fact that some of the new threats are essentially criminal rather than political in nature. However, it explains also the growing political and security implications. The report also highlights action already taken by the Council to recognise these threats and considers options available to the Council to tackle these issues going forward.
The raw material for the study was derived from literature research; field research in a number of countries in the West African subregion (including Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Senegal, Ghana and Nigeria); and interviews in the region with diplomats, government officials and officials of relevant international intergovernmental bodies (e.g. UN Office in West Africa or UNOWA, UN Office for Drugs and Crime or UNODC, the Economic Community of West African States or ECOWAS and the AU), NGOs and academics....