January 12, 2011 Institute for British-Irish Studies // University College Dublin
The paper examines as a case study the territory of Timor-Leste (East Timor), the small half-island located about four hundreds miles north of Australia and east of Java, Indonesia. In particular the focus is upon the evolution and progression of the territory from colony to independent nation-state and the patterns of conflict and settlement that have marked the disputed and contested area and its people. A central narrative is that, while independence for East Timor looked most unlikely in the late 1990s, a confluence of developments and factors combined to enhance the prospects and reality of this outcome in 1999.
The paper examines a number of themes including: the historical and geo-political context; the brief interregnum between de facto Portuguese decolonisation and Indonesian re-colonisation; the invasion and occupation of the territory by Indonesia; referendum and independence for East Timor; post-conflict matters of justice; the international dimension; and the comparative dimensions of the East Timor case study....
November 1, 2010 James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy, Rice Univeristy
In the past 10 years, the rehabilitation of Muslim radicals has become a pressing issue. Great
numbers of radicals have passed in and out of various incarcerating institutions and are returned
to their societies where they frequently rejoin radical groups, sometimes more radicalized and
technically proficient than they were prior to their incarceration. Both Muslim and non-Muslim
governments have sought different methods to rehabilitate radicals, ranging from arranging
debates between radicals and mainstream Muslim religious elite to confronting them with
betrayals and denunciations by relatives, friends, and associates. There are also full-scale “reeducation”
camps. This policy paper will seek to evaluate these methodologies and propose for
the United States a workable policy for re-integrating radicals into society, thus defusing the
power of recidivism....
September 20, 2010 Conflict and Health // BioMed Central
Large disasters affect people who live both near and far from the areas in which they occur. The
mental health impact is expected to be similar to a ripple effect, where the risk of mental health consequences
generally decreases with increasing distance from the disaster center. However, we have not been able to identify
studies of the ripple effect of man-made disaster on mental health in low-income countries. The objective was to examine the hypothesis of a ripple effect on the mental health consequences in
populations exposed to man-made disasters in a developing country context, through a comparison of two
different populations living in different proximities from the center of disaster in Mollucas. There was significantly more psychological distress “caseness” in IDPs than non-IDPs. The mental health
consequences of the violent conflict in Ambon supported the ripple effect hypothesis as displacement status
appears to be a strong risk factor for distress, both as a main effect and interaction effect. Significantly higher
percentages of IDPs experienced traumatic events than non-IDPs in all six event types reported. This study indicates that the conflict had an impact on mental health and economic conditions far
beyond the area where the actual violent events took place, in a diminishing pattern in line with the hypothesis of
a ripple effect....
June 15, 2010 National War College Review // United States Naval War College
TheMalacca Strait is a narrow waterway that extends nearly six hundred nauticalmiles
fromthe Andaman Sea to the South China Sea, betweenMalaysia
and Indonesia. The strait provides a vital shipping lane for vessels sailing from
Europe and the Middle East to East Asia, as well as smaller vessels on local voyages.
Unfortunately, when we think of the Malacca Strait, images of a waterway
infested with pirates often spring to mind.
While this image could arguably have been justified in the past, it is now rather
outdated. According to the International Maritime Bureau (IMB), which produces
quarterly and annual reports on piracy and
armed robbery against ships, there were only three successful
and four attempted attacks by pirates on shipping
in the Malacca Strait in 2007. While piracy has certainly been a concern in the waterway
in the past,with reported attacks reaching seventy-five in 2000, the number
of cases has been falling since 2005, largely as a result of a number of countermeasures
introduced by the three littoral states of Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia.
This decrease in attacks was achieved despite a 10 percent increase in
This article will discuss the reduction in pirate attacks in the Malacca Strait
and how the attacks themselves have changed over the last decade. Themeasures
attributed to the reduction will then be discussed, as well as the underlying principles
and attitudes that have shaped these initiatives. Particular attention will
be given as to how the issue of sovereignty, a principle of utmost importance in
Southeast Asia, has impactedmultilateral and bilateral cooperative efforts to address
the transnational problem of piracy, including a series of International
Maritime Organization (IMO) meetings convened to tackle pressing issues affecting
the safety and security of shipping in theMalacca Strait. The conclusions
will make recommendations regarding issues that require further action....
April 13, 2010 S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies // Graduate School of Nanyang Technological University
Convicted terrorists from Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) have attested to using the Internet in one way or another during their operations, from sending messages to one another to looking for extremist fatwas online to justify their actions. That said, one would however be hard pressed to prove the primacy of the Internet in their step up to violence. More often than not, more traditional elements remain the key to individual religious radicalization and political violence in Southeast Asia - blood relations and marriage ties. This paper revisits these kinship linkages as well as quasi-kinship ones that include teacher-disciple bonds and the wider fraternity of ikhwan-ship (brotherhood) with particular regard to JI. Keeping counterterrorism efforts in context is important or else governments could run the risk of carelessly appropriating vital resources on less immediate concerns....
December 11, 2006 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars // Environmental Change and Security Project
A narrow waterway dividing Sumatra and western Malaysia, the Strait of Malacca is a hub of global trade and one of the world's busiest sea lanes. But piracy and terrorism may jeopardize the safe transport of freighters, potentially threatening the region's energy security and increasing the risk of pollution from security measures like controlled burns for land clearing. Summary, presentations, and video online.
Blasphemy can be a deadly affair in Indonesia and Pakistan, two of Asia's largest Muslim majority countries. Triggered by allegations of blasphemy, virulent mob attacks against those perceived to have offended Islam have rocked the two countries in recent months. While Indonesia and Pakistan have laws that specifically address issues of blasphemy, those unfortunate enough to be labeled blasphemers are rarely taken to court. Encouraged by, if not with tacit approval from, conservative Muslim leaders, Indonesian and Pakistani mobs have been taking the law into their own hands instead....
December 6, 2010 Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
This issue includes the following articles:
- The Strengths and Weaknesses
of Jihadist Ideology
- The Role of Lashkar-i-Islam in
Pakistan’s Khyber Agency
- The Torkham Border Closure and
Attacks on NATO Supply Convoys in
- Mitigating the Further Radicalization
of India’s Muslim Community
- From Iraq to Yemen: Al-Qa`ida’s
- From Iraq to Yemen: Al-Qa`ida’s
September 7, 2010 Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
The Combating Terrorism Center is an independent educational and research institution based in the Department of Social Sciences at the United States Military Academy, West Point. The CTC Sentinel harnesses the Center’s global network of scholars and practitioners to understand and confront contemporary threats posed by terrorism and other forms of political violence. 1. Are the Afghan Taliban Involved in International Terrorism? by Anne Stenersen. 5. The Insurgent-Narcotic Nexus in Helmand Province, by Captain Michael Erwin, U.S. Army. 8. The Expansion Strategy of Al-Qa'ida in the Arabian Peninsula, by Gregory D. Johnsen. 11. A Profile of Pakistan's Lashkar-i-Jhangvi, by Arif Jamal. 14. The Failure of Salafi-Jihadi Insurgent Movements in the Levant, by Bilal Y. Saab. 18. The Dangerous Ideas of the Neo-Zarqawist Movement, by Murad Batal al-Shishani. 20. The July 17 Jakarta Suicide Attacks and the Death of Noordin Top, by Noor Huda Ismail. 22. Recent Highlights in Terrorist Activity....
December 15, 2004 United States Institute of Peace
The United States Institute of Peace's Muslim World Initiative recently launched a listserv to keep the public appraised of its work. Subscribers receive a monthly electronic newsletter featuring articles, briefings on events, and links to new publications related to the Muslim World. If you would like to be added to the list, please send a message to [email protected].
April 21, 2010 Ethical Cargo // Stockholm International Peace Research Institute
Air transportation has played a key role in fuelling the war economies and conflicts that
have affected parts of Asia and the Middle East in recent decades. They are also important
facilitators of narcotics flows such as opiates and untaxed tobacco destined for European,
Asian and Middle Eastern markets. At the same time, those air cargo carriers transporting
these commodity flows that have been so destabilizing are also involved in humanitarian
aid and peacekeeping missions.
Freedom House welcomes the vote by the United Nations General Assembly to elect Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina for the two open seats for Eastern European States in yesterday's election to the UN Human Rights Council. Belarus, the third candidate for the East Europe vacancies, was defeated in a tight race following a vigorous campaign by numerous human rights organizations and countries opposed to the candidacy of a country with one of the world's most abysmal human rights records.
December 18, 2006 Inventory of Conflict and Environment
A catastrophic earthquake and tsunami that took place in Southeast Asia on December 26, 2004 greatly influenced the dynamics of civil conflict in Aceh province. Causing horrendous damages in Aceh province, the tsunami proved to be an impetus to peaceful resolution of the civil conflict. This case study presents analysis of the effects of natural disaster on reconciliation of the conflict between the rebels of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and Indonesian government that has been going on since 1976....
December 7, 2010 Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre
This map depicts ethnic-related violence and displacement in the Kalimantan provinces from 1997-2010.
It is estimated that up to 200,000 people, comprising mostly
Madurese, were displaced from West and Central Kalimantan
between 1997 and 2001. In West Kalimantan, most IDPs have
resettled or integrated locally as they have not been allowed
to return to their home areas in Sambas. In Central Kalimantan,
return has been possible since 2004, although under stringent
conditions. Most people displaced in Tarakan in September 2010
are believed to have been able to return home in the following
days or weeks....
October 13, 2010 Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre
This map represents the main locations of conflict and displacement in Papua and West Papua between 2003 2010. The map details the location of IDP and refugee camps, the proportion of migrants versus Papuans across different regions, and the locations of Indonesian settlers installations.
October 7, 2010 Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre
This map shows the ethnic composition and the severity of the effect of conflict on each region in Aceh. The PDF also includes a list of regioncies with highest number of IDPs/Returnees, and an estimated total number of displaced in the province.
Coveted for its hydrocarbon resources and its geographical location on the main international sea routes, the Spratly archipelago is a focus for the ambitions of the southeast Asian countries. By unilaterally asserting its sovereignty over the greater part of the China Sea, in a law adopted in February 1992, China sought to strengthen its great-power credentials and its control of the region. Sources : Virginie and Sonia Raisson, Lépac, Paris.
After Indonesian authorities gunned down Southeast Asia's most-wanted terrorist, Noordin Mohammad Top, last month, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono remained cautiously optimistic, stating at the time that Jakarta had "just won a battle" in its broader war against terrorism. Yudhoyono was probably right to strike such a balanced tone in his remarks. While Top's death is a major blow to Islamic militancy in Southeast Asia, it is hardly the final nail in its coffin. And even as Jakarta's "law and order approach" to eradicating terrorism continues to net key terrorist operatives, it has come under increasing scrutiny for eroding the fabric of Indonesia's democracy and ignoring the root problem of ideological extremism.
Top's death leaves a huge leadership vacuum in Southeast Asia's terrorist networks. As head of al-Qaida for the Malay Archipelago -- a radical splinter cell within the regional terrorist outfit Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) -- Top masterminded a series of deadly bombings in Indonesia that have killed hundreds since 2002, including the recent July 17 twin hotel bombings in Jakarta....
arliamentary elections in Indonesia, as elsewhere, are usually an ordinary affair as local politicians jockey for position among voters at the grassroots level. Normally voting revolves around homespun issues: a new school library, the local waters works or paved roads.
But in the lead-up to legislative elections in Indonesia, campaigning has taken on much broader implications, providing a battleground for separatist forces in the troubled province of Papua, a testing ground for the fragile peace in Aceh and a vibrant backdrop for the presidential poll in July.
Keith Loveard, a Jakarta-based security consultant with Concord Security said electoral-related violence in both Papua and Aceh is on the increase, and in Papua this has been accompanied by a general rise in separatist sentiment. Large demonstrations in the regional capital of Jayapura have called for boycotting the polls. Meanwhile the number of attacks by the Free Papua Organization (OPM) has risen, particularly in Puncak Jaya, Loveard said, amid an increase of non-Papuan Indonesian migrants into the area.
A massive $4.3 billion rice paddy development by the bin Laden family in the far-flung eastern province has further fueled anti-migrant sentiment. Most indigenous Papuans are Christian, and fear that an Islamization process is being directed from Jakarta to marginalize them as second class citizens. This has stoked anti-government sentiment and encouraged calls for a boycott of the poll....
Not very long ago, many observers considered Aceh, Indonesia's formerly war-torn separatist province, a success story. But a recent rise in political violence has led Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Aceh Governor Yusuf Irwandi to warn against potential spoilers of Aceh's peace process. Nobel Peace Prize laureate Martti Ahtisaari, who brokered the 2005 deal between the former secessionist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and Jakarta, has also emphasized that a long-term resolution is far from ensured.
Tucked in the westernmost corner of the Indonesian archipelago, Aceh's conflict ended in the aftermath of the December 2004 tsunami that killed 168,000 people. The tsunami destroyed large swathes of the province and dwarfed the political ambitions of both the insurgents and the Indonesian government, who had been at war for three decades.
The immediate post-war period was indeed a grand success, crowned with local elections held in 2006. The election of Irwandi, himself a former GAM member, was lauded worldwide. A progressive disengagement by the international community followed, while the national political elite moved its attention elsewhere, apparently satisfied with the happy ending....
A poll of seven majority Muslim nations finds people conflicted about the United Nations. On one hand there is widespread support for a more active UN with much broader powers than it has today. On the other hand, there is a perception that the UN is dominated by the US and there is dissatisfaction with UN performance on several fronts, particularly in dealing with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. These are the findings from a WorldPublicOpinion.org survey in Egypt, Turkey, Jordan, Iran, Indonesia, the Palestinian Territories, and Azerbaijan. Muslims in Nigeria (50% of the general population) were also polled. The survey was conducted in two waves in 2008. Overall, 6,175 respondents were interviewed in the first wave and 5,363 in the second; a total of 11,538 respondents participated in the study. The first wave was conducted January 12-February 18, 2008 though in two nations it was completed in late 2006. The second wave for all nations was completed July 21-August 31, 2008.Margins of error range from +/-2 to 5 percent. Not all questions were asked in all countries....
A new WorldPublicOpinion.org poll of 17 nations finds that majorities in only nine of them believe that al Qaeda was behind the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the United States. In no country does a majority agree on another possible perpetrator, but in most countries significant minorities cite the US government itself and, in a few countries, Israel. These responses were given spontaneously to an open-ended question that did not offer response options. On average, 46 percent say that al Qaeda was behind the attacks while 15 percent say the US government, seven percent Israel, and seven percent some other perpetrator. One in four say they do not know. WPO_911_Sep08_graph.jpgGiven the extraordinary impact the 9/11 attacks have had on world affairs, it is remarkable that seven years later there is no international consensus about who was behind them," comments Steven Kull, director of WorldPublicOpinion.org....
In 1975 Indonesia invaded East Timor (then a Portugese Colony). The UN never recognised Indonesian sovereignty in East Timor and in 1999 the UN finally organized a referendum in which the East Timorese voted for independence. In response, the Indonesian National Army and pro-Indonesian Timorese militias began a campaign of violence and arson, murdering an estimated 2,000 people and forcing 500,000 to flee their homes.
Responding to international pressure, Indonesia eventually set up an ad-hoc human rights tribunal for East Timor to try those responsible for the violence. Human rights advocates dismiss the court as a facade designed to ease international pressure for a UN-sponsored tribunal.
The United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) created the Serious Crimes Investigation Unit (SCIU) to investigate and prosecute cases in the District Court of Dili, East Timor's capital. Despite the indictment of Indonesian military officers, trials could not go forward because the Indonesian government doesn't recognise the court and refuses to extradite the accused.
This page follows developments in the two courts. It also provides information about international dissatisfaction with the Indonesian court's acquittals of military personnel and it follows human rights efforts to create an International Tribunal for East Timor. ...
June 14, 2007 Fédération Internationale des ligues des droits de l'Homme // International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Victims
The so-called "war on terrorism" has seen democratic governments resort to torture and ill treatment of persons suspected of involvement in terrorist activities and has reignited the age-old debate about whether torture can be justified if the purpose is to save innocent lives. In this context, prominent opinion and decision-makers as well as members of the general public in leading democratic countries have argued that new forms of transnational terrorism necessitate a revision of existing legal and moral norms related to torture and ill treatment. At the same time, authoritarian rulers around the world have exploited this climate to step up their oppression of political opposition groups.
In February 2007, with funding from the European Commission, the Fédération International des Droits de l'Homme (FIDH) in partnership with the #IRCT launched the three-year project, "Preventing Torture within the Fight against Terrorism". The overall objective is to contribute to re-establish international respect for the absolute prohibition against torture and ill treatment embedded in international law. The project will do this through a wide range of complementary activities covering research, awareness raising, advocacy and capacity building....
December 15, 2004 United States Institute of Peace
From Mali to Mindanao, the impact of turmoil and conflict in the Muslim world has far-reaching repercussions on international security and the global economy. As the United States and its allies continue their campaign against terrorism, it is key that long-term nonviolent options for preventing and combating international terrorism be made available to policymakers in the United States and beyond. To address these challenges and the range of political, social, economic, and religious issues that have come to light in the wake of September 11, the United States Institute of Peace has established the Muslim World Initiative....
August 15, 2011 West Papua Project // Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies // The University of Sydney
This report deals with a series of Indonesian military documents that were
passed to the West Papua Project -WPP- in early 2011.1 The documents
provide remarkable insights into how the Indonesian military (Tentara
Nasional Indonesia – TNI), operates within the disputed territory of West
Papua (disputed, that is, between the vast majority of Papuans and the
Indonesian government), and how they view West Papuan civil society. The
documents reveal the names and activities of Indonesian intelligence agents;
describe how traditional Papuan communities are monitored; and include a
detailed analysis of both the West Papuan armed guerrilla groups and the
non-violent civil society organisations which promote self-determination.
Identifying so many West Papuan leaders and others as ―separatists‖, these
documents effectively show that support for independence is widespread and
surprisingly well organised. West Papuans have long complained of living
under an Indonesian military ―occupation‖ and these documents go a long
way to substantiating this claim....
The post-Soeharto era in Indonesia has been marked by the eruption of several violent internal conflicts throughout the country. This combined with the transition to democracy begun by Soeharto's successor, Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie, have had direct impacts on the ways in which conflicts are managed in the country. This report takes a practical look at the management of internal conflicts in Indonesia, focussing its attention on three affected regions - Poso, Maluku, and Papua . It attempts to fill the gap in existing comparative research and analysis in this area in order to inform future peacemaking efforts in the country. The publication is one of three produced as part of the HD Centre's project...
The election for Aceh governor and other local executive posts – now scheduled for 14 November 2011 – has deepened an old rivalry within the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) between incumbent Governor Irwandi Yusuf, its former propaganda chief, and those around its ex-“prime minister”, Malik Mahmud. The two factions ran against each other in 2006, with Irwandi defeating the ticket backed by Malik. Irwandi is leading in the polls again, but five years later, the context is very different with Malik and his allies controlling the GAM political party, Partai Aceh. Sporadic violence between the rival camps is likely but not on a scale to cause serious concern. The bigger problem for Aceh is how to curb the autocratic tendencies of Partai Aceh without undermining the political gains won in the 2005 Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) that brought an end to three decades of conflict....
June 7, 2011 Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces
The Examples from the Ground are concrete illustrations of ways in which a gender perspective has been integrated in different security sector institutions around the world. They range from measures to counter human trafficking in Kosovo, to women’s organisations’ involvement with security institutions in Nepal, to female parliamentarians’ contribution to post-conflict reconstruction in Rwanda. These examples can help policymakers, trainers and educators better understand and demonstrate the linkages between gender and SSR.
The examples are organised around the following nine themes, for which a short introduction is provided:
• Police Reform and Gender
• Defence Reform and Gender
• Justice Reform and Gender
• Penal Reform and Gender
• Border Management and Gender
• Parliamentary Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• National Security Policy-Making and Gender
• Civil Society Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• SSR Assessment, Monitoring and Evaluation and Gender
Individual examples can also be downloaded individually, in English or in French, at: http://gssrtraining.ch/index.php?option=com_content&view;=article&id;=4&Itemid;=131〈=en...
May 30, 2011 International Center for Transitional Justice // KontraS
General Soeharto resigned as president of Indonesia in May 1998 after 32 years of authoritarian
rule. This report provides a review of transitional justice mechanisms in the reform period that
followed. Known in Indonesia as reformasi, the process began with a period of momentous
change and hope that effective systems of accountability would be established, but became
compromised before stalling altogether.
Successive governments during the period have established or provided legal bases for a number
of commissions of inquiry, truth and reconciliation commissions, an agency for the protection
of victims and witnesses, permanent human rights courts, and ad hoc human rights courts for
particular cases. Human rights protections have been inserted in the national constitution,
international conventions ratified, a constitutional court established, and guaranteed seats in the
legislature for security forces eliminated.
Despite all of these changes in relation to the structures protecting human rights, in practice
progress has been consistently blocked by a deep, systemic unwillingness to uncover the truth
surrounding serious human rights violations and hold those who are responsible accountable
for their actions....