January 21, 2011 Households in Conflict Network // Institute of Development Studies // University of Sussex
This is the first paper using household survey data from two countries involved in an international war (Eritrea and Ethiopia) to measure the conflict’s impact on children’s health in both nations. The identification strategy uses event data to exploit exogenous variation in the conflict’s geographic extent and timing and the exposure of different children’s birth cohorts to the fighting. The paper uniquely incorporates GPS information on the distance between survey villages and conflict sites to more accurately measure a child’s war exposure. War-exposed children in both countries have lower height-for-age Z-scores, with the children in the war instigating and losing country (Eritrea) suffering more than the winning nation (Ethiopia). Negative impacts on boys and girls of being born during the conflict are comparable to impacts for children alive at the time of the war. Effects are robust to including region-specific time trends, alternative conflict exposure measures, and an instrumental variables strategy....
July 28, 2010 African Centre for for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Traditional institutions of conflict resolution play a very significant role in
the day-to-day lives of Africans in general and Ethiopians in particular. In
Ethiopia, a country that has adopted ethnic federalism as its policy, such
traditional institutions help to blur political boundaries and bring people from
different ethnic and regional backgrounds together. Furthermore, they serve as
alternative institutions of conflict resolution in a country where the state legal
system is failing to fully provide the judiciary needs of the nation. For instance,
in Jille Dhmugaa district, where the research was conducted, there are only two
judges for a total population of 102 936. Apart from the lack of capacity under
which it suffers, the state legal system can also be criticised for a high degree of
preferential treatment due to corruption, so that justice is provided only to a
few. Furthermore, the ideology of the state legal system is drawn mainly from
the western legal philosophy which is highly influenced by an individualistic
orientation and does not fit the strong social orientation on the ground where
it is being implemented. These reasons and more are raised by many as main drawbacks of the state legal system in Ethiopia. There were times in Ethiopian
history when the state legal system officially incorporated elements from the
traditional institutions of conflict resolution in the state courts (Carmichael
2003:122; Walker 1933:153–156). The Ethiopian constitution has, however,
limited the mandate of the customary and religious institutions to private and
family matters. Nevertheless, these institutions are playing a very significant role
in other domains – such as criminal matters. The strong social tie existing in the
community makes the significance of reconciliation, the key role of traditional
The main questions this paper attempts to answer, on the bases of ethnographic
data, are: What are the pull factors towards traditional institutions? And why do
people prefer the traditional institutions vis-à-vis the state legal system?...
July 28, 2010 African Centre for for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes // African Journal on Conflict Resolution
This article tries to show the impacts of conflict on women, the role of
women in conflict and indigenous conflict resolution, and the participation
of women in social institutions and ceremonies among the Issa and Gurgura
clans of the Somali ethnic group. It explores the system of conflict resolution
in these clans, and women’s representation in the system. The primary role
of women in the formation of social capital through marriage and blood
relations between different clans or ethnic groups is assessed. The paper
focuses on some of the important elements of the socio-cultural settings
of the study community that are in one way or another related to conflict
and indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms. It also examines the positive
aspects of marriage practices in the formation of social capital which
strengthens friendship and unity instead of enmity....
April 9, 2010 African Journal on Conflict Resolution // African Centre for for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes
What kind of conflict resolution approaches can effectively address intra-state wars
based on identity? Liberal peace models were designed to deal with inter-state
conflicts, and when applied to inter-ethnic conflicts bring limited success and often
disastrous results. This article from the African Journal on Conflict Resolution argues
that identities should be seen as key assets in building sustainable peace, justice and
reconciliation. Regional peace and security mechanisms and traditional justice
approaches should be used and international justice mechanisms approached with
caution. This special issue includes: Identity and Peace: Reconfiguring Conflict Resolution in Africa, by Gerard Hagg and Peter Kagwanja; Tunnel Vision or Kaleidoscope: Competing Concepts on
Sudan Identity and National Integration, by Atta El-Battahani; Identity Politics, Democratisation and State Building
in Ethiopia’s Federal Arrangement, by Kidane Mengisteab; Cultural Diversity and the Somali Conflict: Myth or Reality?, by Abdulahi A. Osman; Political Management of Ethnic Perceptions:
An Assessment of the African National Congress, by Mcebisi Ndletyana; Ethnic Diversity and Conflict in Nigeria:
Lessons from the Niger Delta Crisis, by Wilson Akpan; Cultural Diversity in Conflict and Peace Making in Africa, by Molem C. Sama; The Political Role of the Ethnic Factor around Elections
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, by Hubert Kabungulu Ngoy-Kangoy; Identity and Cultural Diversity in Conflict Resolution and
Democratisation for the African Renaissance: The Case of Burundi, by Philippe Ntahombaye and Gaspard Nduwayo and ‘Echoing Silences’: Ethnicity in post-colonial Zimbabwe, 1980-2007, by James Muzondidya and Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni....
September 9, 2009 Desalegn Chemeda Edossa // Mukand Singh Babel // Ashim Das Gupta // Seleshi Bekele Awulachew
This paper describes the role of the Gadaa system, a uniquely democratic political and social institution of
the Oromo people in Ethiopia, in the utilization of important resources such as water, as well as its
contribution in conflict resolution among individuals and communities. It discusses ways to overcome the
difference between customary and statutory approaches in conflict resolution. A synthesis of customary and
statutory system of conflict resolution may facilitate a better understanding that will lead to improved
management of resources, which are predominant variables for the socio-economic development of the
country. It suggests that top-down imposition and enforcement of statutory laws that replace customary laws
should be avoided. Instead, mechanisms should be sought to learn from the Lubas, elders who are
knowledgeable in the Gadaa system, about the customary mechanisms of conflict resolution so as to
integrate them in enacting or implementing statutory laws....
April 6, 2009 Forced Migration Review // University of Oxford // Refugee Studies Centre
Forced Migration Review (FMR) provides a
forum for the regular exchange of practical
experience, information and ideas between
researchers, refugees and internally
displaced people, and those who work with
them. It is published in English, Arabic,
Spanish and French by the Refugee Studies
Centre of the Oxford Department of
International Development, University
of Oxford. This issue focuses on 'Statelessness'. A ‘stateless person’ is someone who is not recognised as a national by any state.
They therefore have no nationality or citizenship (terms used interchangeably in
this issue) and are unprotected by national legislation, leaving them vulnerable
in ways that most of us never have to consider. The possible consequences of
statelessness are profound and touch on all aspects of life. It may not be possible
to work legally, own property or open a bank account. Stateless people may be
easy prey for exploitation as cheap labour. They are often not permitted to attend
school or university, may be prohibited from getting married and may not be able to
register births and deaths. Stateless people can neither vote nor access the national
December 18, 2006 Inventory of Conflict and Environment
The area comprising Eritrea and Ethiopia has been in periodic conflict for decades and seems prime for resurgence due to drought conditions, economic issues and belligerent claims of land ownership. There are a number of areas along the border between these two states that are currently still at issue. The town of Badme is the critical point of contention since it is conflict in that border area that began the major conflict of 1998 - 2000. This town and others lie in the Tigray region which encompasses the origin of the founding Ethiopian empire, Aksum. The second main front on the border region is around Zalambessa further to the southeast of Badme. There are very complex ethnicities, histories, and cultures that are in conflict in the region and these fundamental differences are the reason for continued border tensions. Dispute settlement in the region of Ethiopian and Eritrean is ongoing, despite international agreements that define the border. Most recently, the conflict is changing as Ethiopia and Eritrea shift their resources to conflict in Somalia and conduct their dispute by proxy. Current trends toward religious extremism and violence in Somalia are resulting in serious distraction from resolution of the border dispute at the heart of Ethiopian and Eritrean relations. The establishment and agreement of defined boundaries will be the only way for these countries to create a legitimate framework for continued conflict resolution and dissuasion....
December 12, 2006 British Broadcasting Corporation
Former President Mengistu Haile Mariam, fled Ethiopia in May, 1991, leaving his country ravaged by economic decline, famine and on the verge of political disintegration. Fifteen years later, he has been held responsible for the deaths or disappearances of tens of thousands of Ethiopians during the 1970s - a period known as the Red Terror, when Mengistu ruled the country through his military committee, known as the Dergue.
September 8, 2006 Special Program on the Implementation of Targeted Sanctions
Factsheet on sanctions regimes which have been terminated. The list includes Angola, Cambodia, Eritrea, Ethiopia, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Haiti, South Africa, Southern Rhodesia, Sudan and Libya.
Profile: Al-Ittihad al-Islami (AIAI) operative who also worked for al-Qaeda; Grew up in Germany and Sweden, a refugee from the Somali civil war. An imam in Sweden sponsored his trip for weapons training in Afghanistan in 1996; he returned to Somalia that year. He joined AIAI in 1997 to oppose Ethiopia; He met Abu Talha in early 2003, and on his orders cased Camp Lemonier, the U.S. military base in Djibouti in Fall 2003; He was one of 14 key al-Qaeda operatives and associates transferred from CIA custody to the U.S. military prison at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, in 2006....
The 700-mile-long frontier between Ethiopia and its former province of Eritrea, which became independent in 1993, is at the heart of a conflict that has been raging since May 1998, undermining all prospects of development in two of the world's poorest countries.
"One stupid war is enough," Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi told Newsweek in April 2008, explaining why he doesn't want to war with Eritrea again. Yet a few hundred UN troops are all that stands between the Ethiopian and Eritrean forces massed on either side of the disputed border zone. Those peacekeepers will be withdrawn (Bloomberg) on July 31, when the UN ends its Ethiopia-Eritrea mission. Neither side says it wants war, but experts continue to worry the standoff could spark open conflict, potentially igniting skirmishes across Africa's volatile horn....
Bringing good governance to Ethiopia’s police directly involves reviewing and reforming the decision-making process in the force. It also means ensuring that the implementation of decisions reflect the principles of good governance. The process should be participatory, it should aim to be consensus-oriented, transparent, inclusive, and follow the rule of law. It needs to ensure that corruption is minimized, the views of minorities are taken into account and that the voices of the most vulnerable in society are heard in decision-making. It should also be responsive to the present and future needs of the society. This is easy to say but very hard to do, particularly in a country with a history of authoritarianism and little, if any, meaningful participation of citizens in the way they are governed. Over the past fifty years, Ethiopia has gone from one extreme to the other – from feudalism to socialism before settling in the 1990s for a significantly more open political system. This blends federalism and decentralization with strong state structures that are required to serve what national leaders call ‘the developmental State.’...
After Ethiopia's December invasion of Somalia to vanquish Islamic militants, many observers labeled Addis Ababa a proxy of the United States, and a few even called it a "puppet" (Guardian). Both labels implied the United States was an unseemly ally. Now, after the Ethiopian government's recent attempt to put dozens of opposition politicians to death and reports of military abuse of civilians (HRW), Washington may be starting to balk at its close relationship with Addis Ababa (AP).
The United Nations Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea has been mandated by the UN Security Council Resolution 1320 of 15 September 2000 to monitor the cessation of hostilities following the signing of the Algiers Peace Agreement on 18 June 2000. UNMEE has an authorized maximum strength (Security Council resolution 1320 of 15 September 2000) of 4,200 troops, including 220 military observers. The current strength (31 July 2005) is 3,293 military personnel, including 3,079 troops and 214 military observers. UNMEE also includes 241 international civilians, 245 local civilians and 66 United Nations Volunteers....
The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in Eastern Africa was created in 1996 to supersede the Intergovernmental Authority on Drought and Development (IGADD) which was founded in 1986. The ultimate goal of IGAD is to achieve economic integration and sustainable development for the region. In order for IGAD to play its proper role in regional and continental integration and be recognised as a suitable vehicle for promoting development in the region, it must address the following objectives:-
Promote joint development strategies and gradually harmonize macro-economic policies and programmes in the social, technological and scientific fields;
Harmonize policies with regard to trade, customs, transport, communications, agriculture, and natural resources, and promote free movement of goods, services, and people within the region.
Create an enabling environment for foreign, cross-border and domestic trade and investment;
Initiate and promote programmes and projects to achieve regional food security and sustainable development of natural resources and environment protection, and encourage and assist efforts of Member States to collectively combat drought and other natural and man-made disasters and their consequences;
Develop a coordinated and complementary infrastructure, in the areas of transport, telecommunications and energy in the region;
Promote peace and stability in the region and create mechanisms within the region for the prevention, management and resolution of inter-State and intra-State conflicts through dialogue;
Mobilize resources for the implementation of emer#gency, short-term, medium-term and long-term programmes within the framework of regional cooperation;
Facilitate, promote and strengthen cooperation in research development and application in science and technology.
After the wartime Allies expelled Eritrea's Italian colonial rulers in 1941, Britain took control of the region and eventually was assigned it as a UN trust territory. In 1952, the UN decided to federate Eritrea to Ethiopia, hoping to reconcile Ethiopian claims of sovereignty and Eritrean aspirations for independence. A decade later, Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie dissolved the federation and annexed Eritrea, triggering a thirty year armed struggle in Eritrea. In 1991, the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) captured the Eritrean capital, Asmara, and established a provisional government. Eritrea finally achieved independence, following an internationally monitored referendum in 1993. But friction between the two countries continued. A border clash in 1998 around the town of Badme escalated into a full-scale war, displacing about 250,000 Eritreans and killing thousands of soldiers from both sides. The UN Security Council called for a cease-fire and imposed a one-year arms embargo on both countries. In 2000, Addis Ababa and Asmara signed a peace agreement brokered by the Organization of African Unity, calling for both parties to withdraw to the positions held before the 1998 war and establishing a boundary commission. The UN Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE) also began patrolling along the security zone. However, r#elations between the two neighbors deteriorated in 2003 when the boundary commission ruled that the town Badme lies in Eritrean territory. While Ethiopia rejected the commission's ruling, Eritrea refused to negotiate a new settlement with the UN Special Envoy for Ethiopia-Eritrea Lloyd Axworthy. Demarcation of the long-disputed border has been shelved indefinitely and tension on the border threatens violence anew....
Billions of dollars in aid are flowing to developing countries to confront HIV/AIDS but relatively little is known yet about the effectiveness of this aid. The HIV/AIDS Monitor is designed to help fill this knowledge gap by tracking and analyzing key features of the way aid for HIV/AIDS is allocated and disbursed, while identifying lessons relevant to broader questions about the effectiveness of development assistance.
The analysis centers on the three major HIV/AIDS aid initiatives: The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria; The President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR); and the World Bank's Multi-Country HIV/AIDS Program (MAP). Despite a common commitment to fighting the epidemic, each donor implements programs in different ways with different targets. Based on global-level analysis and case studies from four African nations, the HIV/AIDS Monitor hopes to contribute to improvements in the efficiency and effectiveness of the major aid initiatives....
This report documents numerous abuses during renewed fighting in the past year by parties to the 20-year-long conflict in Somalia. These include the Islamist armed group al-Shabaab, the Somali Transitional Federal Government, the African Union peacekeeping forces, and Kenya- and Ethiopia-backed Somali militias. The report also examines abuses by the Kenyan police and crimes committed by bandits in neighboring Kenya against Somali refugees.
This Policy Brief examines the real and imagined influence of al-Qa‘ida in North Africa and the Sahel. Despite a perception of the transnationalization of terrorist movements in North Africa under al-Qa‘ida’s banner, robust evidence of an effective al-Qa‘ida’s expansion in the Maghreb and the Sahara/Sahel region remains elusive at best. Rather, doubts about al-Qa‘ida’s actual threat and the efficacy of international response in the context of pervasive state failure in the Sahel raise questions regarding the policy objectives of US-led counter-terrorism in the region....
It would be hard to conceive of two States that offer greater contrasts than
Somalia and Eritrea: the former, a collapsed State for over two decades, with no
functional national institutions; the latter, possessing the most highly centralized,
militarized and authoritarian system of government on the African continent. From a
sanctions monitoring perspective, however, the two countries present very similar
challenges: in both cases, power is concentrated in the hands of individuals rather
than institutions and is exercised through largely informal and often illicit networks
of political and financial control. Leaders in both countries often depend more
heavily on political and economic support from foreign Governments and diaspora
networks than from the populations within their own borders. And both countries —
in very different ways — serve as platforms for foreign armed groups that represent a
grave and increasingly urgent threat to peace and security in the Horn and East
More than half of Somali territory is controlled by responsible, comparatively
stable authorities that have demonstrated, to varying degrees, their capacity to
provide relative peace and security to their populations. Without exception, the
administrations of Somaliland, Puntland, Gaalmudug, and “Himan iyo Heeb”
evolved independently of centralized State-building initiatives, from painstaking,
organic local political processes. Much of Galguduud region is controlled by anti-Al-
Shabaab clan militias loosely unified under the umbrella of Ahlu Sunna wal Jama’a
(ASWJ), but lacks a functional authority. Consolidation of and cooperation between
such entities represents the single most effective strategy for countering threats like
extremism and piracy, while expanding peace and security in Somalia....
East Africa is facing the worst food crisis of the 21st Century. Across Ethiopia, Somalia, and Kenya, 12 million people are in dire need of food, clean water, and basic sanitation. Loss of life on a massive scale is a very real risk, and the crisis is set to worsen over the coming months, particularly for pastoralist communities.
The overall international donor response to this humanitarian crisis has been slow and inadequate. According to UN figures, $1bn is required to meet immediate needs. So far donors have committed less than $200m, leaving an $800m black hole.
While severe drought has undoubtedly led to the huge scale of the disaster, this crisis has been caused by people and policies, as much as by weather patterns. If more action had been taken earlier it could have helped mitigate the severity of the current crisis. It is no coincidence that the worst affected areas are those suffering from entrenched poverty due to marginalisation and lack of investment.
A rapid increase in emergency aid is needed right now to save lives and protect livelihoods, so that people can rebuild once the crisis is over. National governments and donors must prioritise addressing the issues that make people vulnerable in the first place.
There’s no time to waste. We must not stand by and watch this tragedy unfold....
July 8, 2011 Center for Strategic and International Studies
This report provides an overview of the CSIS study series examining the risks of instability in 10 African countries over the next decade. The 10 papers are designed to be complementary but can also be read individually as self-standing country studies. The overview draws on common themes and explains the methodology underpinning the research. The project was commissioned by the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM). The papers in this series are not meant to offer hard and fast predictions about the future. While they sketch out some potential scenarios for the next 10 years, these efforts should be treated as thought experiments that look at how different dynamics might converge to create the conditions for instability. The intention is not to single out countries believed to be at risk of impending disaster and make judgments about how they will collapse. Few, if any, of the countries in this series are at imminent risk of breakdown. All of them have coping mechanisms that militate against conflict, and discussions of potential “worst-case scenarios” have to be viewed with this qualification in mind....
November 3, 2009 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
This data source provides the numbers of refugees and asylum seekers in Kenya, disaggregated by country of origin and location, and with trend data from 2006 to 2009. The data source also provides numbers of refugees and asylum seekers by the status of refugee or asylum status (applied, decided, pending), and the numbers of repatriated and resettled refugees and asylum seekers.