China and India remain locked in a stagnant embrace when it comes to the most intractable of security dilemmas: the Sino-Indian border issue. A closer look at Chinese and Indian strategic, scientific and academic experts' security perceptions vis-à-vis one another reveals that there is much more to the Sino-Indian security dynamic than meets the eye. Chinese and Indian strategic analysts hold divergent interests when evaluating each other's military modernization, the former preoccupied with India's naval development and the latter with China's army. Technical analysts in each country share a similar level of interest in the other's aviation and aerospace programs. Scholars exhibit a strong, if not symmetrical, level of focus on the other country's nuclear strategy and status. Using this tripartite discourse as a baseline, this essay provides both a quantitative and qualitative analysis of each group's perceptions to better understand Sino-Indian security relations and to propose measures within each arena to enhance mutual understanding. It shows that the Sino-Indian security dilemma cannot be simply viewed through the prism of the border anymore....
On October 1, 2010, the government of Pakistan shut down the supply route for the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) after an incursion into Pakistan’s territory by NATO forces, killing 16 Pakistanis in collateral damage. Two days later, militants torched 28 NATO supply trucks near Shikarpur in the southern province of Sindh. These events reflect the inherent tension both in Pakistan’s counterterrorism strategy and in its relationship with the United States and its allies in fighting the war in Afghanistan. The future of U.S. military operations in South Asia depends on the convergence of policies between the United States and Pakistan, but since the war began in 2001, interpreting Islamabad’s counterterrorism policy has been difficult.
Pakistan’s counterterrorism strategy in Afghanistan is rife with inherent contradictions, caught between an inclination to fight militant forces and yet having to partner with some to strengthen its future bargaining position. The policy flows out of Pakistan’s multiple strategic requirements: its need to remain engaged with the United States, to save itself from the Taliban attacking the Pakistani state, and to fight India’s growing presence in Afghanistan. Caught between these three issues, Islamabad’s counterterrorism policy and objectives continue to lack clarity. At best, the policy illustrates the tension between Islamabad’s need to protect itself against an internal enemy and its sensitivity toward the external threat from India.
The primary flaw of Pakistan’s counterterrorism policy, however, is that it is defined and driven by the military and that institution’s strategic objectives. It is easier to use the military option than to address the problem of changing the basic narrative and socioeconomic conditions that drive militancy in the first place. The need to create an alternative political narrative and change the mindset in Pakistan to address those socioeconomic conditions is a far more critical issue, which receives less attention than it deserves....
November 8, 2010 Weatherhead Center for International Affairs // Harvard University
Contemporary democratic reality is characterized by the growing role of courts in politics, as social activists regularly utilize the judicial process in an attempt to secure their values and interests as law. Observers of constitutional politics generally explain this phenomenon in the recent constitutional transformations worldwide, manifested primarily in the enactment of bills of rights accompanied by judicial review powers. These constitutional transformations enabled and simplified the ability of those with limited access to the majoritarian-led parliamentary process to challenge governmental policies through the courts. As a result, law has come to be perceived as a compelling mechanism to effectuate progressive change and facilitate authoritative resolutions to conflicts. In societies divided along religious lines, the appeal of litigation has been particularly strong, with secular and religious groups increasingly viewing it as a principal opportunity to mold the public sphere in accordance with their political and moral preferences.
This paper seeks to evaluate the efforts to achieve these perceived goals—of effectuating change and managing conflict—through the judicial process, by examining its effects in the context of the religion-based conflicts of India and Israel. By way of an empirical comparison the paper considers: (i) the judicial impact on the realization of fundamental rights, the rectification of existing discriminatory practices, and the advancement toward a more pluralist and egalitarian society; (ii) the judicial contribution to generating authoritative resolution to religion-based conflicts; and (iii) possible long term social and political implications stemming from judicial intervention in policy questions concerning hotly disputed religion-based conflicts....
The regional dynamic in South Asia is both extravagant and complicated. For
centuries various empires have risen, thrived, and fallen, as numerous wars
and clashes for control over resources spread across the geography. South Asian
history writ large has seen hypothetical borders redrawn several times, leaving
in question the viability of state control and perpetuating ethnic tensions.
Though the great partition of India in 1947 ought to have politically resolved
communal disharmony, the haste of British withdrawal created a geopolitical
quagmire that has resulted in an “enduring rivalry” between the nations of India
and Pakistan, one that has lasted for more than sixty years.
The contemporary security climate in the region has exacerbated this historical
The precedent of protracted conflict, which has in turn nurtured an environment
that remains resistant to the building of trust and confidence.
Since their demonstrations of nuclear capabilities,
both India and Pakistan have increased the
risk of war, with cross-border arms buildups and failure
to sustain a peace dialogue. Moreover, the regional
security environment breeds broader strategic anxieties
in both India and Pakistan,which makes the likelihood
of conventional war between the two nuclear armed
neighbors higher than it is anywhere else in the
Thus the ensuing regional culture leans more toward
military competition than to strategic restraint and conflict resolution (the logical course for strategic stability). Clearly, to consider
the prospects of arms control and confidence-building measures (CBMs)
in the midst of this climate is problematic in itself, but the various grievances become
even more convoluted when strategic imbalances are further influenced
by the singular perceptions of the predominating powers in the region.
In the face of these geopolitical calamities, this article examines the realistic
prospects of sustainable arms control and CBMs in South Asia over the next decade.
The first section examines the strategic anxieties of India and Pakistan, respectively;
the second section reviews the treaties and CBMs that have been
attempted in the past (some of them still applicable today), drawing out a trend
of crisis and bilateral missteps. Later sections analyze the Strategic Restraint Regime
(SRR) proposed in 1998, as well as the Lahore Memorandum of Understanding
(MOU) of 1999, and how such measures can be more effective in the
future. Finally, the article presents three possible trajectories that the region
might take and suggests new ways forward that could create an environment
amenable to pragmatic CBMs and limited arms-control measures....
May 14, 2010 China and Eurasia Forum Quarterly // Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program
For the main Eurasian great powers, Russia, China, India, and Iran, the
Afghan issue has become an increasingly significant element of their
foreign policy, power projection and mutual relations. Indeed, the
difficulties in stabilizing Afghanistan after three decades of
uninterrupted conflict and the involvement of the U.S.-led international
coalition has had a strong impact on its surrounding areas, namely,
Central Asia, Xinjiang, Baluchistan and Kashmir. It has also affected the
balance-of-power relations in Eurasia. A growing informal economy
across the region, mainly in the form of drug trafficking, is also argued as
one of the major long-term issue. Today there is growing recognition that
the Afghan problem requires a concerted regional effort. This could give
a more prominent role to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization....
December 4, 2008 Center for a New American Security // PBS World Focus
India blamed “elements” in Pakistan for last week’s Mumbai attacks, provoking fear and anger in the disputed region of Kashmir. Since 1947, India and Pakistan have fought three wars over the part of Kashmir controlled by India.
The region of 13 million people straddles Pakistan, India and China, but India has controlled the majority of Kashmir for decades, while Pakistan controls a smaller area.
Vikram Singh, a fellow with the Center for a New American Security, joins Martin Savidge to discuss the importance of Kashmir, the Lashkar-e-toiba group thought to be behind last week’s attacks in India and what Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice’s visit to India may mean for the conflict over Kashmir....
December 3, 2008 Center for International Security and Cooperation // Stanford University // National Public Radio, KQED
We take stock of the tragedy and aftermath of last week's terror attacks in Mumbai, India. We look into what it means for the future of India's security and economy and the significance of what appears to be increased tensions with India's neighbor, Pakistan. Host: Michael Krasny; Guests: Paul Kapur, associate professor at U.S. Naval War College and visiting professor at Stanford's Center for International Security and Cooperation, & Sumit Ganguly, chair in Indian cultures and civilizations at Indiana University....
Recent clashes between pro-independence demonstrators in Indian-administered Kashmir and Indian security forces have raised concerns about a new chill in India-Pakistan relations. Protests started in July over an Indian government proposal to transfer land to a Hindu shrine in the Muslim-majority state. The situation soon snowballed into anti-India demonstrations reviving sectarian tensions and calls for independence. Dennis Kux, a former U.S. Foreign Service South Asia specialist and currently a senior policy scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars says: "It just opened up a sore that was there and that had been simmering underneath the surface."
Kashmir has been the flash point for two out of three wars the neighbors have fought so far. But a peace process that began in 2004 led by Pakistan's President Pervez Musharraf had resulted in a thaw in relations until now. Kux says Musharraf's resignation may have an effect on the peace talks. According to him, the new government in Pakistan is weaker and "could well be less favorable to improved India-Pakistan relations or to continuing the dialogue."...
May 12, 2008 Public Broadcasting Service // Frontline World
The Indian government has been mining low-grade uranium on tribal lands for decades, but it plans to expand production so that nuclear power will eventually meet a quarter of India's energy needs. The risks of pursuing that policy made international headlines in 2006 when a uranium waste pipeline burst in the east of the country, creating a devastating spill. FRONTLINE/World reporter Sonia Narang travels to this remote area to find out how the mines are affecting the health and traditions of villagers, and forcing thousands off their lands....
December 6, 2010 Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
This issue includes the following articles:
- The Strengths and Weaknesses
of Jihadist Ideology
- The Role of Lashkar-i-Islam in
Pakistan’s Khyber Agency
- The Torkham Border Closure and
Attacks on NATO Supply Convoys in
- Mitigating the Further Radicalization
of India’s Muslim Community
- From Iraq to Yemen: Al-Qa`ida’s
- From Iraq to Yemen: Al-Qa`ida’s
Seven actual or potential conflict situations around the world deteriorated and none improved in September 2010, according to the latest issue of the International Crisis Group’s monthly bulletin CrisisWatch.Guinea saw increased political and ethnic divisions, exacerbated by controversies related to the presidential elections. Two days of violent clashes in the capital between rival supporters of the two presidential candidates, Alpha Conde and Cellou Diallo, left one person dead and dozens injured. Continued delays in the timing of the run-off and Diallo’s rejection of the appointment of the election commission’s new head led to further tensions between the two camps.
In Sri Lanka moves by President Rajapaksa to consolidate his power through a de facto constitutional coup transformed the political terrain. On 8 September the parliament passed the 18th Amendment to the Constitution, which gives the President nearly unbridled power by scrapping term limits on the presidency, abolishing the Constitutional Council and allowing the President to appoint directly officials to the judiciary, police and electoral bodies.
More protesters were killed by police in Kashmir as anti-India demonstrations continued and spread to new areas, bringing the death toll from the demonstrations since June to over 100. The Indian government on 25 September announced an eight-point plan aimed at calming the situation. Separatist leaders rejected the initiative and said that protests will continue.
The situation in Burundi deteriorated as violent clashes between security forces and armed groups increased, alongside kidnappings and fatal attacks on civilians. There are increasingly credible indications that elements disgruntled with elections held earlier this year have re-established bases and taken up arms in the Rukoko and Kibira areas. However, local authorities deny that former rebels are regrouping and insist that bandits are behind the recent attacks.
The month saw a new upsurge of violence in Russia’s restive North Caucasus region, demonstrating the growing ability of guerrillas to carry out major operations. In the deadliest terrorist strike anywhere in Russia since the March subway bombings in Moscow, a suicide attack killed at least 17 at a market in the capital of North Ossetia. A spate of bold guerrilla attacks also struck security personnel and infrastructure in Dagestan. The situation in Ecuador took a dramatic turn at the end of the month when disaffected members of the police and armed forces staged a protest against proposed austerity measures, taking control of the National Assembly building and airport and laying siege to a hospital where President Correa had sought refuge. President Correa later said the revolt amounted to an attempted coup. Meanwhile, in Mozambique 13 people were killed and over 170 injured in three days of riots that took place early in the month over food and energy price increases....
September 7, 2010 Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
This issue includes the following articles: Building a Strategic U.S.-Pakistan Nuclear Relationship, by Rolf Mowatt-Larssen; Beyond the Moscow Bombings: Islamic Militancy in the North Caucasus, by Christopher Swift; After Pune, Details Emerge on the Karachi Project and its Threat to India ,by Animesh Roul; Assessing the Recent Terrorist Threat to the Malacca Strait, by Peter Chalk; The Philippines Chips Away at the Abu Sayyaf Group’s Strength, by Zachary Abuza; Al-Qa`ida in the Islamic Maghreb: A Case Study in the Opportunism of Global Jihad, by Jean-Pierre Filiu; No Silver Bullets: Explaining Research on How Terrorism Ends, by Audrey Kurth Cronin....
September 7, 2010 Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
This issue includes the following articles: Riyaz Bhatkal and the Origins of the Indian Mujahidin, by Praveen Swami; Salafi-Jihadi Activism in Gaza: Mapping the Threat, by Benedetta Berti; The Virtual Jihad: An Increasingly Legitimate Form of Warfare, by Akil N. Awan; Internet Jihadists React to the Deaths of Al-Qa`ida’s Leaders in Iraq, by Abdul Hameed Bakier; The Kidnapping and Execution of Khalid Khwaja in Pakistan, by Rahimullah Yusufzai; The Sources of the Abu Sayyaf’s Resilience in the Southern Philippines, by Rommel C. Banlaoi....
September 7, 2010 Combating Terrorism Center // West Point
1 Defining the Punjabi Taliban Network By Hassan Abbas; 4 The 2008 Belgium Cell and FATA’s Terrorist Pipeline By Paul Cruickshank; 8 President Obama’s Overseas Terrorism Challenge By Tom Sanderson; 11 Improving India’s Counterterrorism Policy after Mumbai By Paul Staniland; 14 Leveraging History in AQIM Communications By Lianne Kennedy Boudali; 17 AQAP a Rising Threat in Yemen By Brian O’Neill; 19 The Role of the United Nations in Defeating Al-Qa`ida and Associated Groups By Richard Barrett...
Blamed for the large-scale terrorist attacks in Mumbai in 2008, Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) has gained prominence as one of the world’s most fearsome terrorist groups. In a Q&A;, Stephen Tankel discusses the growing threat posed by LeT and the group’s relationship with Pakistan’s government and security forces.
Tankel, author of the new book Storming the World Stage: The Story of Lashkar-e-Taiba, explains what should be done to limit LeT’s reach and prevent a fresh attack in South Asia from bringing two nuclear powers to the brink of war....
From rape and domestic violence to lack of healthcare and education, millions of women experience daily peril, but nowhere more than in the five countries a TrustLaw Women expert poll identifies as the world's most dangerous countries to be female in 2011: Afghanistan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Pakistan, India and Somalia.
TrustLaw Women asked 213 gender experts from five continents to rank countries by overall perceptions as well as by six key risks: sexual violence; non-sexual violence; cultural or religious factors; discrimination and lack of access to resources; and trafficking. These info-graphics hone in on some of the dangers cited in the poll for each country....
February 5, 2010 The Jamestown Foundation // Terrorism Monitor
In the early days of jihad in Kashmir, between 1988 and 1990, more than 150 groups surfaced on the jihadist scene. Some of these groups united to form bigger groups such as Hizb ul-Mujahideen, but most of them simply disappeared. Some of those which still exist are mere shadows of their past and have very few followers. None except the Hizb ul-Mujahideen have the capability of carrying out militant operations inside Indian-administered Kashmir on their own. Some of these groups collaborate occasionally with Pakistani groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba to justify their existence. This factsheet includes a brief description of: Hizbul Mujahideen; Ansar ul-Islam and Jamiat ul-Mujahideen; Sectarian Jihadist Groups; Harakat ul-Jihad al-Islami and its Deobandi Offshoots; Jaish-i-Mohammad; 9/11 and the Deobandi Jihadist Groups; Markaz Dawat wal Irshad and Lashkar-e-Taiba....
U.S. President Barack Obama has defined the elimination of terrorist networks in Pakistan and Afghanistan as crucial to U.S. national security interests. Yet some analysts say the territory of Kashmir could pose a problem to the administration's counterterrorism efforts in the region. Often called one of the world's most dangerous flashpoints, Kashmir has been at the root of two large-scale wars and one limited conflict between India and Pakistan since the August 1947 partition. Tensions between the countries escalated in the 1990s with a rise in militancy in the Indian-administered region. India accuses Pakistan's premier intelligence service, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), of supporting militant groups in Kashmir, a charge Pakistan denies.
The two countries started a peace process in 2004 that explored options such as increasing trade and greater people-to-people contact across the disputed border but talks have been plagued by political crises in Pakistan and terrorist attacks in India. Analysts point out that the Kashmir dispute distracts Pakistan's security forces from focusing on militants inside the country since a majority of Pakistan's troops remain deployed on the eastern border with India. Five experts on South Asia--Daniel Markey, C. Raja Mohan, Hasan-Azkari Rizvi, Howard B. Schaffer, and M. Farooq Kathwari--discuss U.S. interests in Kashmir and propose policy options for the Obama administration to tackle this long-standing dispute...
National, bilateral and multilateral conflicts overlap in Central Asia. Moscow's influence has waned, especially in Afghanistan, where the Taliban came to power with the support of Washington. In the east and south, the various border disputes between India, China and Pakistan make the region eve#n more dangerous, because of the presence of nuclear weapons.
Sources : The Military Balance 1999-2000, IISS, Brassey's, London, 1999; The World Bank Atlas 1999-2000, World Bank, Washington, 1999.
A week after the partition of 15 August 1947, which gave birth to India and Pakistan, the Himalayan territory of Kashmir, with its Muslim majority, was occupied and divided into an Indian part (Jammu and Kashmir) and a Pakistani part (Azad Kashmir), leaving an unsettled territorial dispute between the two countries. Since then, there have been two armed conflicts (in 1965 and 1999) and numerous clashes between Indian and Pakistani forces.
February 5, 2010 The Jamestown Foundation // Terrorism Monitor
The United States has been pressuring Pakistan for several months to extend its counterinsurgency operations to North Waziristan. The U.S. perspective is that strong militant entities, especially the Haqqani group, the Hizb-i-Islami led by Gulbuddin Hekmaytar and Taliban forces under Hafiz Gul Bahadur are using the safe haven of North Waziristan to conduct raids on American, NATO and Afghan troops. Pakistan is resisting the immediate expansion of the conflict due to several factors, one of which is that Islamabad feels its military is already overcommitted in South Waziristan, Swat and Malakand and needs time to consolidate the gains it has achieved in these places before undertaking any further operations. More than 150,000 military and paramilitary forces are currently deployed in the tribal agencies and the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) in order to clear pockets of resistance, prevent the recurrence of militant attacks, and hold the territory that has been cleared until it stabilizes. The military has claimed the capture and killing of hundreds of militants during the operations, but the Taliban’s top leadership and many hard-core militants managed to escape in thickly forested areas or flee to adjoining tribal agencies. Conditions in Bajaur and Momand remain fairly volatile and clashes between security forces and militants are frequently reported. Remote areas of South Waziristan close to the border with North Waziristan continue to provide sanctuary to the Taliban and other militant entities that are now the target of U.S. drones....
February 4, 2010 Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, New Delhi
"There should be no distinction between a good Taliban and a bad Taliban."
The above postulation made by Foreign Minister SM Krishna during his pre-conference parleys with British Foreign Secretary David Miliband, is a reflection of the failure of the Indian policy establishment to eschew the changing political dynamics that have been underway in Afghanistan. Krishna’s relegation to the second of the three rows of seats, this despite India being the largest regional and fifth largest international donor, was deeply symbolic of the peripheral role that India is likely to play in shaping the future of Afghanistan.
There are three other key indicators that have reiterated the slow but steady relegation of India to the periphery in Afghan affairs. First, the decision at the London Conference to create a US$500 million trust fund to buy out the Taliban and thus in effect buy an exit strategy for the West from Afghanistan, showed that India’s position of not making any distinction in the degrees of Talibanism had no takers....
When Kashmir is discussed in the strategic discourse these days, it is usually in the context of the broader stabilization effort in the region. Reducing tensions between India and Pakistan would improve Pakistani cooperation in Afghanistan and thus advance US interests. But Kashmir itself is curiously absent from many of these discussions -- the assumption seems to be that between them Delhi and Islamabad control the Kashmir Valley, and once the governments agree on the high politics, Kashmiris will fall into line.
Lydia Polgreen's Sunday New York Times article and Kashmir's recent history instead clearly show that, for better and worse, Kashmiris have the capacity to surprise everyone, even Indian and Pakistani intelligence agencies. Though violence has substantially dropped since 2003, the last two years have been in many respects the most dramatic since the insurgency began in 1988.
The summer of 2008 saw a prolonged series of massive street protests over land use issues that catalyzed a broader movement against Indian policy, followed in 2009 by another round of demonstrations against human rights abuses (including a double rape-murder) allegedly committed by the security forces. Both series of protests were able to shut down parts, and at times all, of the Valley for weeks at time....
May 22, 2009 Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
Terrorism is at the forefront of international politics and is a major crisis of our age. Not found in pre-modern times, this phenomenon finds its root in ideological movements and not in religion. While referring to different forms of terrorism several scholars have suggested nihilism in modern times as the source of the problem. They view nihilism as a decline in values, or in other words, a tendency of ‘devaluing all values’. This analysis may remain relevant as a theoretical explanation of the problem with some specific examples of terrorism, but it helps us little when we look at the problem in South Asia. South Asia is at the heart of global terrorism, leading to a progressive weakening of the government as violence weakens the established structure. Countries surrounding India are affected by political instability. But the main locus of terrorism is Pakistan and West Asia from where people and finances are being mobilized.
Terrorism is not restricted to any location – be it the location of identity, territory or religion. However, in our times, Islam is often being portrayed in association with violence, aggression and terrorism. This is largely due to the media, both national and international, which has constantly depicted Muslims in such stereotypical ways. Buddhists for instance are most known for their pacifist spiritual lifestyle and generally regarded as the most unlikely candidates who would resort to violence in the name of religion. However, we know that there are terrorist outfits among Buddhists in Burma and Sri Lanka. Hence, terrorism is not a Muslim problem per se....
A series of brazen infiltration attempts by militant groups in Indian Kashmir have resulted in fierce gun battles with security forces, and threaten to exacerbate already tense relations between India and Pakistan. The skirmishes come amid fears of militant attacks on prominent political leaders as the campaign for India's parliamentary elections gets under way.
A five-day gun battle in north Kashmir's Kupwara region left 17 militants as well as eight Indian Army commandos dead in the last week of March. The militants were part of an unusually large group of 25 Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) operatives trying to enter the volatile province. Bearing out LeT warnings of more such confrontations in the days to come, a second battle with another group of heavily armed militants erupted in Gurez almost as soon as the first had ended.
The Indian Army claims that the militants had undergone rigorous military training for several months in camps located across the Line of Control in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, and along Pakistan's border with Afghanistan. Unlike in the past, the new wave of infiltration comes while the passes are still heavily snowed under. Militants usually wait for the spring or summer thaws before moving in. Indian security forces found global positioning systems, radio sets and detailed maps of the area's dense forests on the militants who were killed.
The events provide a chilling preview of what could lie ahead. Soon after the Kupwara encounter ended, Indian Army Gen. Deepak Kapur said that 300-400 militants in 40-50 camps were still waiting to cross over into Jammu and Kashmir. He hinted that the camps were surviving due to patronage from Pakistani government authorities and the Pakistani Army. Unofficial estimates put the number of militants waiting to cross over into Indian Kashmir closer to 800....
South Asia Analysis Group is a non profit non commercial think tank. The objective of the group is to advance strategic analysis and contribute to the expansion of knowledge of Indian and International security and promote public understanding. In so doing, the SAAG seeks to address the decision makers, strategic planners, academics and the media in South Asia and the world at large. The group holds the concept of strategy in its broadest meaning-including mobilization and application of all resources to understand national and international security. The articles in this site are provided by scholars with many years of experience in political and strategic analysis. The aim of the group is not to compete with Governments, Academics, NGOs or other institutions dealing with strategic analysis and national security but to provide another point of view for the decision makers and other national/international think tanks....
The Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS) was established in August 1996 as an independent think tank devoted to studying security issues relating to South Asia. Over the years leading strategic thinkers, academicians, former members of the Civil Services, Foreign Services, Armed Forces, Police Forces, Paramilitary Forces and media persons (print and electronic) have been associated with the Institute in its endeavour to chalk out a comprehensive framework for security studies - one which can cater to the changing demands of national, regional and global security. The Executive Committee reflects this essential mix of experience and expertise....
October 20, 2005 Institute for Conflict Management
SATP is the largest website on terrorism and low intensity warfare in South Asia, and creates the database and analytic context for research and analysis of all extremist movements in the region. SATP has been set up to counter the progressive distortions regarding, and the international community's neglect of, the wide range of terrorist movements within South Asia, and particularly in India. SATP establishes a comprehensive, searchable and con#tinuously updated database on all available information relating to terrorism, low intensity warfare and ethnic/communal/sectarian strife in South Asia....
September 11, 2005 Institute for Conflict Management
The North East Portal is a comprehensive electronic database that compiles, stores and analyses information and data on crucial issues relating to conflict, resolution and development in India's Northeast.
Since the founding of India and Pakistan as separate states in 1948, the dispute over who should control Kashmir has been one of the world's most enduring and violent conflicts. In 1999, the two states came close to war over a border incursion by Muslim partisans into the Kargil region which borders Kashmir in India. According to the Indian government those involved were trained in and backed by Pakistan.
In 1998, both India and Pakistan successfully test-exploded nuclear devices, leading many to fear a new arms race. India claims it needs nuclear weapons in case of possible future confrontations with China, with whom it fought a border war in the 1960s. There are also signs of a religious conflict at play, pitting predominantly Hindu India against Muslim Pakistan. The US led war against neighboring Afghanistan is raising concerns that the conflict may escalate tensions in Kashmir as skirmishes between Indian and Pakistani forces are regularly reported along the Line of Control. ...
Insight on Conflict provides information on local peacebuilding organisations in areas of conflict. Local peacebuilders already make a real impact in conflict areas. They work to prevent violent conflicts before they start, to reduce the impact of violence, and to bring divided communities together in the aftermath of violence. However, their work is often ignored – either because people aren’t aware of the existence and importance of local peacebuilders in general, or because they simply haven’t had access to information and contacts for local peacebuilders. We hope that Insight on Conflict can help redress the balance by drawing attention to important work of local peacebuilders. On this site, you’ll be able to find out who the local peacebuilders are, what they do, and how you might get in touch with them. Over half the organisations featured on Insight on Conflict do not have their own website. Insight on Conflict is a project launched by Peace Direct, the UK-based charity that finds, funds and promotes local peacebuilders in conflict areas around the world. Peace Direct wants to change the balance of power and resources between local people and outsiders so that local peacebuilding is central to all strategies for managing conflict....
September 4, 2009 Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies
Many initiatives on peace and confidence building in the subcontinent have been held hostage to events in Kashmir valley. It is imperative to keep the dialogue process open, so as to reach an understanding on resolution of various conflicts between India and Pakistan.
This project aims to facilitate a dialogue process on major bilateral issues and keeping official channels informed, with an objective to formulate areas of common action and policies. A key objective of this project is also to build a core group of concerned senior experts to address these issues of mutual concern and suggest feasible alternative resolution mechanisms.
This project is supported by the Ploughshares Foundation....
July 12, 2011 The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue // Delhi Policy Group
The left-wing revolutionary movement whose constituent
groups are known as Naxalites has been
active in India since 1967. There are more than a
dozen Naxalite parties leading this movement across
the country. Almost all of them pledge to capture
state power through armed struggle. The strongest
and most popular of the Naxalite parties, working
across ten states in east and central India, is known
as the Communist Party of India.
Formed in 1980, initially to mobilise the poor, tribal
and working classes, its militarization intensified
from the early 1990s onwards. By the late 1990s
violence between Naxalites and the Government
of Andhra Pradesh had reached a stage where
many in civil society felt that the suffering of a
large section of rural society was a serious concern
which merited civil society intervention. In 1997 a
group of civil liberties activists, former bureaucrats,
journalists and lawyers formed the Committee
of Concerned Citizens, CCC, to mobilise public
opinion in favour of a peace process.3 After five years
of patient effort, the CCC succeeded in building a
public constituency, and in 2002 and 2004 it
brought the revolutionaries and the State Government
to the table for negotiations. This case study
outlines the events and the lessons that can be
learned from this example of civil society leadership
in a peace process....
June 28, 2011 Lowy Institute for International Policy
The sea lanes of Indo-Pacific Asia are becoming more crowded, contested and
vulnerable to armed strife. The changing deterrence and
warfighting strategies of China, the United States and Japan involve expanded
maritime patrolling and intrusive surveillance, bringing an uncertain mix of
stabilising and destabilising effects.
Nationalism and resource needs, meanwhile, are reinforcing the value of territorial
claims in the East and South China seas, making maritime sovereignty disputes
harder to manage. Chinese forces continue to show troubling signs of assertiveness
at sea, though there is debate about the origins or extent of such moves. All of these factors are making Asia a danger zone for incidents at sea.
While the chance that such incidents will lead to major military clashes should not be
overstated, the drivers – in particular China’s frictions with the United States, Japan
and India – are likely to persist and intensify. As the number and tempo of incidents
increases, so does the likelihood that an episode will escalate to armed confrontation,
diplomatic crisis or possibly even conflict.
This report, part of the Lowy Institute’s MacArthur Foundation Asia Security
Project, explores the major-power maritime security dynamics surrounding China’s
rise. It focuses on the risks and the management of incidents at sea involving Chinese
interactions with the United States, Japan and India. The report concludes with some realistic recommendations to reduce risks of crisis
and escalation under conditions of continued mistrust....
June 27, 2011 Center for Strategic and International Studies
Pakistan is the most critical example of a series of issues that are vital to determining whether the US and its allies should pursue the war in Afghanistan, and to determining the chances for any meaningful grand strategic victory in the war. As Vietnam showed all too clearly, tactical victories, and even apparent strategic success, have no value unless they produce stable and lasting favorable results.
The current odds of such success may be uncertain even if one only considers the problems in Afghanistan.
All wars involve the risk of failure, and no one can ever guarantee lasting strategic and grand strategic success. The practical problem, however, is that the war is not simply being fought in – or for – Afghanistan. The stability and future of Pakistan alone is critical, and so is its willingness to put an end to Al Qa’ida, Taliban, Haqqani, and other sanctuaries inside Pakistani territory....
India has long been the country with the greatest influence over Sri Lanka but its policies to encourage the government there towards a sustainable peace are not working. Despite India’s active engagement and unprecedented financial assistance, the Sri Lankan government has failed to make progress on pressing post-war challenges. Government actions and the growing political power of the military are instead generating new grievances that increase the risk of an eventual return to violence. To support a sustainable and equitable post-war settlement in Sri Lanka and limit the chances of another authoritarian and military-dominated government on its borders, India needs to work more closely with the United States, the European Union and Japan, encouraging them to send the message that Sri Lanka’s current direction is not acceptable. It should press for the demilitarisation of the north, a return to civil administration there and in the east and the end of emergency rule throughout the country....
Most Pakistanis disapprove of the U.S. military operation that
killed Osama bin Laden, and although the al Qaeda leader has
not been well-liked in recent years, a majority of Pakistanis
describe his death as a bad thing. Only 14% say it is a good
Moreover, many Pakistanis believe the U.S. raid on bin Laden’s
compound – which was located about 35 miles from Islamabad
– will have a negative impact on the already strained relations
between the U.S. and their country.
However, the current survey, taken after the raid, showed no
material change in opinion of the U.S., when compared with
polling conducted immediately before it. In fact, prior to the
raid favorable ratings of the U.S. had already fallen to a level
not seen since 2002, following the invasion of neighboring
This data source provides the date, location, names of terrorist groups, and numbers killed and/or injured as a result of major massacre incidents by terrorists within the state of Assam, India in 2009.
This data source provides the date, location, names of terrorist groups, and numbers killed and/or injured as a result of major massacre incidents by terrorists within the state of Assam, India in 2008.
This datasource presents annual data from 2005 to November 2 2009 (by month and totals for each year) for the number of deaths due to left-wing extremist (Maoist or Naxalite) violence in Jharkand. The fatalities have been further disaggregated into the categories civilian, security forces, and insurgents.
This datasource presents 2009 data (by month, until November 2, 2009) for the number of deaths due to left-wing extremist (Maoist or Naxalite) violence in Maharashtra. The fatalities have been further disaggregated into the categories civilian, security forces, and insurgents.