October 28, 2008 International Review of the Red Cross // International Committee of the Red Cross
This article discusses sanctions for and the prevention of mass violence. But rather
than take a classic approach centred on statutory players such as soldiers, officers or
political leaders, all of them acting within a legal chain of command, I focus on nonstate
perpetrators. My reflections are based on case studies of four former Serbian
militiamen who took part in mass violence in the former Yugoslavia. I argue that it is
of the utmost importance to consider the typical grass-roots relationship between these
local players and their own community, so as to maximize the effect of sanctions and
perhaps prevent further offences by potential future perpetrators....
August 20, 2008 The HUMSEC (Human Security) Project
The aim of the article is to highlight the ways in which transnational organised crime in the Western
Balkans developed and is developing, on the one hand, and some problems of combating transnational
organized crime on the other. For that purpose the author analyses the development and challenges of
criminal investigation trends in the Western Balkans and Slovenia, and reviewed literature and other
sources to identify main problems and try to find some answers. If new technologies are being used
(misused) for criminal purposes, then it is logical to use them in the field of criminal justice, that is,
for the purpose of the scientific suppression of crime. In that sense, professional education of judges,
prosecutors, attorneys and police should include knowledge of criminalistics, which is not the case in
all transitional countries. From all above stated facts it is important to analyse transitional crime
problems in the Western Balkans that we can plan for the future. In conclusion, the author examines
certain measures that expose failures and suggests some answers to the questions in connection with
the fight on transnational organised crime in the Western Balkans. The diffuse nature and complexity
of the problem should not reduce the countries’ determination to counter it, for that alone would result
June 14, 2007 Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior
As NATO has moved from being a primarily military alliance to seeking more political roles, it has become pertinent to consider its impact on democratisation. At first glance, it might seem incongruent even to deliberate on the democracy promotion relevance of an essentially military organisation. But, NATO's successive enlargements have often hinged on the
fulfilment of democratic preconditions in aspirant members, while technical assistance provided under the Partnership for Peace (PfP) and other programmes has increasingly focused on the reform of civil-military relations. Assessment is consequently warranted of whether NATO has come to play any positive role in
encouraging democratisation across different regions, or whether its impact on political liberalisation has been either marginal or even negative. This paper argues that support for democracy has increasingly infused NATO policies, but that the organisation's role in democracy promotion is circumscribed by strategic considerations; most often an indirect side effect of
other aims; and most relevant to the niche area of defence reform....
The examination in 2006 by the International Court of Justice in The Hague of the charge filed by Bosnia-Herzegovina against Serbia provides an opportunity to draw conclusions about the war. Ten years after its end, it is clear that without Serbia's generous support Karadxc5xbeixc4x87's Serbs were not in any position to start let alone wage a war, the main result of which has been the disappearance of the Bosniak and the Croat populations from half of the territory of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
November 14, 2006 United Nations // United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
Over ten years after the signature of the Dayton Peace Agreement which ended the
wars in Bosnia and Croatia, steady progress has been made in finding durable
solutions for the hundreds of thousands of persons displaced by the wars in the former
Yugoslavia. By September 2004, returns to and within Bosnia and Herzegovina
reached the one million landmark figure. The number of persons in need of durabl#e
solutions (refugees and internally displaced) in the former Yugoslavia, which peaked
at over two million during the Bosnian crisis in 1992-95 and the Kosovo crisis in
1999, decreased to less than one million by the end of 2003 and to approximately
560,000 by mid-2006.
Yet, behind these encouraging trends, the picture is more nuanced. Most of the
refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) who found durable solutions were
those displaced by the wars in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia in the first half of
the 1990s. But the majority of the IDPs and refugees who fled the Kosovo province
of Serbia and Montenegro after the ousting of the Yugoslav army and the return of the
ethnic Albanian majority in mid 1999 are still in their places of displacement and the
situation of the minorities remaining in Kosovo is still precarious, as the analysis
below shows. From an institutional point of view, there is still some "unfinished
business"1 in the Western Balkans: in June 2006 Montenegro declared independence
and was admitted to the UN, spelling the end of the State Union of Serbia and
Montenegro, a loose confederation that replaced the remnants of the Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia. The final status of the Kosovo province of Serbia is also being
discussed, in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1244.
As result of this situation, UNHCR's operations in the Western Balkans are centred
on two themes: "Post-Dayton" refugees and IDPs (from the wars in Croatia and
Bosnia) and refugees and IDPs from Kosovo. A third theme, beyond the scope of this
paper, is the development of asylum legislation and procedures in accordance with
international standards, in line with UNHCR's traditional mandate....
With the help of a German Marshall Fellowship fund, Rubin went back to the Balkans to visit old friends and see what progress they had made in reforming the Serbian and Bosnian political systems and overcoming the deep ethnic divides between Serbs, Croatians and Muslims. He found some cause for hope: journalists still investigating war criminals, flights restored between Belgrade and Sarajevo, the historic bridge in Mostar rebuilt. But he also found disturbing signs that this haunted region has not yet emerged from the dark shadows of the Balkan civil wars. In Serbia, the once obscure Radical Party -- whose leader, Vojislav Seselj, is on trial in The Hague for war crimes -- now controls more seats than any other party in the Serbian parliament. Venturing into the party's headquarters, Rubin finds an unrepentant group that scorns efforts to bring Serbian war criminals to justice....
August 26, 2008 International Center for Transitional Justice
Radovan Karadžić, the former Bosnian Serb leader, was arrested by the Serb authorities in July 2008 and then transferred to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague, where he remains in custody awaiting trial. Questions answered include: 1. What charges does Karadžić face? 2. Why will Karadžić’s trial take place in The Hague instead of Bosnia-Herzegovina? 3. When will the trial begin and how long will it last? 4. Karadžić has said he wants to defend himself rather than be assisted by lawyers. Can he indeed do so? 5. Who are the judges and prosecutors? 6. Is the ICTY hearing any cases other than that of Radovan Karadžić? 7. What will happen to the trial if former General Ratko Mladić is also extradited to the Tribunal? Could Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić be tried together? 8. The trial of Slobodan Milošević lasted for more than four years and ended with Milosevic’s death, before the court reached a verdict. How can the court avoid a similar scenario? 9. Some say that the ICTY is due to close down in 2010. What happens to the trial if it is not completed by then? 10. Who pays for the operation of the court? How much does it cost a year?...
Born on 11th October 1954 in Sarajevo, Vojislav Seselj was a brilliant Law student in his town's university. He first was a communist but then started to criticise the regime. In 1984 he was arrested and sentenced to 8 years imprisonment for counter-revolutionary activities. He was supported by Yugoslavian dissidents and by international pressure, which managed to set him free after 18 months behind bars. He then went to Belgrade where he started to be a militant in the nationalist circles. He actively participated in forcing the majority of the non-Serbs, amongst whom the Muslims and the Croats, to leave about a third of Croatia, great parts of Bosnia-Herzegovina and some parts of Voivodina for good. This was done in order to integrate these regions into a new State dominated by the Serbs....
Pavle Strugar was born on 13 July 1933 in Pec, in present-day Kosovo. He graduated from the Military Academy for Ground Forces of the Yugoslav Peoples' Army (JNA), was promoted to Major General and was named Commander of the Military Academy for Ground Forces. In October 1991, when war broke out, he was named Commander of the Second Operational Group, which was formed by the JNA to conduct the military campaign against the Dubrovnik region of the Republic of Croatia. It is alleged that between October 1 and December 6, 1991, the JNA forces killed and wounded numerous civilians in and around the town of Dubrovnik through unlawful bombardments....
Slobodan Milosevic was born on 29 august 1941 in Pozarevac, Serbia. His difficult childhood was marked by the suicide of both of his parents. He joined the Serbian Communist Party in 1959, as soon as he'd become eighteen. In 1964, he obtained his diploma of law at Belgrade university. Between 1978 and 1983 he directed several important banks in Belgrade. In 1984, he became president of the Communist Party of Belgrade, and later, in 1987, president of the Communist Party of Serbia. In 1989, he was elected the president of his native country. At the first presidential elections in the history of Serbia, Milosevic and his new party, the Socialist Party of Serbia, won with astonishing ease, and carried off 194 of the 240 seats in parliament. In 1997 Milosevic became president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro)....
Miroslav Radic was born on 10 september 1962 in Zemun, Serbia. He was captain in the Yugoslav Peoples Army (JNA) and is said to have commanded a special infantry unit of the first battailon of the Elite Motorised Guards Brigade. In this capacity, he is reported to have taken part in the attack on Vukovar which took place from the end of August until 18 November 1991.
Since the 19th century, the history of Yugoslavia has been a series of partitions, break-ups, and regional or international wars. In 1815 only Montenegro was an independent principality, while the other provinces were still under Ottoman or Austro-Hungarian rule. The Balkan wars of 1912-13 completed the dismantling of the Ottoman empire, which was followed in 1918 by the break-up of Austro-Hungary. Among the new states that emerged was the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and Croatians (Yugoslavia), which comprised the two kingdoms of Serbia and Montenegro, plus the former imperial territories of Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Slovenia and Dalmatia. The multinational Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was created in 1945 and lasted until the wars of 1991-95, which #gave rise to ethnic cleansing and the break-up of the country....
The Dayton agreement was based on a fundamental contradiction. While asserting the territorial integrity of Bosnia, it divided it into two ethnic entities: the Croatian-Muslim Federation (51% of the territory) and the Serbian Republic of Bosnia (49%). The results of ethnic cleansing were thus ratified, and the partition approach was confirmed by the establishment of a demarcation line between the two entities. The Dayton agreement also placed the Bosnian state under international guardianship. The UN was side-stepped and replaced by NATO, which deployed its troops in the region....
August 31, 2004 European Centre for Minority Issues
The Ethnopolitical Map of Europe is intended to cover those regions in Europe, including the Balkans, the Baltic Sea area and the Caucasus, which are currently facing or have recently experienced ethnopolitical tension or conflict. The clickable map is guiding the users to official documents which reflect international involvement in the reduction of ethnopolitical tension and resolution of interethnic conflicts in different countries and regions of Europe. Further, the map provides information on population statistics, current national legislation and relevant literature on the ethnopolitical situation in those countries. ...
June 21, 2007 Balkan Investigative Reporting Network
Almost four years since work began on the Population Loss Project 1991-1995, the Research and Documentation Centre, IDC will present the Bosnian Book of the Dead in Sarajevo on Thursday, June 21.
Justice Report can reveal that, as of the end of June 2007, the book contained 96,895 names of Bosnia and Herzegovina's citizens representing victims of war.
The rich database classifies war victims by status, ethnic affiliation, gender, age and so on.
Although analysts consider that the database will reduce the possibility that the numbers of war victims could be manipulated for political reasons, they, at the same time, warn that the database is still not complete.
April 5, 2007 Balkan Investigative Reporting Network
Miroslav Malic was killed in his home in the Banja Luka suburb of Petricevac on October 7, 1992. Jozo Anusic was killed soon after. Attacked and tortured in his home in November in the suburb of Barlovac, he died a month later. Borka and Marko Jerkovic were killed days later in Petricevac on December 15. They, too, were murdered also in their own home. Data collected by the Catholic authorities in Banja Luka says 70 Catholic Croats were killed in the diocese from August 1991 to December 1995. The same data shows that other crimes besides murder took place against Croats in Banja Luka during the war, including physical threats, expulsions from homes and apartments, forced labour and the destruction of Catholic churches, convents and monasteries....
March 2, 2007 Balkan Investigative Reporting Network
Croatia is quietly abandoning demands for financial compensation from Montenegro, tempted by new business opportunities in the neighbouring Adriatic republic. On February 27, Ranko Krivokapic, speaker of Montenegro's parliament, said the newly independent country would not need to pay full reparations to Croatia for the damage caused by military attacks launched from its territory in 1991. Instead, he said the two states would reach a bilateral agreement on Montenegro's "political and moral responsibility" for the attacks, which inflicted enormous damage on the nearby Croatian city of Dubrovnik....
The process of transition from communism to democracy in southeastern Europe has reached the point at which the countries of the region are embarking on a much longer journey: the transformation process. While the transition so far has included dismantling of communist political structures and getting rid of one-party authoritarian rule, transformation is going to be much more complex. It involves state-building and good governance based on the rule of law, human rights, and civil liberties; a free-market economy; pluralistic democracy; and above all, socio-cultural changes and acceptance of new values and responsibilities across the board. The lesson the international community and #democratic governments are still to learn is that the holistic approach to reconstruction and development is the only way to guarantee stability and peace in the region. The holistic approach simply means realizing that civil liberties, safety and security, an independent judiciary, and good governance go hand in hand with market economies and private and entrepreneurial initiative, eventually creating conditions for a good society. Efforts and measures aimed at improving these policy areas should not be given priority over one another. Wherever the international community or local authorities have tried a sector-driven approach in transitional countries, it failed or slowed down the process of transformation. All these areas have to be addressed and confronted simultaneously from day one, in particular when dealing with communities struggling with post-war reconstruction as well....
On 26 December 2006, the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) confirmed an indictment which charges Marinko Marixc4x87 with War crimes against civilians. The indictment alleges that as a member of the Croatian Defence Council Knez Domagoj Brigade (in the capacity of an investigator in the Brigade's security and information service) in th#e second half of 1993 in the Gabela Camp, Municipality of xc4x8capljina, Marinko Marixc4x87 acted contrary to the provisions of the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War....
The Research and Documentation Center ( RDC ) was established in April 2004 to continue the decade - long tradition of the War Crimes Commission established by the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina on April 28, 1992. RDC is an independent, nongovernmental, non - profit, professional and non - partisan institution. Our main task is to investigate# and gather facts, documents and data on genocide, war crimes and human rights violations, regardless of the ethnic, political, religious, social, or racial affiliation of the victims.
In the past twelve years, IDC has gathered millions of pages of various documents, predominantly statements of surviving victims and eyewitnesses. IDC have registered more than 350.000 war victims out of which around (until now) 96.000 are killed and missing persons for whom we have proper names. In addition, IDC has over 50.000 photo - negatives and over 3500 hours of video recordings. IDC have registered the locations of over 440 prisons and concentration camps, 320 mass graves and 900 incidents of mass killing where civilians were the predominant victims....
The South Eastern and Eastern Europe Clearinghouse for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SEESAC) was launched on 08 May 2002 in Belgrade. SEESAC is a component of the Regional Implementation Plan on Combating the Proliferations of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) formulated and adopted by the Stability Pact in November 2001(Revised in 2006), with the aims of stopping the flow and availability of SALW in the region, consolidating achievements so far and supporting the socio-economic conditions for peace and development in South Eastern and Eastern Europe. The uncontrolled proliferation and illicit trafficking of small arms and light weapons (SALW) is a serious problem in South Eastern and Eastern Europe. SALW proliferation has fuelled crime and insecurity, exacerbating conflict in the region and undermining post conflict peace-building. Problems related to SALW are likely to pose a serious constraint to economic and social development in South Eastern and Eastern Europe. Established in co-operation with the UNDP and housed in their offices in Belgrade, SEESAC worked to support the Stability Pact Regional Implementation Plan for an initial period of three years; the impact of the project has led to a further four-year extension until December 2008. Political and strategic guidance and indigenous support for SEESAC is provided by a Regional Steering Group (RSG), which is composed of representatives of the governments of the states concerned, the Stability Pact, UNDP and observers from institutions such as the European Union (EU), North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and civil society. The RSG meets twice yearly and has approved the 2006 SEESAC Strategy and a revision of the SEESAC mandate. SEESAC capability is now available to all stakeholders within the CIS and Caucasus region. SEESAC is now also available to provide technical advice and project development assistance for the disposal of heavy weapons (within available resources). SEESAC operates under the guidance of The Regional Steering Group for Small Arms and Light Weapons and the UN Resident Co-ordinator in Belgrade. SEESAC liaises directly with governments and civil society, providing technical input, information exchange, co-ordination and overview of current and future efforts and fund-raising assistance for specific SALW projects. SEESAC's small team is in constant communication with all the governments involved and with the relevant international organisations, non-governmental organisations and bi-lateral donors. SEESAC's regional activities include sensitising governments and civil society on small arms issues, formulating national strategies for SALW control and incorporating small arms issues into UNDP development planning....
ELIAMEP is an independent, non-profit and policy-oriented research and training institute. ELIAMEP neither expresses, nor represents, any specific political party view. It is only devoted to the right of free and well-documented discourse.
ELIAMEP can trace its origins to informal meetings in the mid-1980s among academics, diplomats, military officials and journalists. That group's goal was to introduce an independent and scholarly approach to policy options regarding European integration, transatlantic relations as well as the Mediterranean, South-eastern Europe, the Black Sea and other regions of particular interest to Greece. In April 1988 these meetings were institutionalized and became the Hellenic Foundation for Defence and Foreign Policy (Greek acronym, ELIAMEP).
Since its official establishment, ELIAMEP has experienced significant growth and has attracted the attention of scholars, government officials and corporate entities in Greece and abroad. As developments in the wider region moved rapidly, the focus of the institute was enlarged to include more policy-relevant research projects assisting post-communist democracies in the creation of a civil society, providing training and networking services and acting as a contact point to public and private sector bodies on politico-economic and security matters, as well as on European affairs. This was reflected in the 1993 amendment of ELIAMEP's statutes to include a change of name (without abandoning its original acronym), which would illustrate the Foundation's wider scope of concerns and activities: Hellenic Found#ation for European and Foreign Policy. The message is clear: in the context of the EU and shared sovereignties, a distinction needs to be drawn between European policy and traditional foreign policy.
Over the years, ELIAMEP expanded its activities with a view to having a greater impact on the public through the dissemination of information and of policy proposals, the organisation of training and conflict management seminars and international conferences, the publication of books, journals and monographs. ELIAMEP is frequently visited by journalists from various parts of the world requesting the Foundation's help for information, analysis and interviews. It is now generally recognised as one of the leading think-tanks in the region. ...
The mission of the International Mission on the Balkans is to develop a vision for the integration of the countries of Southeastern Europe into the European Union and other international structures highlighting the progress made to date, supported by recommendations for action to the governments of the region and to the international community. The Commission completed its work in May 2006.
The Kvinna till Kvinna Foundation supports women in regions affected by war and armed conflicts. This support is needed not only during the heat of battle but also in the difficult work of building peace. The Foundation is active in the Balkans, the Middle East and the Caucasus and is involved on site to support women's organisations working to strengthen women's psychological and physical health, enhance their self-esteem and ability to participate as a force in the building of a democratic society.
Kvinna till Kvinna Foundations is convinced that sustainable peace can only be built by people living in the areas concerned. This is why the foundation always cooperates with local women's organisations that work without consideration of ethnic, national or religious boundaries. They generate projects themselves on the basis of the needs in their society. The role of Kvinna till Kvinna is to provide financial support, assistance and advice in the development of these organisations. In Sweden, the Foundation talks about the effects of war and the important role of women in the work of constructing new, democratic societies. In 2002, the Kvinna till Kvinna Foundation was awarded The Right Livelihood Award....
The EU's fundamental aim for the Western Balkans region (South East Europe) is to create a situation where military conflict is unthinkable - expanding to the region the area of peace, stability, prosperity and freedom established over the last 50 years by the EU and its Member States.
EU leaders granted Croatia official candidate status in June 2004, and accession negotiations were scheduled to start on 17 March 2005. However, the launch of talks was put off on 16 March pending Zagreb's "full co-operation" with the UN war crimes tribunal.
The Bosnia war in the early 1990s saw ethnic cleansing, genocide and other serious crimes. In May, 1993, the UN Security Council established the International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia (ICTY) to try those responsible for violations of international humanitarian law in the territory of the former Yugoslavia since 1991. The tribunal seeks to bring justice to the victims of the conflict and deter future leaders from committing similar atrocities. The ICTY has also begun to take on cases from the Kosovo crisis of the late 1990s.
The court is the UN's first special tribunal. Not surprisingly it has come under intense scrutiny. Critics argue that the tribunal is a political tool rather than an impartial judicial institution. Slobodan Milosevic, the court's highest profile defendant, has argued that the court is unfair, but disinterested critics also point to troubling examples of politicization and bias.
This page follows the development of important cases in The Hague with a special section for the trial of Slobodan Milosevic....
The Dayton Peace Accords Project assists post-conflict parties in developing practical solutions to issues of peace implementation, constitutional development, institution building, economic development, and cultural and ethnic heritage through the provision of appropriate and time technical, legal, and advocacy assistance.
The HUMSEC Project is a Sixth Framework Programme Coordination Action, whose purpose is to contribute to a better understanding of the link between transnational terrorist groups and criminal organisations in the Western Balkans and their role in the peace-building process in the region. Main purpose of HUMSEC is to establish a network of scientists working in the project field and to enhance the dialogue between scientists from the European Union and the Western Balkan region. With the only exception of Macedonia, all Western Balkan countries are represented in the consortium. Particular attention has been paid in the composition of the consortium on the variety and equal distribution of scientific disciplines (the consortium consists of universities and research institutes of criminal law, international law and criminology as well as human rights centres) to allow a truly interdisciplinary scientific dialog....
The Srebrenica Research Group is a self-financed group of journalists and academic researchers who have been working as a group over a three-year period to review evidence related to the capture of Srebrenica and how the actual facts compare with widely publicized portrayal of events. The study makes comparisons with other military operations such as Operation Flash and Operation Storm against the UN Protected Serb enclaves in Croatia. The study also traces how the official portrayal of events affected the outcome of the conflict in Bosnia, the actions of the war crimes tribunal and the public perception of Serbia and Republika Srpska....
The big-picture issues at the crossroads of peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding were taken up by the Security Council in September 2010, under the presidency of Turkey. Leading up to that discussion, Turkey held numerous bilateral consultations, and, with the support of IPI, organized an expert meeting on these issues in New York in May 2010 and an informal retreat in Istanbul for members of the Council in June 2010.
This publication is intended to document some of that process, and includes the Statement by the President of the Security Council, the outcome summary of the June retreat, and the set of papers that were presented there. Three of these papers draw lessons from the UN’s experiences in different areas of the world (Afghanistan, the Balkans, and the Great Lakes region of Africa), and one paper analyzes cross-cutting themes.
Table of Contents:
Introduction, Francesco Mancini
Security Council Istanbul Retreat: At The Crossroads of Peacemaking, Peacekeeping, and Peacebuilding
Adam C. Smith and Vanessa Wyeth, Rapporteurs
Peacemaking In Afghanistan: A Role For The United Nations?
The Security Council And Peacekeeping In The Balkans, 1992-2010
Richard Gowan and Daniel Korski
The Great Lakes of Africa (Burundi, The Drc, And The LRA-Affected Areas)
Composite Paper on Cross-Cutting Themes
International Peace Institute
Statement by the President of the Security Council...
March 18, 2011 United Nations Mine Action Service // United Nations Development Programme // United Nations Children’s Fund
The Portfolio of Mine Action Projects is a resource tool and reference document for donors, policy-makers, advocates, and national and international mine action implementers. The country and territory-specific proposals in the portfolio reflect strategic responses developed in the field to address all aspects of the problem of landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW). This country and territory-based approach aims to present as comprehensive a picture as possible of the full range of mine action needs in particular countries and thematic issues related to mine action. The portfolio ideally reflects projects developed by mine- and ERW-affected countries and territories based on their priorities and strategies; the approaches are endorsed by national authorities. The portfolio does not automatically entail full-scale direct mine action assistance by the United Nations, but is in essence a tool for collaborative resource mobilization, coordination and planning of mine action activities involving partners and stakeholders. A country portfolio coordinator (CPC) leads each country portfolio team and coordinates the submission of proposals to the portfolio’s headquarters team. While the majority of the CPCs are UN officials, this role is increasingly being assumed by national authorities. The country portfolio teams include representatives from national and local authorities, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the United Nations and the private sector. Locally based donor representatives are invited to attend preparation meetings. Each portfolio chapter contains a synopsis of the scope of the landmine and ERW problem, a description of how mine action is coordinated, and a snapshot of local mine action strategies. Many of the strategies complement or are integrated into broader development and humanitarian frameworks such as national development plans, the UN development assistance frameworks and national poverty reduction plans. This 14th edition of the annual Portfolio of Mine Action Projects features overviews and project outlines for 29 countries, territories or missions affected by landmines and explosive remnants of war. There are 238 projects in the 2011 portfolio. Africa accounts for the largest number: 92....
December 15, 2010 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees // Policy Development and Evaluation Service
In 2008, UNHCR launched a special initiative on protracted refugee situations, aiming to
reinvigorate the search for solutions in countries where refugees had been living in exile for
many years. The High Commissioner selected five such situations for immediate and special
attention, of which one was that in Serbia and Croatia.
By the end of the Balkan wars of 1991-1995, some 300,000 thousand people had been displaced from Croatia. In the aftermath of the conflict, however, conditions were not
particularly conducive for the Serb refugees (originally from Croatia, but now living in
Serbia) to go back to their homes. By early 2010, around 175,000 of the original refugees had opted for naturalization in Serbia.
Some 93,000 individuals had been registered as returnees from Serbia in Croatia, and
between 1996 and 2006, 13,600 refugees from Croatia were resettled to third countries from
Serbia. In Serbia, there are around 61,000 people originating from Croatia and still holding
refugee cards. Of these refugees, just over 1,000 are still living in collective centres. These
numbers, when added together, are higher than the original caseload of refugees, in part
because a significant number of people are thought to be registered both as returnees in
Croatia and as refugees in Serbia....
This report, which is based on more than three years of continuous research by Amnesty
International, documents how the authorities of Croatia have failed to provide the victims of
war crimes and their families with access to truth, justice and reparation for human rights
violations committed during the 1991-1995 war in Croatia.
The war finished almost 15 years ago, but only a very limited number of perpetrators have
been brought to justice before the Croatian courts, and these proceedings have in majority
not been in accordance with international criminal law and international fair trial standards.
Amnesty International considers that despite consistent international criticism, and the
progress that has been made in some areas, the Croatian authorities have failed to develop
the capacity of the justice system to effectively prosecute war crimes cases.
March 29, 2010 European Council on Refugees and Exiles // Center for Peace, Legal Advice and Psychosocial Assistance // Group 484
The refugee situation of the early 1990’s in the former Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (SFRY) was one of the most serious post-World War II crises in Europe.
Nearly 15 years following the conflict, the plight of some 97,000 refugees forced to flee
their homes in present-day Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina remains unresolved. For
the approximately 70,000 ethnic Serb refugees from Croatia, the chief impediment to
securing durable solutions is Croatia’s unwillingness to recognize their acquired rights as
former tenancy rights holders. In this report, we focus on the most pressing unresolved issues of the refugee problem in
the region -- the deprivation of acquired rights granted by previously established legal
principles of tenancy rights and the status of specially protected lessees of socially owned