March 26, 2008 Annual Convention of the International Studies Association
Since the Turkish military intervention of 1974 there have been numerous international diplomatic initiatives aimed at restoring the unity of Cyprus. All have failed. The most recent was the Annan Plan, which was accepted by the Turkish Cypriots but rejected, by a large majority, by the Greek Cypriots. The original premise of this paper was that settlement was increasingly unlikely because, with increasing interaction, the need for it declines and with it the imperative for a settlement. With further investigation this belief was shown to be untrue. While there is more interaction between the two
communities, this is not sufficient to validate the hypothesis. The interesting question then becomes. Why is there no movement towards a settlement when, to an outside observer, there appears no insuperable impediment to a settlement? The paper begins with a short discussion of the nature of settlements, followed by a brief synopsis of the recent history of Cyprus. The brunt of the paper is a discussion of contemporary Cyprus which emphasizes why a settlement of the Cyprus problem is unlikely in the near future....
This working document is part of a research project for the Office for Scientific, Technical
and Cultural Affairs, the department of the Belgian Federal Government responsible for
scientific research. The project is carried out by the Centre for Political Science (POLI) of the
Vrije Universiteit Brussel (by Bruno Coppieters, Michel Huysseune, Tamara Kovziridze and
Theo Jans) and the Centre for European Policy Studies (by Michael Emerson, Elena
Prokhorova, Gergana Noutcheva, Nathalie Tocci and Marius Vahl). It makes a comparative
assessment of the potential for supra-national and international settlement in four secessionist
conflicts at the periphery of the EU. It focuses on the potential role that institutional models
from the EU and its members can play in the design of solutions to such conflicts -
particularly the federation institutions such as the Organisation for Security and Cooperation
in Europe (OSCE) or the Council of Europe. In all of these cases, conflict settlement may
have to be facilitated by the intervention of third party actors....
2004 marked the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations presence in Cyprus. Since
March 1964, the UN has been responsible for addressing and managing both
peacekeeping and peacemaking efforts on the island. This paper focuses on this latter
task. Starting with U Thant, who served as UN Secretary-General from 1961-71, it
surveys and summarises the efforts of five successive secretaries-general of the
United Nations to resolve the political differences between the Greek and Turkish
Cypriots over the course of four decades. It concludes with the most recent effort to
broker a settlement undertaken by the current Secretary-General, Kofi Annan. In
addition to evaluating the various types of UN efforts undertaken, such as mediation
and the mission of good offices, it also reviews the way in which the goals of the
peacemaking process have changed along the way, such as the search for increased
autonomy for the Turkish Cypriots, the creation of a bi-communal, bi-zonal federal
settlement and confidence building. Looking ahead, and in view of suggestions that
the European Union might take over a peacemaking role, the paper concludes that the
UN will in fact continue to manage attempts at reunification in the future....
February 7, 2006 International Studies Association
This case examines U.S. and British mediation efforts over Cyprus during a period of thirty days in the summer of 1974, which changed the future of the island and the balance of power in the region for at least twenty-seven years to follow. The strategies of the two actors were joint at times, complementary at others, and yet contradictory during some other moments of crises. The conflict in Cyprus was a protracted social conflict involving the two main ethnic groups on the island, the Turkish and the Greek Cypriots. During the Cold War, however, it became much more than an intra-state social conflict. Cyprus was seen as a potential battle-ground for two NATO allies: Greece and Turkey. Furthermore, the country was of strategic importance to Great Britain and the United States: British military bases and the early-warning radar and spying stations on the island, used jointly by the two countries, were instrumental in monitoring Soviet missile and MIRV capabilities....
February 7, 2006 Brown University // Watson Institute
The latest phase of United Nations sponsored talks for a Cyprus settlement took
place at the The Hague on 10-11 March 2003. The occasion was a summit meeting
between the Greek Cypriot leader Tassos Papadopoulos and Turkish Cypriot leader
Rauf Denktash arranged by the UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. Visiting the divided
island two weeks earlier, Mr. Annan surprised both Greek and Turkish leaders by
suggesting that his partially completed settlement plan be submitted directly to the two
communities in the form of simultaneous referenda.1 But Annan's hope that the two
leaders could be convinced to accept his suggestion failed to materialize. In his press
statement following the summit, Annan indicated that the Greek Cypriot leader had
reservations regarding the plan, while the Turkish Cypriot leader fundamentally objected
The Council has scheduled a 29 August briefing in Informal Consultations from Under Secretary-General for Political Affairs Ibrahim Gambari on his recent trip to Cyprus. No formal action is expected but there is interest in Gambari's assessment of the political climate and the prospects for removing some of the blockages preventing forward movement. Council members will be conscious that there is now only four months till the expiry of the United Nations Operation in Cyprus (UNFICYP) mandate on 15 December and looking to explore what, if anything, might be done before the renewal comes up for debate....
The United States of America finds that neither the classic instruments of criminal law and procedure, nor the framework of the laws of war (including respect for the Geneva Conventions) has been apt to address the terrorist threat. As a result it has introduced new legal concepts, such as "enemy combatant" and "rendition", which were previously unheard of in international law and stand contrary to the basic legal principles that prevail on our continent. Thus, across the world, the United States has progressively woven a clandestine "spider's web" of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful inter-state transfers, often encompassing countries notorious for their use of torture. Hundreds of persons have become entrapped in this web, in some cases merely suspected of sympathising with a presumed terrorist organisation....
On December 21, 1963, serious violence erupted in Nicosia when a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed. As the news spread, members of the underground organizations began firing and taking hostages. North of Nicosia, Turkish forces occupied a strong position at St. Hilarion Castle, dominating the road to Kyrenia on the northern coast. The road became a principal combat area as both sides fought to control it. Much intercommunal fighting occurred in Nicosia along the line separating the Greek and Turkish quarters of the city (known later as the Green Line). Turkish Cypriots were not concentrated in one area, but lived throughout the island, making their position precarious. Vice-President Kxc3xbcxc3xa7xc3xbck and Turkish Cypriot ministers and members of the House of Representatives ceased participating in the government....
Turkey's invasion was sparked by a Greek Cypriot coup, backed by Athens and aimed at uniting Cyprus with mainland Greece. Turkey still maintains about 40,000 troops in northern Cyprus, which is recognized as an independent country only by Ankara.
EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn has warned that a new bid to re-unite the divided island of Cyprus could be the last chance of progress for years.
He called on EU member states to back Finnish efforts to open a Turkish Cypriot port to trade with the EU, by putting it under UN control.
So far, Greek Cypriot politicians have blocked all such initiatives.
The EU hopes success would lead Turkey to open its ports to Cypriot vessels, removing one block to its EU entry bid.
The Finns are reported to have suggested putting both the Turkish Cypriot port of Famagusta and the nearby resort of Varosha under UN administration. ...
The division of Cyprus into a Greek and a Turkish community has been one of the most difficult issues to solve in the EU's sixth enlargement round. The future of Turkey's accession talks with the EU hinges on the successful conclusion of the Cyprus problem.
April 27, 2011 European Centre for Minority Issues
Ban Ki Moon’s long awaited progress report on the negotiations in Cyprus did not come up with a final recommendation on how long the United Nations will be committed to engage in Cyprus. However, he warned that the UN would not continue indefinitely to spend efforts and money on a process that does not seem to render any progress. The underlying question is why so much time has been spent on a process that does not seem to be leading toward a successful conclusion.
In order to assess this question this ECMI Issue Brief #25 addresses a couple of interrelated questions, such as how a desired future solution should be devised for the respective communities. Is there a real desire to change the current political system on behalf of the Greek Cypriot community? Does the Turkish Cypriot community really wish to enter a multi-cultural political set-up in which it shall play a minority role albeit one that will include extensive participation rights? What are the interests of external actors, notably Turkey, the European Union and the United States of America? Finally, are there push factors that would make a solution possible or might there be an overarching interest that unites various actors in the secret desire to perpetuate the situation and preserve the so called “Cyprus Problem”?...
March 18, 2011 United Nations Mine Action Service // United Nations Development Programme // United Nations Children’s Fund
The Portfolio of Mine Action Projects is a resource tool and reference document for donors, policy-makers, advocates, and national and international mine action implementers. The country and territory-specific proposals in the portfolio reflect strategic responses developed in the field to address all aspects of the problem of landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW). This country and territory-based approach aims to present as comprehensive a picture as possible of the full range of mine action needs in particular countries and thematic issues related to mine action. The portfolio ideally reflects projects developed by mine- and ERW-affected countries and territories based on their priorities and strategies; the approaches are endorsed by national authorities. The portfolio does not automatically entail full-scale direct mine action assistance by the United Nations, but is in essence a tool for collaborative resource mobilization, coordination and planning of mine action activities involving partners and stakeholders. A country portfolio coordinator (CPC) leads each country portfolio team and coordinates the submission of proposals to the portfolio’s headquarters team. While the majority of the CPCs are UN officials, this role is increasingly being assumed by national authorities. The country portfolio teams include representatives from national and local authorities, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the United Nations and the private sector. Locally based donor representatives are invited to attend preparation meetings. Each portfolio chapter contains a synopsis of the scope of the landmine and ERW problem, a description of how mine action is coordinated, and a snapshot of local mine action strategies. Many of the strategies complement or are integrated into broader development and humanitarian frameworks such as national development plans, the UN development assistance frameworks and national poverty reduction plans. This 14th edition of the annual Portfolio of Mine Action Projects features overviews and project outlines for 29 countries, territories or missions affected by landmines and explosive remnants of war. There are 238 projects in the 2011 portfolio. Africa accounts for the largest number: 92....
With the Cyprus reunification negotiations under way since 2008 at an impasse, dramatic steps are needed. As the stalemate continues, the costs for Greek and Turkish Cypriots, Turkey and the European Union (EU) are growing. Neither Greek Cypriots nor Turkish Cypriots can fulfil their potential on an island whose future is divided, uncertain, militarised and facing new economic difficulties. Time is making it ever harder to reunify the island, divided politically since Greek Cypriots seized control of the Republic of Cyprus in 1963 and militarily since a Turkish invasion in 1974 created a Turkish Cypriot zone on its northern third. After nearly four decades, the sides remain far apart even on the meaning of the talks’ agreed goal, a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation. While there has long been peace, and relative freedom to interact since 2003, trade and visits between the two communities across the Green Line are decreasing.
Lack of a settlement damages everyone’s interests and keeps frustrations high. More than 200,000 Cypriots are still internally displaced persons (IDPs), and Turkish troops remain in overwhelming force. Few outside the military command in Ankara know if there are 21,000 soldiers, as Turkey says, or 43,000, as Greek Cypriots claim – a dispute that is one indication among many of the distrust and lack of information. Crisis Group has detailed in four reports since 2006 how the interests of the 1.1 million Cypriots and outside parties would be best met with a comprehensive political settlement. This remains the ideal, but as it is unrealistic in the coming months, ICG proposes interim unilateral steps....
November 16, 2010 International Peace Research Institute, Oslo
Media, politics and the Cyprus Problem are the main themes of the present study. While
each topic on its own occupies an important place in the islandʼs daily life, the three are
very closely interrelated; political actors are, by far, the most prominent if not the almost
exclusive group on the media stage, and the Cyprus Problem is the main topic of discourse. All
developments and any references, whether significant or minimal, to aspects of the Problem,
become news items and give political party leaders and others the opportunity to access the
media and present their views and comments. However, issues related to the media in Cyprus
have been very little researched.
Our study focuses on the analysis of media content and discourses on television and in
newspapers on both sides of the dividing line. The material studied is the main television news
bulletin on Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot channels, broadcast in the evening; in the case of
newspapers, the focus is on editorials and leading news articles in the Turkish and Greek
language dailies. We chose to leave out English language newspapers given that they address a
public that could hardly compare to the readers of the other dailies.
The aim of this research is to examine how the media cover issues related to aspects of the
Cyprus Problem and political actors, the authorities and political parties. The main subjects of
interest are the nature of the Cyprus Problem and the envisaged or preferred solution, matters of
identity, representations about the other parties engaged in the conflict, positions vis-à-vis the
European Union, and the relationship with the authorities and political forces on each side. We
sought answers to questions related to the approaches and positions the media adopt, and their
views as these are expressed in editorials and comments, or that transpire between the lines as
hidden or implied meaning. In addition to describing the main features of media treatment of the
respective issues, we felt it was important to delve deeper and attempt to ascertain the underlying
values guiding media choices and approaches....
The present report on the United Nations operation in Cyprus covers
developments from 21 November 2009 to 20 May 2010. It brings up to date, since
the issuance of my last report (S/2009/609) on 25 November 2009, the record of
activities carried out by the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus
(UNFICYP) pursuant to Security Council resolution 186 (1964) and subsequent
Council resolutions, most recently resolution 1898 (2009). The activities of my
mission of good offices in Cyprus are covered separately in my report dated 11 May
2010 (S/2010/238). As at 30 April, the strength of the military component stood at 859, including
all ranks, and the strength of the police component stood at 69 (see annex). The main efforts of UNFICYP during the reporting period have focused on
maintaining the stability of the buffer zone and contributing to the overall United
Nations effort in support of the peace process. The opposing forces have cooperated
very well with UNFICYP military forces and the situation in the buffer zone has
remained stable. Regular meetings between the UNFICYP Force Commander and
Commanders of the opposing forces continued to be positive and beneficial for
maintaining the stable environment on the island....
September 29, 2008 Minorities at Risk Project // Center for International Development and Conflict Management // National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism
The Minorities at Risk Organizational Behavior (MAROB) dataset is a subsidiary of the
Minorities at Risk (MAR) Project. The purpose of this project is to answer fundamental
questions focusing on the identification of those factors that motivate some members of ethnic
minorities to become radicalized, to form activist organizations, and to move from conventional
means of politics and protest into violence and terrorism. Focusing initially on the Middle East
and North Africa, the MAROB project provides information on the characteristics of those
ethnopolitical organizations most likely to employ violence and terrorism in the pursuit of their
perceived grievances with local, national, or international authority structures. The project has
identified 118 organizations representing the interests of all 22 ethnopolitical groups in 16
countries of the Middle East and North Africa, operating between 1980 and 2004. The project developed a set of criteria for the inclusion of organizations into the MAROB dataset. These are as
• The organization makes explicit claims to represent the interests of one or more ethnic groups and/or the
organization’s members are primarily members of a specific ethnic minority.
• The organization is political in its goals and activities.
• The organization is active at a regional and/or national level.
• The organization was not created by a government.
• The organization is active for at least three consecutive years between 1980 and 2006.
• Umbrella organizations (coalitions/alliances) are NOT coded. Instead, member organizations are coded.
Organizations were selected on the basis of their basic longevity. This was operationalized in the following manner:
The first year that an organization is mentioned in a source as being active, it is put on a “watchlist” for potential
inclusion. Once the organization is mentioned in sources for three consecutive years, it is included in the dataset,
coded from the first year of the three consecutive years. If an organization included in the dataset disappears from
source material for five consecutive years, it is no longer coded for following years. If after that time, it is again
mentioned for three consecutive years, it is again included but as a separate organization....