June 1, 2011 Crisis States Research Centre Working Papers // London School of Economics // Destin Development Studies Institute
The author examines the city as a site in which the provision of public goods and services for citizens is demanded and provided through the transfer of central state revenues. The relationship between state and citizens is not conceived simply in the relatively passive and limiting terms of welfare delivery, but rather within the broader arena of social rights, understood as a core component of substantive citizenship – an important characteristic of developmental states. The focus of the paper is derived from the recognition that social rights, notably access to land and housing, are of particular importance in cities. Conflicts over the appropriate use of land are more likely to arise in urban areas, and the high value of land combined with its potential to contribute to economic development mean that the state almost inevitably becomes involved in these conflicts. This paper's examination of the spatial aspects of social rights in urban areas gives rise to a discussion of the 'right to the city', and how the denial of this right can create increased tension and destabilisation in the cities of fragile states. The author outlines the theoretical basis for the paper with an examination of social rights and substantive citizenship, illustrated through the case of a housing movement of the urban poor in São Paulo, Brazil. The paper then develops the discussion of the link between social rights and state stability through a reading of a selection of CSRC case studies of cities in fragile states....
March 7, 2011 Prism // Center for Complex Operations (National Defense University)
In the aftermath of Kenya's 2008 postelection violence, U.S. Army Reserve Civil Affairs (CA) Teams began a series of school rehabilitation projects in the Rift Valley. The Combined Joint Task Force–Horn of Africa (CJTF–HOA) commissioned social science field research to evaluate the sociocultural impact of these projects. It was found that the local population generally welcomed the U.S. military's support and viewed CA Team members as a trusted presence in the community. School rehabilitation projects were well coordinated with the Kenyan government, NGOs, international organizations, and civic groups. However, interlocutors from the local communities who put their reputations on the line to introduce and support CA Team activities were not provided with all necessary information to adequately explain certain shortfalls in the process. Field interviews also revealed the importance of transparency in communication about objectives and motivations to secure local acceptance of the Kenyan military engagement in civilian-miltary operations. Lastly, strategic communications goals should be developed with a holistic view, since local communities tend not to differentiate between various groups within the U.S. military....
July 27, 2010 Ryerson University // Social Science Research Network
Since 2005 when a Comprehensive Peace Agreement was signed between opposing parties in Sudan, over 100,000 Sudanese refugees have returned from Kakuma Refugee Camp in Kenya after having been living in exile for decades. At Kakuma Camp there are close to 40,000 Sudanese refugees who remain living in exile even though international observers have determined that political and social conditions have improved in Sudan. This study seeks to determine what role these refugees see themselves as having in the post-war reconstruction and development of Sudan; the possible secession of South Sudan; as well as how they believe civil society and Good Governance can be strengthened in Sudan. A particular focus will be made in targeting both educated refugee men and refugee women....
May 19, 2010 Centre for the Study of African Economies // University of Oxford
Following the 2007 disputed Kenyan Presidential election unprecedented levels of violence erupted across the country adding to the history of troubled elections in Africa. This paper offers quantitative and qualitative evidence on the incidence, impacts and issues that triggered electoral violence. Using two surveys conducted before and after the election we find that one out of three Kenyans were affected by the violence regardless of their ethnicity and wealth. The chances of being a victim of violence were higher in areas with land conflicts and where politically-connected gangs operated. Violence, which was mainly triggered by the perception that the election had been rigged, reduced trust and social capital among communities making violence more likely to reoccur....
January 6, 2010 International Journal of Conflict and Violence
The majority of those living in the border region of Kenya, Sudan, and Uganda are pastoralists, whose livelihoods are dictated by the upkeep and size of their herds. Harsh environmental conditions force pastoralists to migrate in search of water and pasturelands during the dry season. With limited access to water and competing rights to land, inter-tribal conflict arises when pastoralists from one tribe enter the territory of another. The increased availability of small arms in the region from past wars increasingly makes ordinary clashes fatal. Governments in the region have responded with heavy-handed coercive disarmament operations. These have led to distrust and subsequent violent clashes between communities and security providers. This report reviews the scale, consequences of, and responses to the many pastoral conflicts, utilizing methodological tools such as key informant interviews, retrospective analy¬sis, and a thorough review of available literature....
June 23, 2008 Center for Strategic and International Studies
CSIS hosted a Statesmen’s Forum with the Honorable Raila Odinga, prime minister of Kenya, on the way forward in Kenya. Prime Minister Odinga took questions from the audience. Dr. John Hamre, CSIS president and CEO introduced the Prime Minister. The event was moderated by Joel Barkan, CSIS senior associate.
April 6, 2010 Humanitarian Practice Network // Overseas Development Institute
The special feature of this issue of Humanitarian Exchange focuses on humanitarian protection. After little more than a decade, ‘protection’ has grown from a collection of activities executed by a handful of specialised agencies to being a key component of humanitarian action. Yet protection issues are still not systematically identified and addressed in humanitarian response and advocacy. In his thought-provoking lead article, Marc Dubois argues that humanitarian actors must develop a more critical perspective on humanitarian protection, including an honest acknowledgement of their limitations. Related issues are examined in articles focused on the civilian protection mandates of peacekeeping missions and the challenges the protection cluster in Timor-Leste faced during the transition from emergency to development programming. We also examine World Vision’s work to develop and test minimum standards in protection, a new field manual from ActionAid Australia and efforts to develop more community-based approaches to protection in Afghanistan, Burma, Kenya and Pakistan. The policy and practice section contains a wide range of articles, including a defence of the UN’s policy on integration; capacitybuilding in Northern Uganda; lessons learned from GTZ’s Cash-for-Work programme in northern Afghanistan....
Thousands of Kenyans were
uprooted from their homes
due to post-election
violence early this year. A
staggering 300,000 people were
displaced and about 1000 others
killed in a span of about three
months. When uneasy calm was
restored, the Government
launched Operation Rudi
Nyumbani (Operation Return
Home) to resettle the Internally
Displaced Persons (IDPs). However, evidence on the ground points to a bungled exercise. Very
little has actually been done in resettling the displaced. They were
simply transferred from the original camps set up for IDPs to transitional
camps far way from the public glare. Even worse, they have never
received their full entitlements. Indeed there are reports of IDPs facing
starvation in many camps. They have simply been neglected.
In this issue of Refugee Insights, we highlight the challenges faced by
internally displaced persons in Kenya, who are languishing in
transitional camps. In the article, Displaced Not Yet Home, we share the
stories of many IDPs who are “so near yet so far from their homes”. We
also bring you accounts of the displaced....
April 6, 2009 Forced Migration Review // University of Oxford // Refugee Studies Centre
Forced Migration Review (FMR) provides a
forum for the regular exchange of practical
experience, information and ideas between
researchers, refugees and internally
displaced people, and those who work with
them. It is published in English, Arabic,
Spanish and French by the Refugee Studies
Centre of the Oxford Department of
International Development, University
of Oxford. This issue focuses on 'Statelessness'. A ‘stateless person’ is someone who is not recognised as a national by any state.
They therefore have no nationality or citizenship (terms used interchangeably in
this issue) and are unprotected by national legislation, leaving them vulnerable
in ways that most of us never have to consider. The possible consequences of
statelessness are profound and touch on all aspects of life. It may not be possible
to work legally, own property or open a bank account. Stateless people may be
easy prey for exploitation as cheap labour. They are often not permitted to attend
school or university, may be prohibited from getting married and may not be able to
register births and deaths. Stateless people can neither vote nor access the national
March 4, 2009 International Refugee Rights Initiative
Launched in December 2008, the Kakuma News Reflector (Kanere) is a new newsletter and blog written by
Ethiopian, Congolese, Ugandan, Rwandan, Somali, Sudanese and Kenyan refugees living in Kakuma
Refugee Camp, Kenya. Their aim is to add the voices of refugees to the "well-established voices of
academia, law, and institutions,” according to the introduction to the blog. The publication includes stories
covering a wide range of issues such as the provision of water and health care services, child labour, drug
abuse and education....
August 25, 2010 Government of Kenya // Ministry of State for Special Programmes
The Post 2007 Election Violence (PEV) led to destruction of property, loss of lives, 663,921 people displaced and about 78,254 houses destroyed country wide. An additional 640 households fled into Uganda.
A total of 350,000 IDPs sought refuge in 118 camps whereas about 313,921 IDPs were integrated within communities across the country. This factsheet provides details on: the number of IDPs from each province; the return rates of IDPs; the number of households in each transitional camp remaining for IDPs; disbursement of humanitarian funds; number of IDP households resettled; peace and reconciliation initiatives; psycho-social counseling services; a summary of achievements and of requirements for continuing progress....
July 20, 2007 Department for International Development
Update on how DFID are tackling the Millennium Development Goals in Kenya. DFID's primary aim in Kenya is to reduce poverty in line with the internationally agreed targets. To do this DFID supports the implementation of the Economic Recovery Strategy by helping the Government to improve the economy and deliver essential services to the poor. Since 2001/02, DFID has spent over xc2xa3170 million in Kenya, making us the second largest bilateral donor. In financial year 2006/07 DFID provided xc2xa360 million in assistance....
Profile: Ghaliani purchased various components used in the Dar Es Salaam bombing; He fled Africa for Afghanistan the day before the bombings and became a line soldier, and later a cook, for al-Qaeda; He later served in al-Qaeda's document forgery office in Kandahar, Afghanistan, until the fall of the Taliban. He then moved to Pakistan; He was one of 14 key al-Qaeda operatives transferred from CIA custody to the U.S. military prison at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, in 2006; Speaks Swahili; The U.S. State Department offered a $5 million reward for information leading to his capture....
July 13, 2006 Project on International Courts and Tribunals // African International Courts and Tribunals
To oversee the implementation and interpretation of the COMESA agreement, the Treaty established a Court of Justice, modeled on the European Court of Justice. Like the European Court of Justice, the COMESA Court of Justice can be seized of a matter by one of several ways. First, a member State may bring another member State or the Council before the Court for breach of the Treaty or failure to fulfill an obligation thereunder. Providing the Common Market with independent monitoring and enforcement power, the Treaty permits the Secretary General (with the agreement of the Council) also to bring a member State before the Court for failure to fulfill its Treaty obligations. Like the European Court of Justice, the COMESA Courtxc3xads decisions have precedence over any decisions of national courts....
January 4, 2008 United Nations Institute for Training and Research Operational Satellite Applications Programme
This map depicts the chronology of detected active fire locations within the Rift Valley Province in western Kenya following the national elections on 27 Dec.2007. These fire locations were detected by the MODIS satellites covering the time period from 27 Dec. to 3 Jan.2008, and organized into 4 maps each covering a 2 day period. An evaluation has been made of the chronology and spatial context of this data, and it is probable that a majority of detected fires (peaking on 1 January 2008) are directly or indirectly linked to the electoral civil unrest. Please note that this fire data product does not discriminate between normally-occurring fires (e.g. slash and burn agriculture) and those resulting from arson or conflict, and therefore contains a large degree of uncertainty as to the cause. Also note that this product has not recorded all fires in this area because of limited duration / area affected, and because of gaps in collection on 31 Dec. 2007 and 2 Jan. 2008....
Kenya's "window of opportunity to deliver reform is rapidly closing," former U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan warned, putting the country at risk for a recurrence of the political violence that brought the East African powerhouse to its knees after disputed elections in 2007.
Though delivered in his characteristic velvet tones, Annan's message was firm: Accelerate the reform agenda and take decisive action, or risk the potential of an irretrievable decline into crisis that will have economic as well as political consequences.
"Kenya is already at -- or past -- the halfway mark between the formation of the Coalition Government and the next electoral cycle," Annan told reporters Oct. 7, at the end of his latest visit to Nairobi on behalf of the African Union's Panel of Eminent African Personalities. "Kenya cannot afford a recurrence of the crisis and violence that engulfed it after the 2007 election, but that is a serious risk if tangible reform is not achieved."...
President Mwai Kibaki of Kenya faced a moment of public embarrassment on 12 December 2008 when he was unable to complete his independence-day speech because of heckling from the crowd. But this was far from an opposition-organised ruckus. Some weeks earlier, his political competitor (and the prime minister) Raila Odinga could hardly speak to a gathering of his supporters who countered his slogan of chungwa! ("orange", denoting his party) with shouts of unga! (maize-flour, i.e. "we are hungry") .
Kenya, right now - thirteen months after the post-election bloodletting of January 2008 - is in a state of quiet fury. Unlike a year ago, it is not being expressed with machetes and guns. The tribal and partisan aspects of the anger have shrunk; for the first time it is national in character. It comes from the very depths of civil society, and it is using all the resources of the law.
The title of a letter to the editor in the Nation (published on 16 November 2008) captured it perfectly: "We must take our country back from the politicians". All politicians.
What has happened in Kenya?...
January 21, 2009 Institute for War and Peace Reporting
Kenya is inching closer to the creation of a special tribunal, which could try a host of political figures suspected of engineering the widespread violence that swept the country last year. While the special tribunal must navigate some treacherous political waters, it could be a judicial milestone for Kenya and set an example as to how Africa can address its cycle of violence.
January 7, 2009 International Centre for Transitional Justice
The International Center for Transitional Justice welcomes the decision this week by Kenya's coalition government to establish a Special Tribunal for crimes related to the violence following December 2007 elections.
"The agreement is a significant step toward ending the culture of impunity in Kenya," said Suliman Baldo, director of ICTJ's Africa Program. "It further strengthens efforts that began at the start of the year to address the cycle of human rights violations, abuse of power and misuse of public office in Kenya."...
A new WorldPublicOpinion.org poll of 17 nations finds that majorities in only nine of them believe that al Qaeda was behind the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the United States. In no country does a majority agree on another possible perpetrator, but in most countries significant minorities cite the US government itself and, in a few countries, Israel. These responses were given spontaneously to an open-ended question that did not offer response options. On average, 46 percent say that al Qaeda was behind the attacks while 15 percent say the US government, seven percent Israel, and seven percent some other perpetrator. One in four say they do not know. WPO_911_Sep08_graph.jpgGiven the extraordinary impact the 9/11 attacks have had on world affairs, it is remarkable that seven years later there is no international consensus about who was behind them," comments Steven Kull, director of WorldPublicOpinion.org....
# The Kenya Human Rights Commission is a national non-governmental organisation founded in 1992 as a response to the deteriorating human rights situation in Kenya. It has observer status with the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights, a member of the International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH) and a partner with Penal Reform International.
The Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) was established in 1992 in response to serious human rights abuses by the government of Kenya against its people. It's goal is to To promote, protect, and enhance the enjoyment of all human rights by all Kenyans.
The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in Eastern Africa was created in 1996 to supersede the Intergovernmental Authority on Drought and Development (IGADD) which was founded in 1986. The ultimate goal of IGAD is to achieve economic integration and sustainable development for the region. In order for IGAD to play its proper role in regional and continental integration and be recognised as a suitable vehicle for promoting development in the region, it must address the following objectives:-
Promote joint development strategies and gradually harmonize macro-economic policies and programmes in the social, technological and scientific fields;
Harmonize policies with regard to trade, customs, transport, communications, agriculture, and natural resources, and promote free movement of goods, services, and people within the region.
Create an enabling environment for foreign, cross-border and domestic trade and investment;
Initiate and promote programmes and projects to achieve regional food security and sustainable development of natural resources and environment protection, and encourage and assist efforts of Member States to collectively combat drought and other natural and man-made disasters and their consequences;
Develop a coordinated and complementary infrastructure, in the areas of transport, telecommunications and energy in the region;
Promote peace and stability in the region and create mechanisms within the region for the prevention, management and resolution of inter-State and intra-State conflicts through dialogue;
Mobilize resources for the implementation of emer#gency, short-term, medium-term and long-term programmes within the framework of regional cooperation;
Facilitate, promote and strengthen cooperation in research development and application in science and technology.
Ushahidi.com is a tool for people who witness acts of violence in Kenya in these post-election times. You can report the incident that you have seen, and it will appear on a map-based view for others to see. We are working with local Kenyan NGO's to get information and to verify each incident.
June 14, 2007 Fédération Internationale des ligues des droits de l'Homme // International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Victims
The so-called "war on terrorism" has seen democratic governments resort to torture and ill treatment of persons suspected of involvement in terrorist activities and has reignited the age-old debate about whether torture can be justified if the purpose is to save innocent lives. In this context, prominent opinion and decision-makers as well as members of the general public in leading democratic countries have argued that new forms of transnational terrorism necessitate a revision of existing legal and moral norms related to torture and ill treatment. At the same time, authoritarian rulers around the world have exploited this climate to step up their oppression of political opposition groups.
In February 2007, with funding from the European Commission, the Fédération International des Droits de l'Homme (FIDH) in partnership with the #IRCT launched the three-year project, "Preventing Torture within the Fight against Terrorism". The overall objective is to contribute to re-establish international respect for the absolute prohibition against torture and ill treatment embedded in international law. The project will do this through a wide range of complementary activities covering research, awareness raising, advocacy and capacity building....
This report documents numerous abuses during renewed fighting in the past year by parties to the 20-year-long conflict in Somalia. These include the Islamist armed group al-Shabaab, the Somali Transitional Federal Government, the African Union peacekeeping forces, and Kenya- and Ethiopia-backed Somali militias. The report also examines abuses by the Kenyan police and crimes committed by bandits in neighboring Kenya against Somali refugees.
August 4, 2011 Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa
Politics, Religion and Power in the Great Lakes Region covers the political, religious and power relations in the contemporary Great Lakes States : Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Tanzania, Kenya and the Sudan. The work is important because of the nexus between these countries’ shared present and past - their political, socio-economic, cultural and historical aspirations. In terms of regional cooperation, they are the countries, save for the DRC and the Sudan, which form the current East African Community.
The book reflects on the complex dynamics and strategies of the ensuing power struggle, bringing forth a unique set of fascinating revelations of patterns of primitive capital accumulation, resistance, human rights violations and the political compromises between traditional enemies when confronted by a common (foreign) enemy. A critical analysis of the political distortion the region suffered brings to light the relevance of these divisive tools on the current trends in the African countries, drawing inferences from the African Great Lakes Region (GLR).
The study highlights how the conflicts were finally resolved to avert a serious war, thus bringing about new reforms. This history is instructive to the contemporary reader because of the frequent skirmishes caused by ethnic and religious differences, political and territorial conflicts as well as resource and leadership disputes in the GLR....
The main aim of emergency response funds - ERFs - is to provide rapid and flexible funding to in-country actors to address unforeseen humanitarian needs.There are currently 14 stand-alone ERFs in operation.
This report provides information and data on these ERFs, including donors to the funds, implementing agencies and sector analysis. The document also provides brief case studies of the use of the funds in Kenya and Somalia.
July 29, 2011 International Center for Transitional Justice
This paper documents the opinions of victims of human rights violations in Kenya about the country’s unfolding transitional justice process. The first section gives background into the human rights violations; the second section presents victims ideas about reparative justice. The report recommends implementing an urgent reparations program to address the needs of the most vulnerable victims, as well as establishing a process to lead to a more comprehensive reparations program in the future.
It would be hard to conceive of two States that offer greater contrasts than
Somalia and Eritrea: the former, a collapsed State for over two decades, with no
functional national institutions; the latter, possessing the most highly centralized,
militarized and authoritarian system of government on the African continent. From a
sanctions monitoring perspective, however, the two countries present very similar
challenges: in both cases, power is concentrated in the hands of individuals rather
than institutions and is exercised through largely informal and often illicit networks
of political and financial control. Leaders in both countries often depend more
heavily on political and economic support from foreign Governments and diaspora
networks than from the populations within their own borders. And both countries —
in very different ways — serve as platforms for foreign armed groups that represent a
grave and increasingly urgent threat to peace and security in the Horn and East
More than half of Somali territory is controlled by responsible, comparatively
stable authorities that have demonstrated, to varying degrees, their capacity to
provide relative peace and security to their populations. Without exception, the
administrations of Somaliland, Puntland, Gaalmudug, and “Himan iyo Heeb”
evolved independently of centralized State-building initiatives, from painstaking,
organic local political processes. Much of Galguduud region is controlled by anti-Al-
Shabaab clan militias loosely unified under the umbrella of Ahlu Sunna wal Jama’a
(ASWJ), but lacks a functional authority. Consolidation of and cooperation between
such entities represents the single most effective strategy for countering threats like
extremism and piracy, while expanding peace and security in Somalia....
November 3, 2009 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
This data source provides the numbers of refugees and asylum seekers in Kenya, disaggregated by country of origin and location, and with trend data from 2006 to 2009. The data source also provides numbers of refugees and asylum seekers by the status of refugee or asylum status (applied, decided, pending), and the numbers of repatriated and resettled refugees and asylum seekers.