Background: In recent years, vigorous debate has developed concerning how
conflicts contribute to the spread of infectious diseases, and in particular, the role of
post-conflict situations in the epidemiology of HIV/AIDS. This study details the agespecific
mortality patterns among the population in the central provincial capital of
Beira, Mozambique, during and after the Mozambican civil war which ended in 1992.
Methods: Data was collected from the death register at Beira’s Central Hospital
between 1985 and 2003 and descriptively analyzed.
Results: The data show two distinct periods: before and after the peace agreements in
1992. Before 1992 (during the civil war), the main impact of mortality was on
children below 5 years of age, including still births, accounting for 58% of all deaths.
After the war ended in 1992, the pattern shifted dramatically and rapidly to the 15-49
year old age group which accounted for 49% of all deaths by 2003.
Conclusions: As under-5 mortality rates were decreasing at the end of the conflict,
rates for 24-49 year old adults began to dramatically increase due to AIDS. This
study demonstrates that strategies can be implemented during conflicts to decrease
mortality rates in one vulnerable population but post-conflict dynamics can bring
together other factors which contribute to the rapid spread of other infectious diseases
in other vulnerable populations....
July 22, 2010 Centre d’Economie de la Sorbonne // Université Paris
The consequences of civil war have been widely analyzed, but one of its aspect, yet
important, remains marginally investigated: the human cost of the combats. Indeed, most of
recent literature has focused on the numbers of dead and wounded, while little scope has been
given to survivors’ health, whether they have been injured or not. Given that survivors are the
ones who bear the burden of reconstruction, the evaluation of the health costs of civil conflict,
is therefore crucial for the conception and the implementation of proper economic policies.
This paper is an attempt in this direction. It aims at assessing the impact of the fifteen year
long Mozambican civil war on the long-run health and nutritional status of adult women,
measured by their height-for-age z-score (HAZ). In this perspective, two sets of data are used:
the household survey data derived from Demographic and Health Survey (DHS+ 2003) which
provides individual level information and in particular a set of anthropometric measures
combined with an original, event dataset reporting the timing and location of battles and
military actions that took place during this war. In accordance with the existing literature on
this topic, I find that women who were exposed to the conflict during the early stages of their
lives have, on average, a weaker health in comparison to other women, reflected by a lower
HAZ. Using the Infancy-Childhood-Puberty Curves, a concept given by the medical literature
studying the human growth process, I point out that this negative effect depends both on the
age of entry into civil war and on the number of months spent in conflict. Furthermore, this
study indicates that months of civil war before a woman’s birth also have a negative impact
on her health highlighting thus the importance of the prenatal conditions. Moreover, as recent
works have shown, a poor health status induces other adverse effects in the long run. All of
these effects emphasize the importance of preventing civil wars and stopping ongoing
In nations emerging from war, the immediate postwar period sets the
stage for the future direction of the country. Referred to by former Afghan
finance minister Ashraf Ghani as an “open moment,” this phase
rarely lives up to the hopes and expectations of the country’s citizens
or the international community. An upsurge in corruption and a lack of
accountability, which frequently become entrenched during this time,
can breed popular disenchantment with international donors and with
the interim government and erode trust in democracy and its institutions,
thereby eating away at the legitimacy of the postwar state.
The results can be devastating: Half of all postwar countries resume
violent conflict within ten years. Disaffected, excluded citizens are liable
to become spoilers. To illustrate, in early 2008 Mullah Abdul Salam,
a former Taliban commander who defected and became district governor
of Musa Qala, Afghanistan, explained to the U.S. ambassador that
the failure of aid to arrive and the flourishing of corruption fostered
support for the Taliban....
June 18, 2009 Small Arms Survey // Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva // Institute for Security Studies
In a region apparently awash with weapons and plagued with rising levels of
armed crime, Malawi is a welcome exception to these characteristics. In early
2007 there were only 9,320 legally registered firearms in Malawi excluding
those used by the security forces, compared to just under 87,000 in Zambia and nearly 4 million in South Africa. Though a country of an estimated 13 million people,
in the 5 years between 1996 and 2000 Malawi suffered just 2,161 reported
cases of armed robbery. For 2005
the figure was 316 and for 2004 it was 263, according to figures provided by the
Malawi Police Service (MPS). Even leaving aside South Africa, where there were
119,726 recorded cases of aggravated robbery in 2006, Malawi’s
armed crime statistics still compare favourably with the rest of the region. In
neighbouring Zambia, for example, where there is a population of only 10
million people, there were 3,168 reported cases of armed robbery in the 5 years
between 1998 and 2002....
February 18, 2009 Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael
In spite of the fact that UN peacekeeping operations are a relative new field for scholarly research,
the literature on the subject has grown into a substantial body. This article distils from
this body of scholarly literature eleven clusters of factors for success and failure for UN
peacekeeping operations in general and tests these on four case studies – Cambodia, Mozambique,
Rwanda and El Salvador – of one particular type of UN peacekeeping operation: the
UN peace-building operations. It concludes that although the results of the four cases of UN
peace-building operations largely confirm the factors for success and failure as found in literature
for UN peacekeeping operations in general, theory on UN peace-building operations
still needs adjustment and fine tuning. Amongst others, it appears from the cases that two
factors that receive a lot of attention in literature – the non-use of force by the operation and
the need for a clear and detailed mandate – are less important....
Seven actual or potential conflict situations around the world deteriorated and none improved in September 2010, according to the latest issue of the International Crisis Group’s monthly bulletin CrisisWatch.Guinea saw increased political and ethnic divisions, exacerbated by controversies related to the presidential elections. Two days of violent clashes in the capital between rival supporters of the two presidential candidates, Alpha Conde and Cellou Diallo, left one person dead and dozens injured. Continued delays in the timing of the run-off and Diallo’s rejection of the appointment of the election commission’s new head led to further tensions between the two camps.
In Sri Lanka moves by President Rajapaksa to consolidate his power through a de facto constitutional coup transformed the political terrain. On 8 September the parliament passed the 18th Amendment to the Constitution, which gives the President nearly unbridled power by scrapping term limits on the presidency, abolishing the Constitutional Council and allowing the President to appoint directly officials to the judiciary, police and electoral bodies.
More protesters were killed by police in Kashmir as anti-India demonstrations continued and spread to new areas, bringing the death toll from the demonstrations since June to over 100. The Indian government on 25 September announced an eight-point plan aimed at calming the situation. Separatist leaders rejected the initiative and said that protests will continue.
The situation in Burundi deteriorated as violent clashes between security forces and armed groups increased, alongside kidnappings and fatal attacks on civilians. There are increasingly credible indications that elements disgruntled with elections held earlier this year have re-established bases and taken up arms in the Rukoko and Kibira areas. However, local authorities deny that former rebels are regrouping and insist that bandits are behind the recent attacks.
The month saw a new upsurge of violence in Russia’s restive North Caucasus region, demonstrating the growing ability of guerrillas to carry out major operations. In the deadliest terrorist strike anywhere in Russia since the March subway bombings in Moscow, a suicide attack killed at least 17 at a market in the capital of North Ossetia. A spate of bold guerrilla attacks also struck security personnel and infrastructure in Dagestan. The situation in Ecuador took a dramatic turn at the end of the month when disaffected members of the police and armed forces staged a protest against proposed austerity measures, taking control of the National Assembly building and airport and laying siege to a hospital where President Correa had sought refuge. President Correa later said the revolt amounted to an attempted coup. Meanwhile, in Mozambique 13 people were killed and over 170 injured in three days of riots that took place early in the month over food and energy price increases....
June 26, 2007 Department for International Development
In the past 5 years Mozambique has received over US$6 billion in aid; of which DFID provided US$430 million (xc2xa3239 million). DFID has been providing Poverty Reduction Budget Support (PRBS) to the Government of Mozambique (GoM) since 1999.
July 13, 2006 Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
The Tribunal of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) is the newest operationalized subregional court in Africa. Provided for under Article 16 of the 1992 Declaration and Treaty Establishing the Southern African Development Community, the Community's members approved the Protocol required to set up the Tribunal in 2000. Despite the ratification requirements in the Protocol itself, the Protocol entered into force with the signature of the Agreement Amending the Treaty of SADC in August 2001. The Agreement Amending the Treaty marked a renewed energy in the integration of the Community, making the Protocol on the Tribunal an integral part of the Treaty and thus automatically applicable to all Member States. The renewed energy of the Community however, was not reflected in a swift establishment of the Tribunal. The first judges of the Tribunal were not sworn in until November 2005....
The Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC), which evolved into the Southern African Development Community (SADC) , has been in existence since 1980. The original nine member-countries were Angola , Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. South Africa joined SADC in 1994 followed by Mauritius (1995), and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC, 1997). In 2005, SADC granted Madagascar membership. In addition to belonging to SADC, Angola, DRC, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe are members of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA). In order to facilitate development in the region, member-states in SADC formulated various objectives which the community works to achieve. Among those objectives are the promotion of regional economic integration, creation of intra-governmental policies, and sustainable utilization of natural resources. In addition to the broader objectives of SADC, the region's Trade Protocol calls for member-states to further liberalize intra-regional trade, while eliminating trade barriers in order to establish a Free Trade Area (FTA) by 2008. The creation of the FTA is part of a strategic plan announced by the SADC executive secretary in 2004, which also includes the establishment of an SADC customs union by 2010, a common market pact by 2012, and establishment of an SADC central bank and preparation for a single SADC currency by 2016....
May 26, 2006 United Nations // Electronic Mine Information Network
Since the end of fighting in 1992, Mozambique has made a successful transition from conflict to post-conflict and development. Still, one of the legacies of the 16-year conflict has been a continued presence of landmines in all 10 of the country's provinces. In response to this problem, the government established the National Demining Institute (IND) to manage Mozambique's mine action process. The National Mine Action Strategy developed by the Government of Mozambique within the framework of the current context, aims at reducing the risk of death of the population living in the country, supporting the government's strategy for poverty alleviation, and addressing current country's development challenges and priorities....
In 2003 and during the first quarter of 2004, UNAIDS and WHO worked closely with national governments and
research institutions to recalculate current estimates on people living with HIV/AIDS. These calculations are
based on the previously published estimates for 1999 and 2001 and recent trends in HIV/AIDS surveillance in
various populations. A methodology developed in collaboration with an international group of
experts was used to calculate the new estimates on prevalence and incidence of HIV and AIDS deaths, as well
as the number of children infected through mother-to-child transmission of HIV. Different approaches were
used to estimate HIV prevalence in countries with low-level, concentrated or generalised epidemics. The
current estimates do not claim to be an exact count of infections. Rather, they use a methodology that has thus
far proved accurate in producing estimates that give a good indication of the magnitude of the epidemic in
individual countries. However, these estimates are constantly being revised as countries improve their
surveillance systems and collect more information.
The Southern African Development Community (SADC) has been in existence since 1980, when it was formed as a loose alliance of nine majority-ruled States in Southern Africa known as the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC), with the main aim of coordinating development projects in order to lessen economic dependence on the then apartheid South Africa. The founding Member States are: Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. SADCC was formed in Lusaka, Zambia on April 1, 1980, following the adoption of the Lusaka Declaration - Southern Africa: Towards Economic Liberation. The transformation of the organization from a Coordinating Conference into a Development Community (SADC) took place on August 17, 1992 in Windhoek, Namibia when the Declaration and Treaty was signed at the Summit of Heads of State and Government thereby giving the organization a legal character. The Member States are Angola, Botswana, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. SADC headquarters are in Gaborone, Botswana. The objective of SADC: Achieve development and economic growth, alleviate poverty, enhance the standard and quality of life of the people of Southern Africa and support the socially disadvantaged through regional integration; Evolve common political values, systems and institutions; Promote and defend peace and security; Promote self-sustaining development on the basis of collective self-reliance, and the interdependence of Member States; Achieve complementarity between national and regional strategies and programmes; Promote and maximise productive employment and utilisation of resources of the Region; Achieve sustainable utilisation of natural resources and effective protection of the environment; Strengthen and consolidate the long-standing historical, social and cultural affinities and links among the people of the Region....
Billions of dollars in aid are flowing to developing countries to confront HIV/AIDS but relatively little is known yet about the effectiveness of this aid. The HIV/AIDS Monitor is designed to help fill this knowledge gap by tracking and analyzing key features of the way aid for HIV/AIDS is allocated and disbursed, while identifying lessons relevant to broader questions about the effectiveness of development assistance.
The analysis centers on the three major HIV/AIDS aid initiatives: The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria; The President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR); and the World Bank's Multi-Country HIV/AIDS Program (MAP). Despite a common commitment to fighting the epidemic, each donor implements programs in different ways with different targets. Based on global-level analysis and case studies from four African nations, the HIV/AIDS Monitor hopes to contribute to improvements in the efficiency and effectiveness of the major aid initiatives....
December 6, 2006 Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation
The Oil for Development initiative aims at assisting developing
countries with petroleum resources (or potential) in their efforts to manage these resources in a way that generates economic growth and promotes the welfare of the population in general, and in a way that is environmentally sustainable.
March 18, 2011 United Nations Mine Action Service // United Nations Development Programme // United Nations Children’s Fund
The Portfolio of Mine Action Projects is a resource tool and reference document for donors, policy-makers, advocates, and national and international mine action implementers. The country and territory-specific proposals in the portfolio reflect strategic responses developed in the field to address all aspects of the problem of landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW). This country and territory-based approach aims to present as comprehensive a picture as possible of the full range of mine action needs in particular countries and thematic issues related to mine action. The portfolio ideally reflects projects developed by mine- and ERW-affected countries and territories based on their priorities and strategies; the approaches are endorsed by national authorities. The portfolio does not automatically entail full-scale direct mine action assistance by the United Nations, but is in essence a tool for collaborative resource mobilization, coordination and planning of mine action activities involving partners and stakeholders. A country portfolio coordinator (CPC) leads each country portfolio team and coordinates the submission of proposals to the portfolio’s headquarters team. While the majority of the CPCs are UN officials, this role is increasingly being assumed by national authorities. The country portfolio teams include representatives from national and local authorities, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the United Nations and the private sector. Locally based donor representatives are invited to attend preparation meetings. Each portfolio chapter contains a synopsis of the scope of the landmine and ERW problem, a description of how mine action is coordinated, and a snapshot of local mine action strategies. Many of the strategies complement or are integrated into broader development and humanitarian frameworks such as national development plans, the UN development assistance frameworks and national poverty reduction plans. This 14th edition of the annual Portfolio of Mine Action Projects features overviews and project outlines for 29 countries, territories or missions affected by landmines and explosive remnants of war. There are 238 projects in the 2011 portfolio. Africa accounts for the largest number: 92....
November 19, 2010 Institute for Security Studies // L'Institut d'Etudes de Sécurité
Militias, rebels and Islamist militants: human insecurity and state crises in Africa explores how armed non-state groups have emerged as key players in African politics and armed conflicts since the 1990s. The book is a critical, multidisciplinary and comprehensive study of the threats that militias, rebels and Islamist militants pose to human security and the state in Africa. Through case studies utilising multidisciplinary approaches and concepts, analytical frameworks and perspectives cutting across the social sciences and humanities, the book conceptualises armed non-state groups in Africa through their links to the state. After contextualising these groups in history, culture, economics, politics, law and other factors, a systematic effort is made to locate their roots in group identity, social deprivation, resource competition, elite manipulations, the youth problématique, economic decline, poor political leadership and governance crisis. Differentiating militias from insurgents, rebel groups and extremist religious movements, the book illustrates how some of the groups have sustained themselves, undermining both human security and the state capacity to provide it. The responses to their threats by local communities, states, regional mechanisms and initiatives, and the international communities are analysed. The findings provide a conceptual reference for scholars and practical recommendations for policymakers....
November 4, 2010 South African Institute of International Affairs
For the past 60 years, the United Nations has been keeping foes apart in strife-torn parts
of the world, and rebuilding countries and communities afterwards. In the UN’s peace
operations in Africa, India has been an active partner since its peacekeeping mission in the
Congo in 1960. In this paper, all references to ‘the Congo’ denote the Democratic Republic
of Congo (formerly Zaire), and not the Republic of Congo (or Congo–Brazzaville).
This paper explores India’s peacekeeping efforts in Africa over the last five decades.
It analyses the reasons for India’s engagement in African peace missions, and finds that
different motives and incentives appear to be driving India’s peacekeeping. Some of these
can be explained along Cold War fault lines.
A chronological account of India’s peacekeeping actions in Africa illustrates that country’s
commitment to securing peace, the depth of involvement, the fatalities bravely borne and
the hardships endured. Even more important, the record shows that India continues to use
the experience that has been gained to refine its approach to peacekeeping.
In conclusion, the paper offers a forecast of what form India’s commitments to Africa’s
peacekeeping requirements are likely to take in the future. India may well develop criteria
that require a greater return on investment than has been the case over the last halfcentury.
A more tempered approach — particularly in view of India’s global aspirations
— seems likely....
September 29, 2010 Institute for Security Studies // L'Institut d'Etudes de Sécurité // Make Peace Happen
Close to two decades after the end of the civil war in
Mozambique, the country is yet to complete the reintegration
of the demobilised combatants into society. In early 2009,
the government of Mozambique embarked on a programme
that envisages assisting with the reintegration of an estimated
100 000 former fighters.
It would be assumed that most of these former fighters
agitating for compensation could have reintegrated naturally
into the society by now. This however is not the case, and
the Mozambican government has been designing a new
programme that aims to address various demands synthesised
into 18 points. This paper sought to understand why the
former fighters are raising these issues, and how the government
intends to respond. At the time of writing this paper,
the process was still in its formative stages and therefore not
conclusive. The analysis builds on interviews with associations
of ex-combatants, government officials and civil society
organisations, as well as information from secondary sources....
Mozambique has long been cast as a donor success story. Levels of poverty have fallen significantly in
recent years. At the same time, economic growth has increased and Mozambique has managed to ride
out the global economic crisis relatively well. The government of Mozambique and donors can take a lot
of credit for these achievements. But the pace of poverty reduction now appears to be slowing, perhaps as the easy wins are increasingly
being banked. This may also be associated with declining standards of democratic and political governance.
Indeed, there are signs that democratic space is being monopolized as an elite element within the ruling
party, FRELIMO (the Liberation Front of Mozambique), consolidates its political and economic hold on
power to the detriment of both reforming elements of the party and other opposition groups, and with
potential impacts on (human) security. A number of direct threats to peace and security may flow from the increasingly weak nature of
governance and enforcement institutions. Corruption and organized crime may permit the operation
in Mozambique of transnational trafficking networks, dealing in everything from drugs and people to
weapons and cars. The existence of such networks alone is not the main problem, although they may
pose a security threat to the region and beyond, and to a lesser extent to Mozambique itself. The real
issue is that the culture of impunity that has grown up around these illegal activities and their sponsors
is a countervailing force working directly against government-led efforts to deliver basic services and to