August 8, 2011 University of Southern Queensland // Migrant Security 2010: Citizenship and Social Inclusion in a Transnational Era [Symposium]
The ‘human security’ paradigm emerged in the early 1990s as a means of refocusing the security referent away from the state to the individual. It is a theory that is grounded in human rights and the provision of basic needs for all of humanity, regardless of their locale, identity or citizenship status. As a theory, it was not intended to replace notions of traditional security, but was instead intended to be a complementary theory on security as it has been argued that human insecurity actually threatens state security. While the concept itself remains somewhat contested in the political sciences, human security nonetheless provides a useful analysis of non-state security issues and dilemmas, particularly those that concern the human condition. In recent years there has been increasing recognition that the human security paradigm has overlooked the vulnerabilities often faced by women, many of which are gender-based and thereby not shared by men. To counter this, there have been attempts to ‘engender’ human security discourse in academic literature. This paper considers the vulnerabilities faced by female rural to urban migrants in the People’s Republic of China and intersects the mainstream discourse on human security in an attempt to contribute further to the engendering of human security discourse....
China and India remain locked in a stagnant embrace when it comes to the most intractable of security dilemmas: the Sino-Indian border issue. A closer look at Chinese and Indian strategic, scientific and academic experts' security perceptions vis-à-vis one another reveals that there is much more to the Sino-Indian security dynamic than meets the eye. Chinese and Indian strategic analysts hold divergent interests when evaluating each other's military modernization, the former preoccupied with India's naval development and the latter with China's army. Technical analysts in each country share a similar level of interest in the other's aviation and aerospace programs. Scholars exhibit a strong, if not symmetrical, level of focus on the other country's nuclear strategy and status. Using this tripartite discourse as a baseline, this essay provides both a quantitative and qualitative analysis of each group's perceptions to better understand Sino-Indian security relations and to propose measures within each arena to enhance mutual understanding. It shows that the Sino-Indian security dilemma cannot be simply viewed through the prism of the border anymore....
October 4, 2010 South African Institute of International Affairs
China’s role in Sudan is one of the most closely watched and, in many circles, controversial
relationships on the continent. This paper provides a Sudanese perspective and argues
that, far from profiting from its close ties with Khartoum, the Chinese government has
experienced considerable difficulties. As a result of complexities arising from the ongoing
conflict in Darfur, China has gradually changed its foreign policy approach towards Sudan.
May 14, 2010 China and Eurasia Forum Quarterly // Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program
For the main Eurasian great powers, Russia, China, India, and Iran, the
Afghan issue has become an increasingly significant element of their
foreign policy, power projection and mutual relations. Indeed, the
difficulties in stabilizing Afghanistan after three decades of
uninterrupted conflict and the involvement of the U.S.-led international
coalition has had a strong impact on its surrounding areas, namely,
Central Asia, Xinjiang, Baluchistan and Kashmir. It has also affected the
balance-of-power relations in Eurasia. A growing informal economy
across the region, mainly in the form of drug trafficking, is also argued as
one of the major long-term issue. Today there is growing recognition that
the Afghan problem requires a concerted regional effort. This could give
a more prominent role to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization....
May 5, 2010 Refugee Studies Centre // Oxford Department of International Development // University of Oxford
The value of this study lies in its attempt to better understand the mechanisms of forced
migration in the context of state- and nation-building, and to identify the mutual impacts
of states and refugees and understand their long-term relationship. In the case of the PRC, this relationship is of particular interest, as it has lasted for almost sixty years. Chinese
officials claim that the process of nation-building finished in the late 1950s but, clearly,
two regions – Tibet and Xinjiang – still resist and reject Chinese sovereignty over their
territory. Thus, it is a case showing the long-lasting effects and long-term dynamics of
Moreover, the interest of this study lies also in its originality, both in the choice of the
topic and in the reasoning. Indeed, Xinjiang is not a widely known case, and few scholarly
articles are devoted to this region. However, in parallel with the increasing interest in
China and its growing influence on Central Asia, one can observe a rising interest in
Xinjiang in the literature. This is also linked with the greater attention paid to the Islamic
world, especially Islamic separatism. Although the Uyghur resistance has very limited
connections to radical Islamism and Islamic terrorism, this potential
threat to the Chinese state has been widely commented on since 2001. However, while
there is a far from negligible number of studies about Xinjiang, it has seldom, if ever, been
addressed in terms of human displacement and forced migration. In this lies the
originality of this study: although forced migration is not obvious in Xinjiang, as the
Chinese state never expelled a whole segment of the population in order to build a
cohesive Chinese nation, it did nevertheless occur, but as the result of a long-term process
which must be examined. The comparison with the role of the Tibetan community in
exile allows a better understanding of the dynamics and impacts of nation-building in the
China recently announced thwarted terrorism plots as protests against the country's hosting of the Olympics continue across the world. China expert Cheng Li joins Diane Rehm to discuss these issues and others facing the August games in Beijing.
China's government is cracking down on Tibetan protestors who took to the streets to protest Chinese rule of the province. Police rounded up hundreds of Tibetans suspected of participating in an outburst of violence in the Tibetan capital Lhasa. Vowing a harsh crackdown, Chinese police conducted house-to-house searches in central Lhasa Monday and rounded up hundreds of Tibetans suspected of participating in a deadly outburst of anti-Chinese violence, exile groups and residents reported.
Some of the deadliest clashes between ethnic groups since the founding of the People's Republic have erupted in China over the past week between the Muslim Uighurs and the Han Chinese. So far, at least 156 people have been killed and thousands more injured. However, this is not the first time ethnic groups in the country have come into conflict. Since the Communists gained power in 1949, minority ethnic groups have repeatedly come to odds with the dominant Han Chinese, which compose more than 90 percent of the Chinese population. Here's a look into some of the largest of the 56 ethnic groups that populate the biggest country in the world....
Jerome A. Cohen, an expert on human rights in China, sees "enormous progress" in economic and social rights but says deep problems--and sometimes harsh reprisals--persist for those seeking political and civil rights. "Repression is brutal and continuing for people who overtly challenge the system or refuse to allow themselves to be beaten down," Cohen says. He notes the continuation of the practice of "reeducation through labor" to clamp down on dissent. Cohen says the Obama administration has not yet decided how to deal with the problem when it needs China's help in economic, diplomatic, and military areas but says there is a great opportunity for cooperation in improving China's rights system....
Robert J. Barnett, a leading expert on Tibet, says the Chinese government is nervous about the approach of the fiftieth anniversary of the 1959 Tibetan revolt, which resulted in China's military shelling the Tibetan capital of Lhasa. Beijing had hoped for a "honeymoon" period with the Obama administration following the visit of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Barnett says. But growing tensions in Tibet "could undo this confidence booster for Beijing," he says. He says frictions over Tibet could be resolved but that it will require a major effort by the Chinese government, which Beijing has thus far resisted....
The Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR), a territory in western China, accounts for one-sixth of China's land and is home to about 20 million people from thirteen major ethnic groups. The largest of these groups is the Uighurs [PRON: WEE-gurs], a predominantly Muslim community with ties to Central Asia. Some Uighurs call China's presence in Xinjiang a form of imperialism, and they stepped up calls for independence—sometimes violently—in the 1990s through separatist groups like the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM). The Chinese government has reacted by promoting the migration of China's ethnic majority, the Han, to Xinjiang. Beijing has also strengthened economic ties with the area and tried to cut off potential sources of separatist support from neighboring states that are linguistically and ethnically linked with the Uighurs....
As global demand for energy continues to rise, major players like the United States, European Union (EU), and Japan are facing a new competitor in the race to secure long-term energy supplies: China. With its 2006 GDP growth hitting 10.7 percent, China is intent on getting the resources needed to sustain its soaring economy, and is taking its quest to lock down sources of oil and other necessary raw materials across the globe. With the Middle East mired in long-term instability, China has turned toward another# major oil producing region whose risks and challenges have caused it to be overlooked by much of the rest of the world: Africa....
Coveted for its hydrocarbon resources and its geographical location on the main international sea routes, the Spratly archipelago is a focus for the ambitions of the southeast Asian countries. By unilaterally asserting its sovereignty over the greater part of the China Sea, in a law adopted in February 1992, China sought to strengthen its great-power credentials and its control of the region. Sources : Virginie and Sonia Raisson, Lépac, Paris.
National, bilateral and multilateral conflicts overlap in Central Asia. Moscow's influence has waned, especially in Afghanistan, where the Taliban came to power with the support of Washington. In the east and south, the various border disputes between India, China and Pakistan make the region eve#n more dangerous, because of the presence of nuclear weapons.
Sources : The Military Balance 1999-2000, IISS, Brassey's, London, 1999; The World Bank Atlas 1999-2000, World Bank, Washington, 1999.
August 2, 2011 FRIDE // Uyghur Human Rights Project
The death of Osama Bin Laden in May 2011 has once again put the media spotlight on Al-Qaeda. The movement’s weakening due to the loss of its main leader does not amount to its elimination: Al- Qaeda has become a brand, mainly targeting the international community, and several scattered movements will continue to lay claim to it, whether situated in Europe, the Maghreb, Yemen and the Sudan, or Indonesia. Al-Qaeda’s weakening does not settle the political and social conflicts which have served as its background. There is hoped however that the erroneous prism constituted by the US-led ‘war on terror’ waged after 11 September 2001 will be abandoned. This ‘war’ contributed to the overlap of an internationalised Jihadi movement with situations of local tension in which Islam was, to very diverse degrees, claimed as a narrative by which to explain the conflict. The idea that every conflict affecting Muslim populations had a more or less direct link to international terrorism distorted Western readings not only of the situation in Afghanistan and Iraq, but also of the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, of that between Tamils and government forces in Sri- Lanka, as well as, the understanding of Pakistan’s domestic frailty due to the emergence of its own Taliban movements.
The international community pays regular attention to the Islam issue in the Middle-East. Today it is in a better position to understand the lack of unity that characterises radical Islam in the Maghreb, Mashrek and the Persian Gulf, and has realised the importance of social and political questions (radical Islam is a response to social marginalisation and political repression)....
Iran’s sustained crackdown on critical voices and China’s brutal suppression of ethnic journalism have pushed the number of journalists imprisoned worldwide to its highest level since 1996, the Committee to Protect Journalists has found. In its annual census of imprisoned journalists, CPJ identified 145 reporters, editors, and photojournalists behind bars on December 1, an increase of nine from the 2009 tally.
Iran and China, with 34 imprisoned journalists apiece, are the world’s worst jailers of the press, together constituting nearly half of the worldwide total. Eritrea, Burma, and Uzbekistan round out the five worst jailers from among the 28 nations that imprison journalists....
The international summit on Afghanistan’s future held in London on 28 January 2010 produced three main outcomes: a very clear willingness to negotiate with the insurgents, the provision of substantial funding ($140 million) to lure elements of the insurgency from their campaign, and a focus on more rapid training of Afghan security forces. At the same time, it is reported that elements of the Taliban are already engaged in informal talks with United Nations officials.
These proposals represent a remarkable change from the policy of the George W Bush administration, driven by a search for clear military victory in Afghanistan. Barack Obama and his team take a different view: they recognise that the war cannot be won and that compromise is essential. But they also make a concession to the Bush approach in believing that a position of military strength is route to securing the best compromise possible - hence the military “surge” that is currently underway. There remains a large question over the effectiveness of this approach; the infusion of more foreign troops could provoke increased resistance by Afghans who see them as occupiers.
Behind the coalition’s shift in policy is the concern that public opinion in the United States and Britain is moving against the war, and that more people in both countries increasingly want their forces to leave. Many other Nato countries may be involved in Afghanistan, but these two states are pivotal: the US for its political and military leadership, and Britain for the size of its own involvement (it has more than twice the number of soldiers in Afghanistan as any other European state), which helps make it a marker for European attitudes as a whole....
This week’s protests in China’s northwestern Xinjiang region mark a new nadir in already dismal race relations. Xinjiang’s indigenous Turkic Muslim groups have long resented the heavy-handed presence of Han Chinese, who dominate the ruling Communist Party despite making up only a fraction of Xinjiang’s population, in what they see as their homeland. Discontent in the last twenty years boiled over from small-scale violence into massive protests and alleged terrorist attacks, but this week’s incidents in Urumqi and Kashgar were not the first of their kind, nor are they likely to be the last unless there is a significant change of course in Beijing’s ethnic minority policy.
While the roots of the Xinjiang problem stretch back to the Communist takeover in 1949 and their subsequent collectivization and population resettlement efforts, the main driver of unrest is the friction between traditional, relatively disenfranchised Muslim minorities and a national system that encourages secularism, materialism, and cultural conformity. These tensions are inflamed by policies that encourage Han migration to sparsely populated Xinjiang, placing a strain on local culture as well as natural resources in the arid region. The Han population has increased from 6% before Communist occupation to more than 40% today, especially in urban centers like Urumqi, where they form a majority. At the same time, Beijing has instituted policies to encourage a national language and culture and limit religious activity, which many minorities feel threatens their cultural identity....
May 11, 2009 World Socialist Web Site // International Committee of the Fourth International
Comments by China’s ambassador in Islamabad last Thursday highlight the reckless character of the Obama administration’s escalating intervention in Pakistan. By pressuring Islamabad to wage an all-out military offensive against Islamic insurgents in the Swat Valley and neighbouring districts, Washington is not only destabilising Pakistan but raising tensions in a highly volatile area.
Speaking to Pakistani business leaders, Chinese ambassador Luo Zhaohui pointedly voiced concern about the growth of “outside influence” in the region. He singled out the US in particular, saying that China was worried about US policies and the presence of a large number of foreign troops in neighbouring Afghanistan. While reiterating China’s support for “the fight against terror,” Luo declared that US strategies needed some “corrective measures”. He added, “These are issues of serious concern for China.”
Luo’s unusually blunt remarks came just one day after US President Obama spoke to his Chinese counterpart, President Hu Jintao. While a number of issues were discussed, the escalating war in Pakistan was clearly high on the agenda. This first publicised phone call between the two men came as Obama met with the Afghan and Pakistani presidents over US strategy in the two countries. While Hu reportedly offered his cooperation, Luo’s comments express China’s underlying fears over growing US influence in South Asia.
Last week’s tripartite summit in Washington signalled a major upsurge in military violence in both Afghanistan and Pakistan. Under intense pressure from the US, the Pakistani army has launched a large-scale offensive against militants in the Swat Valley in which hundreds have already died and hundreds of thousands of civilians have been forced to flee. The summit, however, involved more than discussions on military cooperation, outlining comprehensive plans for the closer economic and strategic integration of the two countries into an American sphere of influence....
China Development Institute (CDI) was established in February 1989 upon the approval of State Council as a think tank for research and consulting. It is engaged in economic policy studies and provides economy-related consulting services to government at all levels, to businesses and to other public organizations. Adhering to a spirit of reform and innovation, the institute is manned mainly by young and middle-aged researchers and engaged in economic research and consulting with a preference for the new framework-geared to the market economy-over traditional ones.
Throughout its history, CDI has probed into the leading issues in Chinese economic reform, thus forming a solid platform for further research and studies in China's macroeconomic policy; the southern China, Hong Kong and Macao economies; international economic strategy; China's corporate system; and enterprise reform. CDI has also taken a major role in corporate consulting: Dozens of large domestic and foreign enterprises and public organizations enjoy the institute's consulting service in their economic decision making process and for investment, financing, management, accounting and marketing.
The institute has an extensive cooperation and exchange network with many domestic and international research institutions and consulting firms, including joint PhD and MA in economics programs with the prestigious Tsinghua and Nankai universities, which enables CDI to be a training center for senior talent in Southern China....
The Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS) was established in August 1996 as an independent think tank devoted to studying security issues relating to South Asia. Over the years leading strategic thinkers, academicians, former members of the Civil Services, Foreign Services, Armed Forces, Police Forces, Paramilitary Forces and media persons (print and electronic) have been associated with the Institute in its endeavour to chalk out a comprehensive framework for security studies - one which can cater to the changing demands of national, regional and global security. The Executive Committee reflects this essential mix of experience and expertise....
China Vitae is a resource of biographical information on more than 3000 Chinese leaders in government, politics, the military, education, business, and the media. State-of-the-art search tools facilitate research in depth, and a research library provides historical information on politics and government. China Vitae also tracks the appearances and travel of up to 200 leading Chinese officials. Searchable information is available on the date and location of the activity, the officials in attendance, the topics raised, and the source of the data....
How will China's pervasive censorship and control of domestic and international
media and the Internet play out when thousands of international journalists
descend on Beijing? How are the Olympic Games being used to justify the
violent forced evictions of thousands of people from their homes? As
international businesses reach out to the world's largest consumer market, how
do China's restrictions on labor rights affect workers on the ground? Human
Rights Watch hopes that the 2008 Olympics will be an impetus for China to
demonstrate greater respect for the human rights guaranteed to all under
This report updates Amnesty International’s Breaking the law: Crackdown on human rights
lawyers and legal activists in China (ASA 17/042/2009) published in 2009. Focusing on
new regulatory and policy instruments, the current report documents how the government
exerts control over lawyers in three ways: first, by trying to rein in their behaviour through
increasing demands to conform to party ideology; second, by using administrative procedures
to discipline and stop lawyers and others who have taken on human rights cases; and third,
by carrying out violent acts, illegal under China’s own laws, against people who persist when
all other forms of pressure on them have failed to end their human rights activism. In the most extreme case, human rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng has now been forcibly disappeared for
more than a year in a second lengthy detention, leading to serious concerns for his safety. In
the last few months, other lawyers have also been subject to enforced disappearances; most
recently, Shanghai lawyer Li Tiantian was held incommunicado for three months before being
released in her home town in Xinjiang on 24 May 2011.
The report also sets out the latest developments in the cases highlighted in the 2009 report,
considers ways lawyers have challenged efforts to control them, and analyzes recent trends in
the development of the rule of law and in patterns of repression. It provides some evidence of
the impact that controls on human rights lawyers have had on citizens access to justice....
June 28, 2011 Lowy Institute for International Policy
The sea lanes of Indo-Pacific Asia are becoming more crowded, contested and
vulnerable to armed strife. The changing deterrence and
warfighting strategies of China, the United States and Japan involve expanded
maritime patrolling and intrusive surveillance, bringing an uncertain mix of
stabilising and destabilising effects.
Nationalism and resource needs, meanwhile, are reinforcing the value of territorial
claims in the East and South China seas, making maritime sovereignty disputes
harder to manage. Chinese forces continue to show troubling signs of assertiveness
at sea, though there is debate about the origins or extent of such moves. All of these factors are making Asia a danger zone for incidents at sea.
While the chance that such incidents will lead to major military clashes should not be
overstated, the drivers – in particular China’s frictions with the United States, Japan
and India – are likely to persist and intensify. As the number and tempo of incidents
increases, so does the likelihood that an episode will escalate to armed confrontation,
diplomatic crisis or possibly even conflict.
This report, part of the Lowy Institute’s MacArthur Foundation Asia Security
Project, explores the major-power maritime security dynamics surrounding China’s
rise. It focuses on the risks and the management of incidents at sea involving Chinese
interactions with the United States, Japan and India. The report concludes with some realistic recommendations to reduce risks of crisis
and escalation under conditions of continued mistrust....
After World War II, nations got largely divided between the two blocs dominated
by the United States of America (USA) and the erstwhile Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics (USSR). With the end of the Cold War, the international power equation
unilaterally shifted towards the USA, which emerged as the world’s only superpower.
Since then, the regional, ethnic, linguistic, resource, geo-political, and religious
issues began to have more importance. But, whenever a state failed to
properly address these problems, the latent conflicts turned violent. Poor and
developing countries have been found more vulnerable to violent conflicts due to
inequality in distribution of resources and opportunities, inadequate service delivery
system, injustice to identities and beliefs, ineffective governance and administration,
inefficient socio-political transformation and intolerant leadership. Therefore,
while most violent conflicts of the twentieth century were waged between
the states, almost all the major conflicts around the world that took place in the
1990s were fought within the state. As a result, the frequency and intensity of the
volatile internal conflicts are significantly increasing in number around the world.
Between 1989 and 1996, 95 of the 101 armed conflicts identified around the
world were such internal confrontations. Describing the intensity
of the violent conflicts around the world, Bishnu Raj Upreti writes: “In 1999 there
were 40 armed conflicts being fought within the territories of 36 countries, up
from 36 armed conflicts in 31 countries in 1998, and 37 in 32 countries in 1997.
The People’s War initiated in Nepal in 1996 is considered as the creation of
interwoven and complex web of socioeconomic, legal and politico-ideological problems.
Little attention was paid to it in the beginning both at national and international
levels, but it quickly intensified across the country. It has now become
Nepal’s most pressing political, socio-cultural and economic problem.
The escalation of armed violence due to the People’s War has resulted in disruption
of lives, livelihoods and security; serious damage or destruction of public
and private properties; possible disintegration of unity in diversity and disturbance in harmonious relationship among communities; massive exodus and displacement
of people; and increased hardship for the poor, marginalized, disadvantaged
and vulnerable people in getting access to basic needs, resources and services as
basic rights. I agree with Upreti as he writes, “When conflict escalates into violence
and civil war, persuasive despair, sorrow, and grief are the unwanted realities
and irrepressible damage to society is unavoidable. Building peace in such a
situation becomes far more costly and difficult than to address the root causes of
social conflict before it escalates into such violence”. Therefore, the
armed conflict or People’s War has become a grave threat to life, liberty, security
and dignity of poverty-stricken people and its frequency and intensity are continuously
escalating the violations and abuses of human rights in Nepal....
The United States is at a strategic inflection point in South and Central Asia. The death of Osama bin Laden, together with the projected transition to a smaller U.S. military presence in Afghanistan, presents a new opportunity for the United States to protect its enduring interests in the region. In Beyond Afghanistan: A Regional Security Strategy for South and Central Asia, CNAS authors Lieutenant General David W. Barno, USA (Ret.), Andrew Exum and Matthew Irvine identify key priorities for the United States and the key components of a regional strategy in light of fast-changing current events.
This report culminates a year-long project examining the future of U.S. strategy in South and Central Asia given the pending drawdown of U.S. forces in Afghanistan. Barno, Exum and Irvine examine U.S. relationships with Afghanistan, Pakistan and India, and offer immediate and long-term policy recommendations for protecting U.S. interests in the region....
Despite perceptions in Washington and New Delhi that China enjoys unique privileges and exercises inordinate influence in Pakistan, Beijing has shown little inclination to directly shape Pakistani behavior. As China’s global portfolio of economic and security interests expands, it is increasingly sensitive to new opportunity costs entailed in sustaining the Sino-Pakistani partnership.