This paper identifies the factors linked to cross-country differentials in growth performance in the aftermath of social conflict for 30 sub-Saharan African countries using panel data techniques. Our results show that changes in the terms of trade are the most important correlate of economic performance in post-conflict environments. This variable is typically associated with an increase in the marginal probability of positive economic performance by about 30 percent. Institutional quality emerges as the second most important factor. Foreign aid is shown to have very limited ability to explain differentials in growth performance, and other policy variables such as trade openness are not found to have a statistically significant effect. The results suggest that exogenous factors ("luck") are an important factor in post-conflict recovery. They also highlight the importance in post-conflict settings of policies to mitigate the macroeconomic impact of terms of trade volatility (including countercyclical macroeconomic policies and innovative financing instruments) and of policies to promote export diversification....
Somalia is one of the most political unstable countries in the world. Ongoing insecurity has forced an inconsistent medical response by the international community, with little data collection. This paper describes the "remote" model of surgical care by Medecins Sans Frontieres, in Guri-El, Somalia. The challenges of providing the necessary prerequisites for safe surgery are discussed as well as the successes and limitations of task shifting in this resource-limited context.
In January 2006, MSF opened a project in Guri-El located between Mogadishu and Galcayo. The objectives were to reduce mortality due to complications of pregnancy and childbirth and from violent and non-violent trauma. At the start of the program, expatriate surgeons and anesthesiologists established safe surgical practices and performed surgical procedures. After January 2008, expatriates were evacuated due to insecurity and surgical care has been provided by local Somalian doctors and nurses with periodic supervisory visits from expatriate staff.
Between October 2006 and December 2009, 2086 operations were performed on 1602 patients. The majority (1049, 65%) were male and the median age was 22 (interquartile range, 17-30). 1460 (70%) of interventions were emergent. Trauma accounted for 76% (1585) of all surgical pathology; gunshot wounds accounted for 89% (584) of violent injuries. Operative mortality (0.5% of all surgical interventions) was not higher when Somalian staff provided care compared to when expatriate surgeons and anesthesiologists....
October 6, 2010 Disasters // Overseas Development Institute, London
Somalia today is the site of three major threats: the world's worst humanitarian crisis; the longest-running instance of complete state collapse; and a robust jihadist movement with links to Al-Qa'ida. External state-building, counter-terrorism and humanitarian policies responding to these threats have worked at cross-purposes. State-building efforts that insist humanitarian relief be channelled through the nascent state in order to build its legitimacy and capacity undermine humanitarian neutrality when the state is a party to a civil war. Counter-terrorism policies that seek to ensure that no aid benefits terrorist groups have the net effect of criminalising relief operations in countries where poor security precludes effective accountability. This paper argues that tensions between stabilisation and humanitarian goals in contemporary Somalia reflect a long history of politicisation of humanitarian operations in the country....
September 9, 2010 South African Journal of International Affairs // Hosted by InformaWorld
The article first traces events in Somalia since 9/11: the rise of the Islamic Courts, the Ethiopian occupation, the recalibration of the interim government and the al-Shabaab insurgency. A second layer of analysis brings into focus three fluctuations in the external perception of the Somali crisis: (i) a post-Cold War narrative of 'state-building'; (ii) the post-9/11 'war on terror'; and (iii) a reloaded vision of 'state-building-as-counterterrorism'. Such models inform US policy, yet their roots lie in an Anglo-Saxon intellectual edifice, detached from the Somali context. Nomothetic fallacies over US political agency encourage paradigms to linger long after the facts have failed them — a disjuncture brought to light most visibly during the second term of the Bush administration. In this period, the unrealities of the 'war on terror' were refracted instrumentally by local actors in the Horn of Africa, creating a web of distorting friend-enemy distinctions. While the Obama administration is less devoted than its predecessor to imagining an opponent in Somalia, it too has misread the core political logic. The article explores how this dissonance between external perception and local reality creates difficulties for post-interventionary states, whose politicians must win favour in Washington in the knowledge that favour alone cannot ensure political survival — and may subvert domestic attempts to secure it....
August 24, 2010 United States Naval War College // Naval War College Review
Canada’s naval response to Somali piracy has been a mixed affair.On the positive
side, in recent years the CanadianNavy has successfully dedicated a significant
level of resources to countering Somali piracy: the destroyer HMCS
Iroquois, the frigatesHMCS Calgary, Ville de Québec,Winnipeg, and Fredericton,
and the oiler HMCS Protecteur. Collectively, these vessels operated effectively
alongside the ships of several other navies, especially those of the U.S.Navy, that
together form the various international flotillas confronting Somali pirates. The
Canadian Navy’s level of involvement has been no mean task, because of the
great distances involved, its limited number of surface combatants, and its other
On the negative side, the effective handling of Somali pirates has been an
ephemeral and problematic task. Despite the international naval presence, the
incidence of Somali piracy has increased. In light of the counterpiracy mission’s prominence
for Canada and the limited effect navies have had so
far, a call by the United States for international commercial shippers to rely upon private security companies (PSCs) demands
attention. What, therefore, are the call’s implications in terms of future Canadian activism
and the overall effectiveness of countering Somali piracy?...
October 8, 2009 The Chicago Council on Foreign Affairs
The president of Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government, Sheik Sharif Sheik Ahmed, delivered a public address at an event organized by The Chicago Council on Global Affairs and the International Human Rights Law Institute of DePaul University College of Law. He shared his vision for bringing stability to Somalia, and discuss efforts to leverage the international community to rebuild civil society and curb violent extremism. Sheik Sharif Sheik Ahmed was elected president of Somalia on January 31, 2009. He currently oversees the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, which is the international recognized government coalition, formed with the backing of the United States and the United Nations....
In the southeast Australian city of Melbourne, hundreds of police swept through 19 houses, arresting four young men in what they say was a plot to blow up a large army base outside Sydney. Officials said the men were Australian citizens of Somali and Lebanese descent with ties to a group linked to al-Qaeda.
In Somalia, pirates have released a German container ship and its crew. The ship was captured 400 miles off the coast of Somalia and the crew was held for ransom. On Monday, the owners of the ship paid the pirates almost $3 million.
Sarjoh Bah, a senior fellow at New York University’s Center on International Cooperation, joins Martin Savidge to discuss the chaos in Somalia, Somali militants abroad and Hillary Clinton’s expected visit with the president of Somalia....
Center for a New American Security Fellows Robert Kaplan and Andrew Exum discussed the links between Somali piracy, failed states, and al-Qaida, and the implications of piracy for international security with Charlie Rose.
In areas ravaged by conflict, the health needs of women are often neglected and ignored. As the bombs fall, the damage to infrastructure and communications affects the whole community but women are particularly at risk.
Somalia is being ripped apart by conflict. The country's weak transitional government is at war with powerful insurgents. When the Ethiopian military intervened there two years ago, the country had already endured sixteen years without a government. The US backs the Ethiopian troops, who fight alongside Somali government forces. Their main opponent is Al-Shabaab, a Muslim fundamentalist group. All sides in the conflict are committing war crimes. Rape, assassination, looting, and indiscriminate bombings are common. The victims are civilians. There are the stories of the people who fled Mogadishu....
July 26, 2011 Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
The Combating Terrorism Center is an
independent educational and research
institution based in the Department of social
sciences at the United states Military Academy,
West point. The CTC sentinel harnesses
the Center’s global network of scholars and
practitioners to understand and confront
contemporary threats posed by terrorism and
other forms of political violence.
March 7, 2011 Forced Migration Review // University of Oxford // Refugee Studies Centre
Militia, freedom fighters, rebels, terrorists,
paramilitaries, revolutionaries, guerrillas, gangs,
quasi-state bodies... and many other labels. In this
issue of FMR we look at all of these, at actors defined
as being armed and being ‘non-state’ – that is to say,
without the full responsibilities and obligations of the
state. Some of these actors have ideological or political
aims; some aspire to hold territory and overthrow a
government; some could be called organised groups,
and for others that would stretch the reality. Their
objectives vary but all are in armed conflict with the
state and/or with each other. Such actors, deliberately or
otherwise, regularly cause the displacement of people.
This issue of FMR
focuses more on the consequences of their violence and
its effects on people, and suggests ways in which these
might be mitigated. The articles included here reflect the
views of civil society groups and individuals in regular
contact with non-state armed groups, of academics and
governments, and of organisations that have years of
experience in engaging – creatively and productively –
with non-state armed groups.
This issue also includes a range of articles discussing
subjects as varied as the labelling of migrants, solar
energy in camps, gang persecution, and scoring states’
performance in respect of the rights of refugees....
Popular revolt continued to convulse the Arab world in February. The rapid spread and escalation of unrest underlined the magnitude of events, but their pace makes the direction of change uncertain.
After almost three weeks of massive protests Egypt's President Hosni Mubarak stepped down on 11 February. The Supreme Military Council took control and promised presidential and parliamentary elections within six months. On 22 February a new civilian cabinet was sworn in.
Just days after Mubarak's downfall protests broke out in Libya against Muammar Qaddafi's four-decade rule. Hundreds of civilians were feared killed and thousands injured as Qaddafi launched a brutal crackdown, prompting senior members of the regime and military to defect. By the end of the month Libya was in the throes of a full-scale rebellion, with large parts of the country under opposition control. The UN Security Council unanimously voted to impose sanctions and refer Libya to the International Criminal Court.
Protests intensified in Yemen, where dozens were killed in daily clashes between protesters and security forces from the middle of the month. Demonstrations for political reform in Bahrain also saw several protesters killed by security forces. Following international condemnation of the crackdown Crown Prince Salman bin Hamad al-Khalifa ordered the withdrawal of security forces and offered dialogue with the opposition. In Afghanistan, the standoff continued between President Hamid Karzai and the opposition over the flawed September parliamentary election. A controversial special tribunal set up by Karzai - which the opposition condemns as unconstitutional - has started recounting votes in several provinces. Three Muscovite tourists were killed in a guerrilla attack on a North Caucasus ski resort, one of several attacks in the region's Kabardino-Balkaria Republic. The attack underlined the degree to which the previously relatively peaceful republic has become a target of Islamic guerrilla activity.
Conflict in Somalia escalated as government troops backed by AU peacekeepers battled against Islamic militant al-Shabaab in Mogadishu, and Ethiopian troops were reportedly involved in border clashes. In Somaliland, tensions increased in oil-rich Sool, Sanaag and Cayn region as government forces fought with rebel militia.
The collapse of a six-year ceasefire led to heightened tensions in Côte d'Ivoire and further warnings of an outbreak of civil war. The situation in Thailand also deteriorated as hostilities broke out along the border with Cambodia in the disputed area near Preah Vihear temple. Compromised elections in Uganda saw President Yoweri Museveni win a fourth term....
September 7, 2010 Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
This issue includes the following articles: The Mysterious Relationship Between Al-Qa`ida and Iran, by Bruce Riedel; Al-Shabab’s Agenda in the Wake of the Kampala Suicide Attacks, by Tim Pippard; The Punjabi Taliban: Causes and Consequences of Turning Against the State, by Ben Brandt; The Ghazi Force: A Threat to Pakistan’s Urban Centers, by Syed Manzar Abbas Zaidi; Pakistan’s Challenges in Orakzai Agency, by Tayyab Ali Shah; The Growing Threat of Female Suicide Attacks in Western Countries, by Houriya Ahmed; Countering Terrorist Financing: Successes and Setbacks in the Years Since 9/11, by Michael Jonsson....
Five actual or potential conflict situations around the world deteriorated and none improved in August 2010, according to the new issue of the International Crisis Group’s monthly bulletin CrisisWatch.
The situation in Somalia continued to deteriorate as al-Shabaab stepped up its attacks and fighting intensified in Mogadishu.
Kyrgyzstan’s provisional government was further weakened in August. The month began with an attempted coup and culminated with the mayor of the southern city of Osh – the epicenter of June’s pogroms – defying the President’s orders to resign.
In Kashmir, anti-Indian protests that began in June worsened in August with at least 40 demonstrators killed in clashes with the police, bringing the total death toll to over 60.
In Northern Ireland dissident Republicans launched a spate of bomb attacks throughout the month in an attempt to derail the peace process. Meanwhile, in Bahrain over 200 people, including high-level Shiite political leaders, have been reported arrested in a government crackdown ahead of October’s parliamentary elections, fueling almost daily clashes between security forces and Shiite opposition supporters.
CrisisWatch identifies a conflict resolution opportunity for Kosovo in September, as the EU makes intensive diplomatic efforts to produce a UN General Assembly resolution acceptable to both Serbia and Kosovo that could serve as a basis for a comprehensive settlement.
CrisisWatch also identifies a conflict resolution opportunity for Israel, as direct peace talks between Israel and Palestine – the first in almost two years – are due to restart in Washington on 2 September....
August 2, 2011 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
2011 has witnessed an unprecedented arrival of IDPs into Mogadishu due to drought related reasons. While the largest influx of IDPs occurred in January 2011, trends indicate that since March, the rate of influx has been steadily increasing. Based on IASC Population Movement Tracking (PMT) data, this analysis aims to identify the key areas receiving IDPs in Mogadishu as well as the source of displacement this year.
From rape and domestic violence to lack of healthcare and education, millions of women experience daily peril, but nowhere more than in the five countries a TrustLaw Women expert poll identifies as the world's most dangerous countries to be female in 2011: Afghanistan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Pakistan, India and Somalia.
TrustLaw Women asked 213 gender experts from five continents to rank countries by overall perceptions as well as by six key risks: sexual violence; non-sexual violence; cultural or religious factors; discrimination and lack of access to resources; and trafficking. These info-graphics hone in on some of the dangers cited in the poll for each country....
Somalia has not been under the control of a single national government since 26 January 1991, when military strongman Siad Barre was toppled. What impact has 20 years of war and instability had on Somalia and its people? This factsheet includes a political map, a map of Somali refugees worldwide, a graph depicting Somali refugees numbers in Africa since 1991, a table presenting Somalia standards of living, and images representing the rise and expansion of Somali pirate attacks.
Is Somalia a safe haven for terrorists?
On one hand, Somalia is a chaotic, poor, battle-weary Muslim country with no central government and a long, unguarded coastline. Its porous borders mean that individuals can enter without visas, and once inside the country, enjoy an almost complete lack of law enforcement. Somalia has long served as a passageway from Africa to the Middle East based on its coastal location on the Horn of Africa, just a boat ride away from Yemen. These aspects make Somalia a desirable haven for transnational terrorists, something al-Qaeda has tried to capitalize on before, and is trying again now.
On the other hand, Somalia is different from other failed states in several ways. While it is roughly the size of Afghanistan, its landscape lacks Afghanistan's many natural hiding places and does not offer the topographical haven of other states like Yemen. It is also a fiercely clan-oriented culture with an aversion to foreign presence of any kind, including Arab jihadi organizations. "When you get these extremist ideologies, the Somalis look at them and they are immediately perceived as foreign," says Bruton, "They're perceived as Arab. It's an Arab ideology. And just as the Somalis are hostile to American ideology, they're hostile to Arab ideology as well." Finally, the Somalis--Sufi Muslims since the birth of Islam in the seventh century--have moderate religious views; until recently, Taliban-style fundamentalism was unfamiliar in the country....
April 21, 2010 Ethical Cargo // Stockholm International Peace Research Institute
Air transportation has played a key role in the transfer of weapons, narcotics and precious
minerals, fuelling the war economies that have devastated much of Africa in recent decades.
At the same time, those air cargo carriers transporting these commodity flows that have
been so destabilizing are also involved in humanitarian aid and peacekeeping missions.
Air transport companies named in United Nations Sanctions Committee reports covering
weapons deliveries to Angola, Chad, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ivory Coast,
Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan and Zimbabwe have all serviced humanitarian aid or
peacekeeping operations. They may avoid scrutiny by registering their aircraft in “flag of
convenience” states where safety oversight is poor and corruption is common. As a result,
their aircraft have crashed more frequently than others, sometimes with narcotics,
weapons, humanitarian aid or peacekeeping officials on board....
February 22, 2011 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
This map shows the distribution of known IDPs throughout Somalia, including regional subtotals for Somaliland, Puntland, and South/Central Somalia. It also provides information on the distribution of IDPs around Mogadishu's periphery as of 23 September 2010.
March 17, 2010 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
This set of three maps shows the sources of displacement in Mogadishu, the areas receiving IDPs within Mogadishu, and top districts receiving IDPs from Mogadishu, along with a graph of displacement from Mogadishu. All information is of displacement from or within Mogadishu from 1 February 2010 until 16 March 2010, with a total of 51,200 displaced from Mogadishu (35,800 leaving the city and 15,300 moving to another location within Mogadishu).
January 4, 2011 Foreign Policy Magazine // International Crisis Group
Across the globe today, you'll find almost three dozen raging conflicts, from the valleys of Afghanistan to the jungles of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the streets of Kashmir. But what are the next crises that might erupt in 2011? Here are a few worrisome spots that make our list. [Captions provided by International Crisis Group]
August 23, 2010 International Relations and Security Network
While Uganda has paid a bitter price at home for its military engagement in Somalia, al-Shabaab’s recent attacks will likely foster a more interventionist agenda in East Africa and play into the hands of insurgents, Georg-Sebastian Holzer writes for ISN Security Watch. It was the biggest militant attack in sub-Saharan Africa since the infamous 1998 al-Qaida bombings of the US embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam. The two coordinated bombings in Uganda’s capital Kampala killed 74 people and wounded dozens of others watching the World Cup final on 11 July.
For al-Shabaab it was a successful attack against the country that forms the backbone of the 6,000-strong African Union force in Mogadishu. The movement previously threatened both Uganda and Burundi, the second major troop-supplier to the AMISOM mission, which secures the survival of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) whose movement is virtually confined to a few blocks in the capital....
Loading ammunition into the magazine of his AK-47 assault rifle, the young suicide bomber looked straight into the camera. “Jihad is real,” he said. “There’s no way you can understand the sweetness of jihad until you come to jihad.”
His accomplice joined in, his face hidden by a scarf. “How dare you sit at home and look on the TV and see Muslims getting killed ... Those who are in Europe and America, get out of those countries,” he ordered.
Moments later a column of black smoke appeared as a battered Toyota truck exploded.
The slick video showing the last moments of a suicide bomber, entitled “Message to those who stay behind”, is part of the latest recruitment propaganda to emerge on English-language websites directed at young wannabe jihadis. Its origins were not, however, in Afghanistan, Iraq or Pakistan, the usual bases of jihadi recruiters, but Somalia, the war-torn east African state.
The site has been traced to Al-Shabaab, a radicalised Islamist militia group led by Somalis trained in Afghanistan and aligned with Al-Qaeda. The group is fighting against Somalia’s fragile transitional government, which is backed by the West and the United Nations.
It is seeking to impose sharia (Islamic law) in Somalia with brutal tactics including public beheadings. Amnesty International has condemned it for cruel punishments including sentencing robbers, without trial, to have their right hand and left foot cut off. What concerns western security officials is that the movement has built an international recruiting network in Somali expatriate communities in the West. It has arranged for impressionable young Somali men to go to a country they scarcely know, to fight for its cause....
July 7, 2009 Integrated Regional Information Networks // United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
As more internally displaced persons (IDPs) flee fighting in Mogadishu for the southern coastal city of Kismayo, conditions for thousands already living there are deteriorating sharply, local sources said.
"There are about 29,000 of us [IDPs] in Kismayo and we are living in very bad conditions; no one is helping us," Mahamud Ali, an elder in one of the IDP camps, told IRIN by telephone from Kismayo, 500km south of Mogadishu.
"The last time any assistance was provided to the displaced was in April this year. People are in a desperate situation." There are no aid agencies operating in Kismayo, he said.
The militant Islamic group al-Shabab took control of the town in August 2008 from a clan militia.
The UN World Food Programme told IRIN it last distributed 321MT to 36,000 IDPs six months ago, but following the deaths of four employees earlier this year, it was still seeking security commitments from the authorities before resuming operations....
Protracted conflict has turned Somalia into an impoverished nation and a failed state with an entire generation knowing war as the most common means of social interaction. In stark contrast, the breakaway Republic of Somaliland is an island of stability compared to war-torn south/central Somalia. Despite having never received legal recognition by the international community, Somaliland has been able to arrive at a level of stability that is unknown to south/central Somalia for the last two decades. Due to an inclusive, grass-roots based political reconciliation process, and without international involvement, Somaliland has lifted itself out of the perpetual cycle of poor governance and violence that we see in the rest of the Somali region. In 2003 multiparty elections were held in a smooth fashion in which Dahir Riyale Kahin, who is from a small clan in the north-west of Somaliland, was elected as the third president. However, several rows over multiple postponements of presidential elections are now threatening its stability. Elections must live up to international standards not only because Somaliland wants to be recognized by the international community, but also to prove democracy is a viable construct in a Somali region with complex clan dynamics....
The Secretary-General established the United Nations Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS) on 15 April 1995, to advance the cause of peace and reconciliation through contacts with Somali leaders, civic organizations and the States and organizations concerned.
WHO Regional Office for the Eastern Mediterranean consists of four technical divisions headed by directors reporting to Deputy Regional Director/Regional Director. They are: Health Protection and Promotion (DHP), Health Systems and Services Development (DHS), Communicable Disease Control (DCD), General Management (DAF). There are two departments in the office of the Assistant Regional Director and they report directly to the Assistant Regional Director. The two departments are Knowledge Management & Sharing and Policy & Strategy Support. Five priority programmes are supervised by the Regional Directory/Deputy Regional Director while reporting through their respective divisional directors. The priority programmes are the Tobacco Free Initiative, Roll Back Malaria, Stop TB, Community-based Initiatives, Women in Health and Development. Further, the regional office runs a special programmes on Polio Eradication, which reports directly to the Regional Director. Another is the UNAIDS Inter-Country Programme. It gives support to the development of an expanded response to HIV/AIDS through the coordinated action of the UN theme groups on HIV/AIDS as well as the process of national strategic planning; collaborates with EMRO in the joint response to HIV/AIDS at the regional and country level; strengthens partnerships with UNAIDS cosponsers through joint regional initiatives in HIV/AIDS priority areas.
The Centre for Research & Dialogue (CRD) is an independent not-for-profit corporation aimed to promote the social, economic & political rebuilding of Somalia. The Centre utilises Participatory Research as a means to facilitate processes of dialogue, consensus building, policy development and institutional capacity building at the national and local levels.
The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in Eastern Africa was created in 1996 to supersede the Intergovernmental Authority on Drought and Development (IGADD) which was founded in 1986. The ultimate goal of IGAD is to achieve economic integration and sustainable development for the region. In order for IGAD to play its proper role in regional and continental integration and be recognised as a suitable vehicle for promoting development in the region, it must address the following objectives:-
Promote joint development strategies and gradually harmonize macro-economic policies and programmes in the social, technological and scientific fields;
Harmonize policies with regard to trade, customs, transport, communications, agriculture, and natural resources, and promote free movement of goods, services, and people within the region.
Create an enabling environment for foreign, cross-border and domestic trade and investment;
Initiate and promote programmes and projects to achieve regional food security and sustainable development of natural resources and environment protection, and encourage and assist efforts of Member States to collectively combat drought and other natural and man-made disasters and their consequences;
Develop a coordinated and complementary infrastructure, in the areas of transport, telecommunications and energy in the region;
Promote peace and stability in the region and create mechanisms within the region for the prevention, management and resolution of inter-State and intra-State conflicts through dialogue;
Mobilize resources for the implementation of emer#gency, short-term, medium-term and long-term programmes within the framework of regional cooperation;
Facilitate, promote and strengthen cooperation in research development and application in science and technology.
Throughout the week of August 22, MSF is carrying daily features, films and photo galleries on Somalia.
Learn more about the conditions faced by the people in Somalia and the MSF workers - both volunteers and national staff - who bring essential aid to the country.
Visit this site every day for a new feature, film or photo gallery
November 3, 2005 University of Oslo // International Human Dimensions Programme on Global Change
The Global Environmental Change and Human Security (GECHS) project focuses on the relationships between environmental change and human society, with an emphasis on the implications for human security. Global environmental change-related threats to human security are unevenly distributed across and within regions, social groups, and generations. Understanding who is most vulnerable, as well as how these threats contribute to conflict or cooperation, forms an important part of GECHS research.
The goal of GECHS is to promote understanding and recognition of global environmental change as an issue of equity and sustainability, both of which are influenced by various forms of social power, as well as by broader social, economic, and cultural changes. ...
October 14, 2005 Food Security Analysis Unit - Somalia
The Food Security Analysis Unit- Somalia (FSAU) seeks to provide evidence-based analysis of Somali food, nutrition and livelihood security to enable both short-term emergency responses and long-term strategic planning to promote food and livelihood security for Somali people.
This report documents numerous abuses during renewed fighting in the past year by parties to the 20-year-long conflict in Somalia. These include the Islamist armed group al-Shabaab, the Somali Transitional Federal Government, the African Union peacekeeping forces, and Kenya- and Ethiopia-backed Somali militias. The report also examines abuses by the Kenyan police and crimes committed by bandits in neighboring Kenya against Somali refugees.
Conflict continues to pose one of the biggest
threats to the survival, development and well being
of a significant number of children across the world.
In the past decade, 2 million children have died
directly as a result of conflict and 6 million have
been permanently disabled or seriously injured.
Explosive weapons were responsible for the death
and injury of thousands of children in a number of
conflicts in 2009, including Operation Cast Lead
in Gaza, the final stage of the war in northern
Sri Lanka, and the intensification of conflicts in
Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia and Yemen. In these
latter four countries, as well as in the occupied
Palestinian territory and Iraq, the use of explosive
weapons continued through 2010. Children were
often the victims in these conflicts, with too little
attention paid to minimising the risk to them or to
ensuring that their fundamental human rights, such
as the right to life,were not violated.
As well as governments’ use of explosive weapons
in populated areas, recent decades have seen
a rising number of non state actors using more
sophisticated explosive weapons. For instance,
information leaked from Afghanistan indicates that
the Taliban has used shoulder launched surface to
air missiles, which are more technologically
advanced than the rocket propelled grenades they
frequently use. Improvised explosive devices
have also become more sophisticated and more
deadly over the past two decades.
Section 1 of this report describes the impact
of explosive weapons on children and their
communities. Section 2 outlines the international
human rights and legal framework that could
and should be implemented to protect children.
In Section 3, Save the Children proposes three
steps towards minimising the impact of explosive
weapons on children and makes recommendations
to the international community, governments and
IKV Pax Christi strives to enhance the protection of civilians in conflict. In the report, IKV Pax Christi expresses her concern about the use of explosive weapons in populated areas.
From relatively simple improvised explosive devices to advanced aircraft-delivered bombs and missiles, all explosive weapons share certain characteristics that make their use in populated areas especially dangerous for civilian populations. By projecting a blast wave and shrapnel, explosive weapons indiscriminately damage the area around the point of detonation, making no distinction between soldiers or civilians. Furthermore, explosive weapons can also destroy critical infrastructure and frequently pose a long-term risk to populations in the form of unexploded ordnance. For these and other reasons, the use of explosive weapons in populated areas urgently needs to be addressed.
The report provides an overview of recent debates on the use of these weapons, existing agreements in International Humanitarian Law, and the consequences of the use of these weapons for civilians when used in populated areas....
The main aim of emergency response funds - ERFs - is to provide rapid and flexible funding to in-country actors to address unforeseen humanitarian needs.There are currently 14 stand-alone ERFs in operation.
This report provides information and data on these ERFs, including donors to the funds, implementing agencies and sector analysis. The document also provides brief case studies of the use of the funds in Kenya and Somalia.
It would be hard to conceive of two States that offer greater contrasts than
Somalia and Eritrea: the former, a collapsed State for over two decades, with no
functional national institutions; the latter, possessing the most highly centralized,
militarized and authoritarian system of government on the African continent. From a
sanctions monitoring perspective, however, the two countries present very similar
challenges: in both cases, power is concentrated in the hands of individuals rather
than institutions and is exercised through largely informal and often illicit networks
of political and financial control. Leaders in both countries often depend more
heavily on political and economic support from foreign Governments and diaspora
networks than from the populations within their own borders. And both countries —
in very different ways — serve as platforms for foreign armed groups that represent a
grave and increasingly urgent threat to peace and security in the Horn and East
More than half of Somali territory is controlled by responsible, comparatively
stable authorities that have demonstrated, to varying degrees, their capacity to
provide relative peace and security to their populations. Without exception, the
administrations of Somaliland, Puntland, Gaalmudug, and “Himan iyo Heeb”
evolved independently of centralized State-building initiatives, from painstaking,
organic local political processes. Much of Galguduud region is controlled by anti-Al-
Shabaab clan militias loosely unified under the umbrella of Ahlu Sunna wal Jama’a
(ASWJ), but lacks a functional authority. Consolidation of and cooperation between
such entities represents the single most effective strategy for countering threats like
extremism and piracy, while expanding peace and security in Somalia....
November 3, 2009 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
This data source provides the numbers of refugees and asylum seekers in Kenya, disaggregated by country of origin and location, and with trend data from 2006 to 2009. The data source also provides numbers of refugees and asylum seekers by the status of refugee or asylum status (applied, decided, pending), and the numbers of repatriated and resettled refugees and asylum seekers.