July 29, 2010 International Review of the Red Cross
Adopting a feminist perspective, this paper analyses the doctrine of humanitarian
intervention and its impact on women in recipient states, particularly with regard
to sexual violence. By analysing the phenomenon of post-conflict trafficking in
Kosovo following the NATO intervention, the author presents a challenge to the
‘feminist hawks’ who have called for military intervention in situations of systematic
sexual violence. It is the author’s contention that such intervention would be
counterproductive for women’s rights and thus constitute a disproportionate response
to sexual violence in terms of the international law governing the use of force....
The aim of this population-based study was to assess the long-lasting effects of ethnic conflict on
health and well-being (with a focus on injury and persistent pain) at family and community level.
We have also investigated possible risk factors for victimisation during the conflict and factors
contributing to healing. We conducted a district-level cross-sectional cluster survey of 1,115 households with a population of 6,845. Interviews were carried out in Mitrovice district in Northern Kosovo from September to October 2008, using standardised questionnaire to collect lifetime violence exposure, lifestyle factors and health information on individual and household. Ethnic Albanians made up 95% of the sample population. Crude mortality and under-five mortality rate was not high in 2008. Over 90% of families had been exposed to at least two categories of violence and human rights violations, and 493 individuals from 341 families reported torture experiences. During the two weeks before the survey, 20% of individuals had suffered physical or mental pain. There were differences in pain complaints according to gender and age, and whether people had been injured within 12 months, had lifetime exposure to violence-related injury, or had been tortured. Patterns of social and political participation in a family could affect the proportion of family members complaining of pain. The proportion of family members with pain complaints was related to a decline in the household income (coef=9.31, 95% CI=6.16-12.46, P<0.001) and the fact of borrowing money (coef=6.11, 95% CI=2.91-9.30, P<0.001) because of an injured person in the household. Families that were affiliated with the Kosovo Liberation Army, or had participated in a protest before or during the war, were likely to be targeted by Serbian paramilitary and law enforcement agencies. Mitrovice district is currently characterised by a low level of violence, but the effects of ethnic conflict on health and well-being have not gone. The level of lifetime exposure to violence, the proportion of family members reporting pain and lifetime violence-related injury, and family's financial burden were found to be inter-correlated. The sample confined to one ethnic group in one district limits the generalizability of the findings....
The impact of conflict on population health and health infrastructure has been well documented;
however the efforts of the international community to rebuild health systems in post-conflict periods
have not been systematically examined. Based on a review of relevant literature, this paper develops a
framework for analyzing health reform in post-conflict settings, and applies this framework to the case
study of health system reform in post-conflict Kosovo. The paper examines two questions: first, the
selection of health reform measures; and second, the outcome of the reform process. It measures the
success of reforms by the extent to which reform achieved its objectives. Through an examination of
primary documents and interviews with key stakeholders, the paper demonstrates that the external
nature of the reform process, the compressed time period for reform, and weak state capacity
undermined the ability of the success of the reform program....
March 3, 2010 Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces // LIT Verlag
The case of Kosovo epitomises problems of governing ‘international
protectorates’ and of post-war crime fighting. The empirical picture is a
messy one in which numerous international and domestic agencies
intermingle in complex ways, often working at cross-purposes. As in Bosnia,
military involvement in law enforcement has lacked effectiveness, efficiency
and legitimacy. This is only partly the fault of NATO – the UN and its
member states arguably carry more responsibility. Crime-fighting in pre- and
post-independence Kosovo exemplifies flawed security governance, SSG
The first part of this chapter examines the immediate post-war period.
The second part discusses the early years of international governance in
Kosovo. The third part reveals the travails of crime-fighting around the time
Kosovo declared independence. Drawing primarily on interviews conducted
in Kosovo in 2007 and 2008 (and a few in 2006), this third part complements
the vast literature on international intervention in Kosovo by focusing on
more recent events. The chapter also fills a gap by shedding light on
dynamics on the ground, which have been neglected due to the propensity of
scholars to focus on the strategic/diplomatic level rather than the operational
and tactical levels....
In nations emerging from war, the immediate postwar period sets the
stage for the future direction of the country. Referred to by former Afghan
finance minister Ashraf Ghani as an “open moment,” this phase
rarely lives up to the hopes and expectations of the country’s citizens
or the international community. An upsurge in corruption and a lack of
accountability, which frequently become entrenched during this time,
can breed popular disenchantment with international donors and with
the interim government and erode trust in democracy and its institutions,
thereby eating away at the legitimacy of the postwar state.
The results can be devastating: Half of all postwar countries resume
violent conflict within ten years. Disaffected, excluded citizens are liable
to become spoilers. To illustrate, in early 2008 Mullah Abdul Salam,
a former Taliban commander who defected and became district governor
of Musa Qala, Afghanistan, explained to the U.S. ambassador that
the failure of aid to arrive and the flourishing of corruption fostered
support for the Taliban....
With the help of a German Marshall Fellowship fund, Rubin went back to the Balkans to visit old friends and see what progress they had made in reforming the Serbian and Bosnian political systems and overcoming the deep ethnic divides between Serbs, Croatians and Muslims. He found some cause for hope: journalists still investigating war criminals, flights restored between Belgrade and Sarajevo, the historic bridge in Mostar rebuilt. But he also found disturbing signs that this haunted region has not yet emerged from the dark shadows of the Balkan civil wars. In Serbia, the once obscure Radical Party -- whose leader, Vojislav Seselj, is on trial in The Hague for war crimes -- now controls more seats than any other party in the Serbian parliament. Venturing into the party's headquarters, Rubin finds an unrepentant group that scorns efforts to bring Serbian war criminals to justice....
Five actual or potential conflict situations around the world deteriorated and none improved in August 2010, according to the new issue of the International Crisis Group’s monthly bulletin CrisisWatch.
The situation in Somalia continued to deteriorate as al-Shabaab stepped up its attacks and fighting intensified in Mogadishu.
Kyrgyzstan’s provisional government was further weakened in August. The month began with an attempted coup and culminated with the mayor of the southern city of Osh – the epicenter of June’s pogroms – defying the President’s orders to resign.
In Kashmir, anti-Indian protests that began in June worsened in August with at least 40 demonstrators killed in clashes with the police, bringing the total death toll to over 60.
In Northern Ireland dissident Republicans launched a spate of bomb attacks throughout the month in an attempt to derail the peace process. Meanwhile, in Bahrain over 200 people, including high-level Shiite political leaders, have been reported arrested in a government crackdown ahead of October’s parliamentary elections, fueling almost daily clashes between security forces and Shiite opposition supporters.
CrisisWatch identifies a conflict resolution opportunity for Kosovo in September, as the EU makes intensive diplomatic efforts to produce a UN General Assembly resolution acceptable to both Serbia and Kosovo that could serve as a basis for a comprehensive settlement.
CrisisWatch also identifies a conflict resolution opportunity for Israel, as direct peace talks between Israel and Palestine – the first in almost two years – are due to restart in Washington on 2 September....
Turkey holds the presidency of the Council in June.
An open debate on protection of civilians is planned late in the month. There is also a possibility of another open debate on peacekeeping with a particular focus on troop contributing countries late in the month (this has not been confirmed at press time).
Debates are likely on Kosovo, with the participation of representatives of Serbia and Kosovo, and on Iraq, with the likely participation of the country’s representative.
Formal meetings to adopt resolutions renewing mandates of operations in the Golan Heights (UNDOF) and in Georgia (resolution 1866) are expected.
The Council is likely to receive several briefings in June:
A briefing on Sudan by John Holmes, the Under Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, originally scheduled in May but postponed.
The monthly Middle East briefing may be conducted in June by Tony Blair, the Quartet Special Envoy (at press time this has not been confirmed).
Early in the month, the Council will be briefed by the presidents and prosecutors of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and Rwanda (ICTR) on the completion strategies for each tribunal.
The Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) is also expected to brief the Council.
The Chair of the Liberia Sanctions Committee.
The Chair of the Iran Sanctions Committee.
The head of the United Nations Regional Centre for Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia (UNRCCA).
The Council is likely to receive briefings on:
Sierra Leone (UNIPSIL);
Burundi (BINUB); and
The Council will also discuss:
Central African Republic (BONUCA); and
the Counter Terrorism Executive Directorate (CTED)....
April 6, 2009 Forced Migration Review // University of Oxford // Refugee Studies Centre
Forced Migration Review (FMR) provides a
forum for the regular exchange of practical
experience, information and ideas between
researchers, refugees and internally
displaced people, and those who work with
them. It is published in English, Arabic,
Spanish and French by the Refugee Studies
Centre of the Oxford Department of
International Development, University
of Oxford. This issue focuses on 'Statelessness'. A ‘stateless person’ is someone who is not recognised as a national by any state.
They therefore have no nationality or citizenship (terms used interchangeably in
this issue) and are unprotected by national legislation, leaving them vulnerable
in ways that most of us never have to consider. The possible consequences of
statelessness are profound and touch on all aspects of life. It may not be possible
to work legally, own property or open a bank account. Stateless people may be
easy prey for exploitation as cheap labour. They are often not permitted to attend
school or university, may be prohibited from getting married and may not be able to
register births and deaths. Stateless people can neither vote nor access the national
August 26, 2008 International Center for Transitional Justice
Radovan Karadžić, the former Bosnian Serb leader, was arrested by the Serb authorities in July 2008 and then transferred to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague, where he remains in custody awaiting trial. Questions answered include: 1. What charges does Karadžić face? 2. Why will Karadžić’s trial take place in The Hague instead of Bosnia-Herzegovina? 3. When will the trial begin and how long will it last? 4. Karadžić has said he wants to defend himself rather than be assisted by lawyers. Can he indeed do so? 5. Who are the judges and prosecutors? 6. Is the ICTY hearing any cases other than that of Radovan Karadžić? 7. What will happen to the trial if former General Ratko Mladić is also extradited to the Tribunal? Could Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić be tried together? 8. The trial of Slobodan Milošević lasted for more than four years and ended with Milosevic’s death, before the court reached a verdict. How can the court avoid a similar scenario? 9. Some say that the ICTY is due to close down in 2010. What happens to the trial if it is not completed by then? 10. Who pays for the operation of the court? How much does it cost a year?...
Anton Lekaj was born in 1980. He was a member of the military police forces within the Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK). The UCK came on the scene during the course of 1996 and, as of 1996, it used violent methods in order to gain control of the region of Kosovo - an autonomous Serbian province under United Nations and NATO administration since 1999 - and the expulsion of all non-Albanian inhabitants.
Isak Musliu was born on 31 October in Raxc3xa8ak (Rexc3xa7ak), in the Municipality of Stimje (Shtime) in the autonomous province of Kosovo. Isak Musliu was a member of the KLA and a commander in the military sector of Lapusnik (Llapushnik) and also of the Lapusnik prison camp where he occasionally held the role of warden.
Haradin Bala was born on 10 June 1957 in Gornja Koretica (Koroticxc3xab E Epxc3xabrme) in the Municipality of Glogovac (Gllogoc), Kosovo. In early 1998, after years of increasing violence and tension, armed conflict broke out in Kosovo between Serb Forces and the "Ushtria xc3x87lirimtare e Kosovxc3xabs" (UCK) known in English under the name of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). Together with Serb civilians, Albanian civilians who were perceived by the KLA as either refusing to cooperate with or as resisting the KLA by non military means, were targeted for intimidation, imprisonment, violence and murder.
Fatmir Limaj, alias Celiku, was born on 4 February 1971 in Banja, which was situated at the time in the municipality of Suva Reka, in the autonomous province of Kosovo. In early 1998, after years of increasing tension and violence, armed conflict broke out in Kosovo between Serb forces and "Ushtria xc3x87lirimtare e Kosovxc3xabs" (UCK), known in English by the name of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). Serb civilians, together with Albanian civilians who were perceived by the KLA either as refusing to cooperate with or resisting them with non-military means (and often described as "collaborators" by members of the KLA), were targeted for intimidation, impriso#nment, violence and murder....
Why did Russia really invade Georgia? In late September, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov appeared before the Council on Foreign Relations in New York and offered a rather stunning explanation. Lavrov--who previously spent a decade as Russia's ambassador to the United Nations, where he mastered the body of international precedents and U.N. Security Council resolutions that together make up the de facto law of nations--informed his audience that, by attacking Georgia, Moscow was implementing a principle endorsed by the Security Council in 2006: the "responsibility to protect."
Lavrov was referring to the U.N.'s new legal justification for intervention in the internal affairs of a member state. The concept--which arose out of the world's failure to stop genocide in Rwanda--envisions nations joining together to protect potential victims of mass human rights abuses or genocide, even if that means trampling on the sovereignty of another country by using military force. The inaugural test of this new principle came in Darfur. To date, no nation, including the United States, seems willing to live up to this "responsibility." But Russia, according to its foreign minister, is now doing exactly that. "If all this talk about 'responsibility to protect' is going to remain just talk," Lavrov said, "if all this talk about human security is going to be used only to initiate some pathetic debate in the United Nations and elsewhere, then we believe this is wrong. So, we exercised the human security maxim. We exercised the responsibility to protect."...
On Feb. 17, after almost a decade of legal limbo and two years of unsuccessful international mediation, Kosovo declared its independence from Serbia. The U.S. moved swiftly to recognize the new country, and nearly 2 million ethnic Albanians celebrated their long-awaited freedom, dancing in city streets, releasing fireworks and waving flags. Having bristled under Serbian rule and then U.N. administration, Kosovars were elated by the prospect of at last controlling their own affairs. The Serbs weren't quite so thrilled. On Feb. 21, some 200,000 protested in Belgrade, chanting "Kosovo is Serbia" and holding placards that read, RUSSIA, HELP. Rioters set the U.S. embassy on fire; Russian President Vladimir Putin vowed never to recognize Kosovo and threatened to support secessionist movements in Georgia and Moldova....
Two months after Kosovo declared independence, thousands of foreign experts are ready to descend on its capital to shape Europe's youngest republic into a constitutional state -- although its status is still disputed. Soon the EU will take over, and its team can expect a country ruled by corruption and organized crime.
The Kosova Women's Network's (KWN) mission is to support, protect and promote the rights and the interests of women and girls throughout Kosovo, regardless of their political beliefs, religion, age, level of education, or ability. Their initiatives include: advocacy at national and international levels in support of the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women,Peace and Security; alliance building with prominent women's organisations and networks in the region toward similar goals; cooperation with local and international media to make women's voices heard in regards to pertinent issues; and influencing governmental decision-making through information-sharing, policy inputs and advocacy.Their website includes a list of network members with their contact details, their publications, and their activities....
The Research and Documentation Center ( RDC ) was established in April 2004 to continue the decade - long tradition of the War Crimes Commission established by the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina on April 28, 1992. RDC is an independent, nongovernmental, non - profit, professional and non - partisan institution. Our main task is to investigate# and gather facts, documents and data on genocide, war crimes and human rights violations, regardless of the ethnic, political, religious, social, or racial affiliation of the victims.
In the past twelve years, IDC has gathered millions of pages of various documents, predominantly statements of surviving victims and eyewitnesses. IDC have registered more than 350.000 war victims out of which around (until now) 96.000 are killed and missing persons for whom we have proper names. In addition, IDC has over 50.000 photo - negatives and over 3500 hours of video recordings. IDC have registered the locations of over 440 prisons and concentration camps, 320 mass graves and 900 incidents of mass killing where civilians were the predominant victims....
ELIAMEP is an independent, non-profit and policy-oriented research and training institute. ELIAMEP neither expresses, nor represents, any specific political party view. It is only devoted to the right of free and well-documented discourse.
ELIAMEP can trace its origins to informal meetings in the mid-1980s among academics, diplomats, military officials and journalists. That group's goal was to introduce an independent and scholarly approach to policy options regarding European integration, transatlantic relations as well as the Mediterranean, South-eastern Europe, the Black Sea and other regions of particular interest to Greece. In April 1988 these meetings were institutionalized and became the Hellenic Foundation for Defence and Foreign Policy (Greek acronym, ELIAMEP).
Since its official establishment, ELIAMEP has experienced significant growth and has attracted the attention of scholars, government officials and corporate entities in Greece and abroad. As developments in the wider region moved rapidly, the focus of the institute was enlarged to include more policy-relevant research projects assisting post-communist democracies in the creation of a civil society, providing training and networking services and acting as a contact point to public and private sector bodies on politico-economic and security matters, as well as on European affairs. This was reflected in the 1993 amendment of ELIAMEP's statutes to include a change of name (without abandoning its original acronym), which would illustrate the Foundation's wider scope of concerns and activities: Hellenic Found#ation for European and Foreign Policy. The message is clear: in the context of the EU and shared sovereignties, a distinction needs to be drawn between European policy and traditional foreign policy.
Over the years, ELIAMEP expanded its activities with a view to having a greater impact on the public through the dissemination of information and of policy proposals, the organisation of training and conflict management seminars and international conferences, the publication of books, journals and monographs. ELIAMEP is frequently visited by journalists from various parts of the world requesting the Foundation's help for information, analysis and interviews. It is now generally recognised as one of the leading think-tanks in the region. ...
ESI is a non-profit research and policy institute, created in recognition of the need for independent, in-depth analysis of the complex issues involved in promoting stability and prosperity in Europe. ESI was founded in July 1999 by a multi-national group of practitioners and analysts with extensive experience in the regions it studied. ESI's experienced and multidisciplinary team is committed to provide policy makers with relevant strategic analysis. In its first seven years of operation, ESI has had a substantial impact on international policy towards South Eastern Europe. Its advice was sought regularly by a range of policy makers across the region. In order to promote discussion and debate among the policy community all ESI publications are widely distributed and available on its website free of charge. ESI's efforts depend on the contributions of governments, corporations and private individuals to fund its activities....
The mission of the International Mission on the Balkans is to develop a vision for the integration of the countries of Southeastern Europe into the European Union and other international structures highlighting the progress made to date, supported by recommendations for action to the governments of the region and to the international community. The Commission completed its work in May 2006.
Insight on Conflict provides information on local peacebuilding organisations in areas of conflict. Local peacebuilders already make a real impact in conflict areas. They work to prevent violent conflicts before they start, to reduce the impact of violence, and to bring divided communities together in the aftermath of violence. However, their work is often ignored – either because people aren’t aware of the existence and importance of local peacebuilders in general, or because they simply haven’t had access to information and contacts for local peacebuilders. We hope that Insight on Conflict can help redress the balance by drawing attention to important work of local peacebuilders. On this site, you’ll be able to find out who the local peacebuilders are, what they do, and how you might get in touch with them. Over half the organisations featured on Insight on Conflict do not have their own website. Insight on Conflict is a project launched by Peace Direct, the UK-based charity that finds, funds and promotes local peacebuilders in conflict areas around the world. Peace Direct wants to change the balance of power and resources between local people and outsiders so that local peacebuilding is central to all strategies for managing conflict....
The Dayton Peace Accords Project assists post-conflict parties in developing practical solutions to issues of peace implementation, constitutional development, institution building, economic development, and cultural and ethnic heritage through the provision of appropriate and time technical, legal, and advocacy assistance.
November 22, 2006 American Bar Association // Central European and Eurasian Law Initiative
In March 1999, NATO began its air bombing campaign against Yugoslavia in response to reports of serious, widespread human rights violations. At this time, the number and frequency of these violations skyrocketed. Summary and arbitrary killings were widespread, while virtually all onground monitoring of human rights violations in Kosovo by international organizations came to an end. Kosovar refugees emerged as the single largest source of personal witness information for the international community in its investigation of war crimes and the documentation of human rights abuses. Collecting refugee accounts quickly and accurately was essential for future prosecution of perpetrators by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). By April, CEELI had launched the War Crimes Documentation Project at the request of the U.S. Department of State Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor in response to this need. The objective of the project was to interview Kosovar refugees in Albania, Macedonia, Kosovo, and the United States and provide assistance to the ICTY. When the Kosovar refugees returned to Kosovo in June 1999, CEELI shifted its focus to Albania and Kosovo, establishing offices in those countries with select personnel to implement the unique programs of the CEELI War Crimes Documentation Project. Since that time, the CEELI War Crimes Documentation Project has produced groundbreaking analyses of events in Kosovo and brought the NGO community together to produce key evidence for prosecutors in the war crimes trial of Slobodan Milosevic....
The HUMSEC Project is a Sixth Framework Programme Coordination Action, whose purpose is to contribute to a better understanding of the link between transnational terrorist groups and criminal organisations in the Western Balkans and their role in the peace-building process in the region. Main purpose of HUMSEC is to establish a network of scientists working in the project field and to enhance the dialogue between scientists from the European Union and the Western Balkan region. With the only exception of Macedonia, all Western Balkan countries are represented in the consortium. Particular attention has been paid in the composition of the consortium on the variety and equal distribution of scientific disciplines (the consortium consists of universities and research institutes of criminal law, international law and criminology as well as human rights centres) to allow a truly interdisciplinary scientific dialog....
July 28, 2011 Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior
What role do women play in statebuilding? How do statebuilding processes affect women's participation? Support for statebuilding has become the dominant model for international engagement in post-conflict contexts, yet donor approaches lack substantial gender analysis and are missing opportunities to promote gender equality. This paper presents findings from a research project on the impact of post-conflict statebuilding on women's citizenship. It argues that gender inequalities are linked to the underlying political settlement, and that donors must therefore address gender as a fundamentally political issue....
The big-picture issues at the crossroads of peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding were taken up by the Security Council in September 2010, under the presidency of Turkey. Leading up to that discussion, Turkey held numerous bilateral consultations, and, with the support of IPI, organized an expert meeting on these issues in New York in May 2010 and an informal retreat in Istanbul for members of the Council in June 2010.
This publication is intended to document some of that process, and includes the Statement by the President of the Security Council, the outcome summary of the June retreat, and the set of papers that were presented there. Three of these papers draw lessons from the UN’s experiences in different areas of the world (Afghanistan, the Balkans, and the Great Lakes region of Africa), and one paper analyzes cross-cutting themes.
Table of Contents:
Introduction, Francesco Mancini
Security Council Istanbul Retreat: At The Crossroads of Peacemaking, Peacekeeping, and Peacebuilding
Adam C. Smith and Vanessa Wyeth, Rapporteurs
Peacemaking In Afghanistan: A Role For The United Nations?
The Security Council And Peacekeeping In The Balkans, 1992-2010
Richard Gowan and Daniel Korski
The Great Lakes of Africa (Burundi, The Drc, And The LRA-Affected Areas)
Composite Paper on Cross-Cutting Themes
International Peace Institute
Statement by the President of the Security Council...
June 7, 2011 Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces
The Examples from the Ground are concrete illustrations of ways in which a gender perspective has been integrated in different security sector institutions around the world. They range from measures to counter human trafficking in Kosovo, to women’s organisations’ involvement with security institutions in Nepal, to female parliamentarians’ contribution to post-conflict reconstruction in Rwanda. These examples can help policymakers, trainers and educators better understand and demonstrate the linkages between gender and SSR.
The examples are organised around the following nine themes, for which a short introduction is provided:
• Police Reform and Gender
• Defence Reform and Gender
• Justice Reform and Gender
• Penal Reform and Gender
• Border Management and Gender
• Parliamentary Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• National Security Policy-Making and Gender
• Civil Society Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• SSR Assessment, Monitoring and Evaluation and Gender
Individual examples can also be downloaded individually, in English or in French, at: http://gssrtraining.ch/index.php?option=com_content&view;=article&id;=4&Itemid;=131〈=en...
The popular uprisings that swept the Arab world in early 2011 have been compared by some commentators to the fall of the Berlin Wall. In an exhilarating push for democratic change, long-term rulers have been ousted and others challenged seriously for the first time. But despite what has been achieved, many voices from the region have urged caution: even in those countries which have seen the greatest changes, the internal security apparatus and other structures of repression have remained largely intact and the struggle for real constitutional reform continues. The ability of a state to undergo political change without violence is widely considered a hallmark of a mature democracy (although the record shows that democracies, even very old ones, are hardly immune from violent conflict). Which combination of circumstances, then, makes the onset of mass killing more likely and which conditions lower the risk of a state, even an autocratic one, descending to bloody violence? It is to help answer such questions that Minority Rights Group International has developed the Peoples under Threat index. Since 2005 Peoples under Threat has pioneered the use of statistical analysis to identify situations around the world where communities are most at risk of mass killing. On numerous occasions since the index was first developed, countries that have risen sharply up the table have later proved to be the scene of mass human rights violations....
May 6, 2011 Clingendael // Netherlands Institute of International Relations // Conflict Research Unit
The nationalist euphoria that greeted Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008 has given way to acute international concern over the character of this new Balkan state. Alleged corruption, abuses of power, murky ties between politicians and business, authoritarian reactions to the media and the continuing existence of inter-ethnic tensions in the flashpoint of north Mitrovica point to serious weaknesses in the country’s capacity for responsible and accountable governance. Recent reports of senior politicians’ involvement in wartime atrocities have only served to deepen the gloom. But this portrait of the country obscures other crucial developments. This report highlights the fundamental obstacles in the way of reform as well as the signs of change in the attitudes of Kosovo’s citizenry towards malfunctioning institutions, exemplified in the elections of December 2010. It concludes by offering some recommendations for donors that would strengthen mechanisms for domestic accountability in Kosovo on the basis of a realistic assessment of the way power is handled and distributed....