July 23, 2010
National Bureau of Economic Research

Abstract:

How are insurgents able to mobilize the population to fight and withhold valuable information from government forces? More specifically, what role does government mistreatment of non-combatants play? We study these questions by using uniquely-detailed micro-data from Afghanistan and Iraq to assess the impact of civilian casualties on insurgent violence. By comparing the data along temporal, spatial, and gender dimensions we are able to distinguish short-run 'information' and 'capacity' effects from the longer run 'recruiting' and 'revenge' effects. In Afghanistan we find strong evidence for a revenge effect in that local exposure to ISAF generated civilian casualties drives increased insurgent violence over the long-run. Matching districts with similar past trends in violence shows that counterinsurgent-generated civilian casualties from a typical incident are responsible for 6 additional violent incidents in an average sized district in the following 6 weeks. There is no evidence of short run effects in Afghanistan, thus ruling out the information and the capacity mechanisms. Critically, we find no evidence of a similar reaction to civilian casualties in Iraq, suggesting insurgents‘ mobilizing tools may be quite conflict-specific. Our results show that if counterinsurgent forces in Afghanistan wish to minimize insurgent recruitment, they must minimize harm to civilians despite the greater risk this entails....

July 20, 2010
Journal of Democracy

Abstract:

For almost a decade, international coalitions led by the United States have been supporting complex democracy-building efforts in Afghanistan and Iraq. The international community has regarded the establishment of a democratic political system as a key element in the successful reconstruction of each country, in part because of the belief that a democratic order would be more legitimate and more just. In addition, U.S. policy makers hoped that the success of democracy would inspire a transformation of the broader Middle East—whose political, social, and geopolitical dysfunctions have produced extremism, global terrorism, and violent conflict. The effort to support democracy in Afghanistan and Iraq has taken place while these countries have been dealing with the related challenges of nation-building. In order to unify the two fractured countries, the international community has worked to develop national compacts among diverse peoples and key groups. State-building has been necessary as well. Decades of tyranny and war in the two states have inhibited the emergence of institutions that can perform the functions of a normal state and win the trust of their peoples. Both countries also face the challenge of demobilizing militias and insurgents. Economic development and reconstruction have been another area of focus. The goal has been to improve standards of living and demonstrate that the new order can deliver greater prosperity....

July 19, 2010
United States Army School of Advanced Military Studies // Small Wars Journal

Abstract:

The Sunni tribal uprising against Al Qaeda in Iraq, known as the Anbar Awakening, was the decisive event in the counterinsurgency campaign in Iraq. To capitalize on discontent between the Sunni population and Al Qaeda, U.S. commanders on the ground in Anbar Province applied more creativity and opportunism than deliberate application of U.S. counterinsurgency doctrine, which at that time did not fully grasp the importance of traditional social networks and irregular forces. The U.S. military is now attempting to capture the lessons of the tribal uprising in Iraq and incorporate those lessons into theory, doctrine and practice. More immediately, the U.S. must determine the applicability of those lessons to ongoing counterinsurgency efforts in Afghanistan and counterterrorism efforts across the region. The paper argues that traditional social networks and irregular security forces represent a critical source of intelligence, political support and security for governments attempting to increase state control and legitimacy during an insurgency. This monograph explains that tribes and traditional social networks continue to provide a degree of social order in some of the world’s least governed and most volatile areas....

June 7, 2010
Connections Quarterly Journal // Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes

Abstract:

Waging war with a combination of regular troops and private security company (PSC) contractors can be done; however, at times the contractors act at cross-purposes with the stated objectives of the campaign. Abuses by PSCs in the recent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have, according to some analysts, undermined the mission.5 Local inhabitants are not the only people who object to these incidents. Regular troops do so as well; discipline suffers. And even the President of the United States, before assuming the responsibilities of commander-in-chief of the nation’s armed forces, presciently noted that “we cannot win a fight for hearts and minds when we outsource critical missions to unaccountable contractors.” The issue of accountability remains salient. While the United States’ criminal justice system has made strides toward holding PSCs accountable—namely by extending military court-martial jurisdiction over PSC troops and permitting federal district courts in the United States to try certain crimes committed abroad—these advances do not go far enough. Haling civilians before courts-martial may be unconstitutional, and the framework for bringing accused criminals back to the U.S. is rarely used. Ultimately, these approaches ignore the military need for swift, visible punishment; the lack of teeth also sends the dangerous message to troops that tossing off a uniform leads to a tripling of one’s salary and freedom from obeying those pesky laws of war. This article explores how to prevent that from happening. The first section details the perceived impunity to the law enjoyed by PSCs and its effect on regular troops in Iraq and Afghanistan. The second section discusses how to bring PSCs before the law through an examination of the relevant international law....

June 7, 2010
Connections Quarterly Journal // Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes

Abstract:

A series of insurgent attacks in Pakistan targeting U.S./NATO supply lines took place during the latter half of 2008 and early 2009. As much as 75 percent of the cargo to support military operations and development programs in Afghanistan previously had been shipped through Pakistan, passing through a small number of precarious transport corridors, constrained by chokepoints and subject to disruption. As a result of insurgent attacks, carriage of supplies through the Khyber Pass along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border was repeatedly interrupted for brief periods. These events in Pakistan shifted Allied attention from the southern routes to Afghanistan’s northern access routes. The existing transit routes for supplies entering Afghanistan from the north passed across European and Eurasian countries and then through the Central Asian countries. This combination of port, air, rail, and road facilities came to be referred to within the framework of Afghanistan’s normalization operations as the NDN—the “Northern Distribution Network.”...

August 10, 2010
United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations

Abstract:

Opening statement by Senator Kerry: "This is the first Congressional hearing that I know of that is dedicated to this issue of reconciliation. It comes at a timely moment. Last week, representatives from 65 countries gathered in Kabul for a conference to debate security, development and reconciliation. This conference was a good step forward in showing the world that Afghanistan wants to run its own affairs. But many steps need to be taken by the Afghan government and international coalition to make this a reality." Senator Lugar also presents a statement, followed by panel presentations by The Honorable Ryan C. Crocker, Ms. Zainab Salbi, and Dr. David Kilcullen. Transcripts of the testimonies are available on the same page as the audiovisual....

December 1, 2009
Center for American Progress

Abstract:

Afghan's corruption-laden government is not delivering on promises of security or justice, and disillusioned Afghans are reluctantly turning to the Taliban as a tolerable alternative. Promoting effective governance in the country could help reduce recruitment.

December 1, 2009
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Abstract:

As the United States unveils a new Afghanistan strategy and announces an increase in troop levels, the prospects for finishing the job and ending the conflict remain unclear. In a new video Q&A, Gilles Dorronsoro analyzes the war in Afghanistan and outlines what a successful U.S. strategy should include. “It’s the last call in Afghanistan,” says Dorronsoro. The United States still has an opportunity to avoid defeat, but it needs to reallocate troops out of the countryside and protect the cities. “If we don't get the right strategy, it will be over in the next two or three years.”...

September 11, 2009
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Abstract:

As Afghanistan grapples with contentious elections, U.S. military leaders there describe the country’s security situation as “serious and deteriorating.” Just back from a month of in-depth research and travel in the country, Gilles Dorronsoro spoke with the Washington Post’s Karen DeYoung about conditions on the ground—security, public opinion and the elections—and discussed the long-term strategies of the International Coalition and the Taliban.

August 12, 2009
C-SPAN // Washington Journal

Abstract:

CNAS Fellow Andrew Exum looks ahead to what's next in Afghanistan, specifically the Obama Administration's strategy and how to measure success, with C-SPAN's Washington Journal.

April 6, 2010
Humanitarian Practice Network // Overseas Development Institute

Abstract:

The special feature of this issue of Humanitarian Exchange focuses on humanitarian protection. After little more than a decade, ‘protection’ has grown from a collection of activities executed by a handful of specialised agencies to being a key component of humanitarian action. Yet protection issues are still not systematically identified and addressed in humanitarian response and advocacy. In his thought-provoking lead article, Marc Dubois argues that humanitarian actors must develop a more critical perspective on humanitarian protection, including an honest acknowledgement of their limitations. Related issues are examined in articles focused on the civilian protection mandates of peacekeeping missions and the challenges the protection cluster in Timor-Leste faced during the transition from emergency to development programming. We also examine World Vision’s work to develop and test minimum standards in protection, a new field manual from ActionAid Australia and efforts to develop more community-based approaches to protection in Afghanistan, Burma, Kenya and Pakistan. The policy and practice section contains a wide range of articles, including a defence of the UN’s policy on integration; capacitybuilding in Northern Uganda; lessons learned from GTZ’s Cash-for-Work programme in northern Afghanistan....

June 1, 2009
Security Council Report

Abstract:

Turkey holds the presidency of the Council in June. An open debate on protection of civilians is planned late in the month. There is also a possibility of another open debate on peacekeeping with a particular focus on troop contributing countries late in the month (this has not been confirmed at press time). Debates are likely on Kosovo, with the participation of representatives of Serbia and Kosovo, and on Iraq, with the likely participation of the country’s representative. Formal meetings to adopt resolutions renewing mandates of operations in the Golan Heights (UNDOF) and in Georgia (resolution 1866) are expected. The Council is likely to receive several briefings in June: * A briefing on Sudan by John Holmes, the Under Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, originally scheduled in May but postponed. * The monthly Middle East briefing may be conducted in June by Tony Blair, the Quartet Special Envoy (at press time this has not been confirmed). * Early in the month, the Council will be briefed by the presidents and prosecutors of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and Rwanda (ICTR) on the completion strategies for each tribunal. * The Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) is also expected to brief the Council. * The Chair of the Liberia Sanctions Committee. * The Chair of the Iran Sanctions Committee. * The head of the United Nations Regional Centre for Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia (UNRCCA). The Council is likely to receive briefings on: * Sierra Leone (UNIPSIL); * Burundi (BINUB); and * Guinea-Bissau (UNOGBIS). The Council will also discuss: * Afghanistan (UNAMA); * Central African Republic (BONUCA); and * the Counter Terrorism Executive Directorate (CTED)....

February 10, 2009
The Jamestown Foundation

Abstract:

The Terrorism Focus is a fortnightly complement to Jamestown’s Terrorism Monitor, providing detailed and timely analysis of developments for policymakers and analysts, informing them of the latest trends in the War on Terror.

August 12, 2008
Jordan Institute of Diplomacy

Abstract:

Liberal Peace has often been assumed to be acceptable for all, and has been applied time and time again in post-conflict zones because of its assumingly unproblematic internal structure. Recently, however, the Liberal Peace ideologies are being challenged. This issue of ConflictINFOCUS examines several problems associated with the Liberal Peace Model when it is applied in post-conflict environments.

March 13, 2008
United Nations Development Programme

Abstract:

The UNDP-supported National Area-based Development Programme (NABDP) efforts in advancing a new model of community-led development has resulted in the successful implementation of vital infrastructure projects in the Kandahar province of Afghanistan one of the worst-affected by poverty and security challenges. These projects are based on proposals finalized by the District Development Assemblies (DDAs). In order to speed the delivery of urgently-needed infrastructure projects, NABDP piloted a new approach to community led development whichhas become known as ‘The Kandahar Model’....

September 2, 2010
Council on Foreign Relations

Abstract:

Afghanistan's parliamentary elections, set for September 18, will be seen as a test of that country's stability nine years after the U.S.-led invasion, and three months before U.S. President Barack Obama reviews progress in the war effort. But if balloting is meant to serve as a litmus test for a military campaign that continues to sputter along, Afghanistan analyst Candace Rondeaux says the West should prepare for disappointment. For one, a surge in pre-election violence, coupled with a growing list of corrupt candidates, will discourage many Afghans from voting, Rondeaux says. Changes to the Afghan-run commission that investigates electoral fraud will also make a free and fair tally unlikely, she says. And while parliament has in recent months exhibited a willingness to challenge President Hamid Karzai on numerous issues, the corrupt lineup of candidates running this time makes it unlikely such independence will continue, she says....

August 19, 2010
Council on Foreign Relations

Abstract:

NATO allies pledged last month to support Afghan President Hamid Karzai's goal of having his country assume responsibility for security within four years. Jack Kem, deputy to the commander overseeing security force training, says significant progress has been made in the last year but much work remains. Rapid growth plans have created new problems, Kem says. Trainers are in short supply, and NATO is "still roughly seven hundred short" of the required level. There are also lingering issues with poorly educated soldiers, says Kem, noting that 86 percent of new recruits "can't read and write at the third-grade level." And while Afghans would "like to see the United States and the rest of the coalition eventually depart," Kem says, the country's security forces "also see this is a really good opportunity to help take control of their own fate."...

August 19, 2010
Council on Foreign Relations

Abstract:

General David H. Petraeus, in his first extended public interviews as chief U.S. and NATO commander in Afghanistan, made news over the weekend when he argued against a hasty withdrawal of U.S. troops in July 2011 and expressed optimism that an achievement of the U.S. objectives there is possible. But Colonel Gian P. Gentile, a visiting CFR fellow who heads West Point's military history program, says there is a mismatch between U.S. President Barack Obama's limited political objectives in Afghanistan, which could be accomplished in some eighteen months, and the U.S. military's "operational objectives." These objectives are "euphemistically called counterinsurgency," he says, and could take a generation to achieve. "We have the means to tactically and operationally achieve success in Afghanistan," says Gentile, but "we become mired in the tactics and operational methods of doing counterinsurgency."...

August 19, 2010
Council on Foreign Relations

Abstract:

Audio also available on the website. "...Well, the administration has made two arguments for why it is worth it: that Afghanistan should not be allowed to become, again, a base for striking the United States, and that Afghanistan not be allowed to become a base for destabilizing its neighbors -- especially Pakistan... There's nothing unique about Afghanistan as a potential base for attacking the United States. There are lots of ill-governed states around the world that al Qaeda global could use to set up a new base. They could use Yemen, they could use Somalia, they could use Djibouti. There are plenty of alternatives to Afghanistan. We're not going to deploy 100,000 American ground troops everywhere al Qaeda might possibly set up a base. We obviously can't do that. But Afghanistan is unique as a base for destabilizing Pakistan. And Pakistan is a unique national security threat to the United States. It is a nuclear-armed state with al Qaeda's global headquarters on their border. And it has an ongoing, internal war that -- by lots of indicators -- isn't going very well for the Pakistani government."...

July 29, 2010
Council on Foreign Relations

Abstract:

As the United States seeks to regain the initiative in the Afghan war, U.S. and Afghan officials are considering ways to lure militants away from the fight. Appeasement and reconciliation talks with Taliban fighters is one approach, as are efforts to empower local defense forces and broader attempts to negotiate ceasefires with senior Taliban commanders. But Matt Waldman, an independent Afghan analyst who has studied the insurgency since 2006, warns that a general misunderstanding of why Afghans fight is undermining current efforts. One example, he says, are preconditions for reconciliation (NYT) set by the Afghan government, including a requirement that fighters renounce violence, embrace the Afghan constitution, and pledge allegiance to a peaceful state. "They are effectively asking for surrender, and surrender is not reconciliation," Waldman says. "If we insist on those preconditions, I can guarantee you there will be no meaningful reconciliation process."...

August 30, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point

Abstract:

This issue includes the following articles: Evaluating the Al-Qa`ida Threat to the U.S. Homeland by Philip Mudd; The Growing Danger from Radical Islamist Groups in the United States, by Paul Cruickshank; Manchester, New York and Oslo: Three Centrally Directed Al-Qa`ida Plots, by Raffaello Pantucci; Lessons Learned from the July 2010 Norwegian Terrorist Plot, by Petter Nesser and Brynjar Lia; American Journeys to Jihad: U.S. Extremists and Foreign Conflicts During the 1980s and 1990s, by William Rosenau and Sara Daly; American Journeys to Jihad: U.S. Extremists and Foreign Conflicts During the 1980s and 1990s, by William Rosenau and Sara Daly....

October 9, 2009
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point

Abstract:

The Combating Terrorism Center is an independent educational and research institution based in the Department of Social Sciences at the United States Military Academy, West Point. The CTC Sentinel harnesses the Center’s global network of scholars and practitioners to understand and confront contemporary threats posed by terrorism and other forms of political violence. 1. Are the Afghan Taliban Involved in International Terrorism? by Anne Stenersen. 5. The Insurgent-Narcotic Nexus in Helmand Province, by Captain Michael Erwin, U.S. Army. 8. The Expansion Strategy of Al-Qa'ida in the Arabian Peninsula, by Gregory D. Johnsen. 11. A Profile of Pakistan's Lashkar-i-Jhangvi, by Arif Jamal. 14. The Failure of Salafi-Jihadi Insurgent Movements in the Levant, by Bilal Y. Saab. 18. The Dangerous Ideas of the Neo-Zarqawist Movement, by Murad Batal al-Shishani. 20. The July 17 Jakarta Suicide Attacks and the Death of Noordin Top, by Noor Huda Ismail. 22. Recent Highlights in Terrorist Activity....

September 2, 2009
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point

Abstract:

1 The Philippines’ Continued Success Against Extremists By Peter Chalk; 5 The Evolving Role of Uzbek-led Fighters in Afghanistan and Pakistan By Jeremy Binnie and Joanna Wright; 7 Tribal Dynamics of the Afghanistan and Pakistan Insurgencies By Hayder Mili and Jacob Townsend; 11 A Review of Reconciliation Efforts in Afghanistan By Joanna Nathan; 14 The Absence of Shi`a Suicide Attacks in Iraq By Babak Rahimi; 17 Factors Affecting Stability in Northern Iraq By Ramzy Mardini; 20 Training for Terror: The "Homegrown" Case of Jami`at al-Islam al-Sahih By Jeffrey B. Cozzens and William Rosenau; 24 Recent Highlights in Terrorist Activity...

May 26, 2010
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

Abstract:

This map represents the movement of internally displaced Afghan families within the Bihsud and Day Mirdad districts of the Wardak province, as of 24 May 2010.

February 24, 2010
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

Abstract:

This map shows the displacement tracked in Hilmand (Helmand) province since the start of NATO's Operation Moshtarak, from 8 to 23 February 2010.

February 16, 2010
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

Abstract:

This map shows the estimated IDP populations by district of displacement, and includes the estimated IDPs caseload by region, as of 30 November 2009.

October 14, 2009
United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs

Abstract:

This map represents violence in Afghanistan as of October 8th, 2009.

September 10, 2009
The International Council on Security and Development

Abstract:

Previous ICOS maps showed a steady increase in the Taliban’s presence throughout Afghanistan. In November 2007, ICOS assessed that the Taliban had a permanent presence in 54% of Afghanistan, and in November 2008, using the same methodology; the result was a finding of a permanent Taliban presence in 72% of the country. The new map indicates that the Taliban insurgency has continued to expand its influence across Afghanistan. It shows that the Taliban now have a permanent presence in 80% of Afghanistan, with another 17% of Afghanistan seeing 'substantial' Taliban activity. Data detailing the presence of the Taliban in Afghanistan was gathered from daily insurgent activity reports between January and September 2009. ICOS believes that the level of incidents recorded by this methodology is conservative, as it is based on public third-party reports, and not all incidents are made public. Permanent presence: defined by provinces that average one (or more) insurgent attack (lethal and non-lethal) per week. Substantial presence: an average one or more insurgent attacks per month and include residents who believe Taliban are active locally (based on frequency of Taliban sightings). Light presence: defined by less than one insurgent attack per month and local residents don’t believe Taliban is active locally (based on frequency of Taliban sightings). To calculate percentages, the total area of Afghanistan was divided by the total area hosting a permanent/substantial/light Taliban presence....

August 25, 2010
The Jamestown Foundation // Terrorism Monitor

Abstract:

Afghanistan’s President, Hamid Karzai, gave a speech on August 7 at the Civil Services Institute in Kabul in which he discussed his government’s reliance on foreign consultants and the role of private security firms. He proposed cuts to the former, and in the case of the latter, outright closure – heavily critical of what he argued is their role in perpetuating violence and instability in the country. Karzai’s speech was hardly surprising in its content, and was illustrative of a longer-term concern, both in Afghanistan and in the West, with commercial providers of security and military services on the one hand, and their close cousins, warlords and private militias, on the other. Karzai’s speech also came at a time of heightened sensitivity to several issues: • Blurring of the conceptual lines between private militias, private security firms and local policing or self-defense units. • Past damage caused to Afghanistan and its people by private armies and their potential to do more of the same now and in the future. • American interest in bolstering local self-defense and policing capacity – with its clear potential as a militia feeder. • Endemic Afghan government corruption. • Anxiety over the withdrawal from ISAF of troop contributing states over the next few years....

July 26, 2010
The New York Times

Abstract:

A six-year archive of classified military documents made public on Sunday offers an unvarnished, ground-level picture of the war in Afghanistan that is in many respects more grim than the official portrayal. The secret documents, released on the Internet by an organization called WikiLeaks, are a daily diary of an American-led force often starved for resources and attention as it struggled against an insurgency that grew larger, better coordinated and more deadly each year. The documents — some 92,000 reports spanning parts of two administrations from January 2004 through December 2009 — illustrate in mosaic detail why, after the United States has spent almost $300 billion on the war in Afghanistan, the Taliban are stronger than at any time since 2001. The reports — usually spare summaries but sometimes detailed narratives — shed light on some elements of the war that have been largely hidden from the public eye....

May 28, 2010
The Jamestown Foundation // Terrorism Monitor

Abstract:

Muslim clerics following the Deobandi school of Islamic theology (named after the movement’s original seminary in Deoband, India) are now increasingly associated with the Taliban and other allied militant groups in both Afghanistan and Pakistan. Though the parent Deobandi seminary in India has distanced itself from the Taliban and their violent activities in both countries, Deobandi-affiliated clergy in Pakistan have squarely refused to follow suit. The parent institution has condemned suicide terrorism in all its forms, opposed attacks on shrines, barber shops and educational institutions and has even characterized the former Taliban regime in Afghanistan as “un-Islamic”. The Pakistani Deobandis have failed to adopt such an unequivocal anti-terrorism stance so far. Some 150 Deobandi clergy who recently met in Lahore for three days (possibly at the behest of the Pakistani government as some participants suggested) deliberated over the ongoing violence in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The scholars were expected to issue a consensual fatwa (religious ruling) against terrorist suicide attacks, but failed to do so....

May 7, 2010
openDemocracy

Abstract:

The first months of 2010 have seen a large-scale military campaign by thousands of United States and Afghan forces to take control of the Taliban-dominated district around Marjah in the centre of Helmand province in southern Afghanistan, backed by efforts to persuade the local population to support the government and oppose Taliban influence. This operation has been a prelude to a much larger plan to win control of the key city of Kandahar, to the east of Helmand, long seen as the base for the whole Taliban movement. The city represents a very different challenge to the rural environment of central Helmand, and will continue for several months. The operation may officially start in June 2010, though in one sense it has already begun. In recent weeks, US special-operations forces have been mounting raids to kill and detain suspected Taliban paramilitaries, with the aim of substantially weakening the movement in advance of the main attacks and preparing the ground for the later conventional campaign When the core operation gets underway, it is likely to feature a deployment of Afghan troops inside the city and American troops in the surrounding districts. The special-forces raids have been accompanied by a large increase in the number of roadblocks and checkpoints across Kandahar, which provoke strong opposition from local residents. This in itself is bad news for the American-led campaign for the city, but more broadly the prospective siege of Kandahar faces two problems....

March 9, 2010
International Relations and Security Network

Abstract:

New data from centrist Democratic pollsters shows President Barack Obama and the party losing ground on national security with key voters, and they urge him to toughen up his rhetoric on terrorism, but it’s a prescription that ignores an important point the president has been trying to make. The poll, conducted by veteran Democratic political consultants Stan Greenberg and Jeremy Rosner, found that President Obama had strong personal approval ratings among voters in most areas of national security - higher indeed than his approval rating overall, which was 47 percent approving and 48 percent disapproving. Conducted in late February, the poll surveyed 851 adults who voted in 2008 and said they were likely to do so again in 2010. More than half of the likely voters approved of the president’s handling of Afghanistan (58 percent to 37 percent disapproving); national security (57 percent to 40); “leading America’s military” (57 percent to 38); fighting terrorism (54 percent to 41); and Iraq (54 percent to 40). These numbers, though still strong, are down from the 60 percent plus territory they were in when the pollsters ran their survey in May last year. Nonetheless, the president’s approval ratings are currently in negative territory on only two national security issues: Iran (42 percent approving to 49 percent disapproving) and the “prosecution and interrogation of terrorism suspects.”...

April 12, 2007


Abstract:

In the summer of 2002, Rights & Democracy established the Women's Rights in Afghanistan Fund, with funding from the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA). Grants from this Fund are made to grassroots women's organizations throughout Afghanistan, with the aim of supporting women's human rights and peacebuilding efforts. This is a small, but crucial, effort to counter the effects of decades of denial of human rights to women and to bolster Afghanistan's chances for a lasting peace. Projects supported by the Fund include: Women's rights educational projects, including legal education; A group of graduates from a seminar on the new Afghan Constitution and women's rights; Leadership training for women; Literacy training for adult women and girls; Skill-building and economic opportunities for women; Capacity-building and peacebuilding initiatives; Women's participation and mobilization in political processes, such as Loya Jirgas, democratic elections, and constitutional or judicial reforms; Healthcare awareness for women; Networking and information-sharing; Lobbying for gender-mainstreaming in Afghan and international institutions; Projects benefiting girl children and adolescent girls and Projects benefiting Afghan refugee women. ...

February 26, 2007


Abstract:

Altai Consulting is the leading Consulting, Research, Survey and Communication service provider in Afghanistan. The company currently employs 150 people: 125 Afghan nationals and 25 international staff, with complementary skills ranging from project development, strategy consulting to research, evaluation and communication.

February 13, 2007


Abstract:

The Human Rights Research and Advocacy Consortium brings together national and international organizations committed to advocating for the rights of all Afghans. It focuses its efforts on three main themes: security rights, political rights and socio-economic rights, as reflected by the current work on the rule of the gun, elections and education. The Consortium seeks to ensure that policy makers, hearing the concerns and hopes of Afghans, will work harder to protect their basic human rights.

February 13, 2007


Abstract:

CHA is a proactive player and a strong advocate in the rehabilitation, reconstruction and sustainable social and economic development of Afghanistan and in the promotion and strengthening of Afghan civil society as an active and vibrant force and partner in this process.

January 18, 2007


Abstract:

Ockenden International works with some of the most vulnerable communities in the world. It works to provide opportunities to rebuild lives torn apart by conflict or natural disaster, helping restore self-reliance to displaced people.

September 10, 2007
Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit

Abstract:

This on-line bibliographic catalogue lists materials held in hardcopy in AREU's research library in Kabul, Afghanistan. AREU's collection includes books, pamphlets, government publications, periodicals, maps, CDs, DVDs, etc. in English, Dari, Pashto and other languages. When we know these materials are available for download on the internet we provide a URL link in the bibliographic record. Some important materials not available elsewhere are made available here for download.

June 21, 2007
Human Security Report Project

Abstract:

The Afghanistan Conflict Monitor is an initiative of the Human Security Report Project at the School for International Studies at Simon Fraser University. The Monitor highlights new research and analysis on the conflict in Afghanistan. In addition to the conflict itself, the Monitor focuses on a broad set of related issue-areas, including health, development, displacement, governance, gender, small arms, landmines, human rights and transitional justice. The Monitor provides summaries of academic articles and reports, and links to key documents, publications, organizations, and data. ...

December 19, 2006
Central Eurasia Project // Open Society Institute

Abstract:

EurasiaNet provides information and analysis about political, economic, environmental and social developments in the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus, as well as in Russia, the Middle East, and Southwest Asia. The web site also offers additional features, including newsmaker interviews a#nd book reviews. Based in New York, EurasiaNet advocates open and informed discussion of issues that concern countries in the region. The web site presents a variety of perspectives on contemporary developments, utilizing a network of correspondents based both in the West and in the region. The aim of EurasiaNet is to promote informed decision making among policy makers, as well as broadening interest in the region among the general public. EurasiaNet is operated by the Central Eurasia Project of the Open Society Institute. EurasiaNet offers daily news under Today's Wires which consolidates of news and information from outside sources, including the British Broadcasting System, Radio Free Europe-Radio Liberty and Interfax. Every day, reports from these and other news services are also posted on the Resource Pages of all the countries in the region; Regional Datebook keeps you ahead of the curve on upcoming events throughout the Caucasus and Central Asia. EurasiaNet has seven different departments that feature original content on political, economic, social, cultural and environmental developments through an extensive network of contributors providing material that keeps readers on top of regional developments. The departments include: Eurasia Insight: Analytical articles on current events that place emphasis on anticipating future developments; Business and Economics: Articles geared towards closely examining deals and trends and their possible impact on economic development; Q&A & Recaps : Interviews with news makers and opinion shapers on regional issues; Civil Society: Covering environment, human rights and culture thoroughout the region; Resource Pages provide comprehensive data and links to other news sources on the web. EurasiaNet also features a variety of other resources as well. Indeed, EurasiaNet is perhaps the most comprehensive source for news and information about the countries of the Caucasus and Central Asia found anywhere on the World Wide Web. ...

February 14, 2006
Foreign Affairs Canada

Abstract:

Canada is making important diplomatic, defence and development contributions to the stabilization and reconstruction of Afghanistan. Foreign Affairs Canada's aim is to support the establishment of a stable environment in which the people of Afghanistan can rebuild their country and their lives.

October 25, 2004
Global Policy Forum

Abstract:

Afghanistan, remote and mountainous, is a tribally-based society that has seen many conflicts. The terrible civil war of recent times began in 1979. Shortly after, the Soviet army intervened to prop up a friendly regime. For nearly a decade, the conflict pitted Islamic rebels, backed by the West, against the Soviet forces and their local allies. Osama bin Laden served in the leadership of Mektab al-Khadimat, funded, armed and supervised by the CIA to recruit and train fighters from around the Arab world to fight against the Russians. The rebels eventually forced a Soviet withdrawal in 1989. The Islamic groups, never unified, then split into several camps and fought among themselves for power. The Taliban, supported by Pakistan, won control of the capital, Kabul, and most of the country by 1996, but war raged on. Beginning on October 7, 2001, the Afghan crisis took a new turn as the United States and its allies launched military strikes in retaliation for the World Trade Center/Pentagon terrorist attacks, said to have been masterminded by bin Laden from a base in Afghanistan and harbored or supported by the Taliban regime. The current phase of the crisis deepens an already serious threat to regional and international peace and security, causing further human suffering, destruction, and the displacement of large numbers of people. ...

July 26, 2010
WikiLeaks

Abstract:

The Afghan War Diaries an extraordinary secret compendium of over 91,000 reports covering the war in Afghanistan from 2004 to 2010. The reports describe the majority of lethal military actions involving the United States military. They include the number of persons internally stated to be killed, wounded, or detained during each action, together with the precise geographical location of each event, and the military units involved and major weapon systems used. These reports have been primarily written by soldiers and intelligence officers listening to reports radioed in from front line deployments. However the reports also contain related information from Marines intelligence, US Embassies, and reports about corruption and development activity across Afghanistan. Each report consists of the time and precise geographic location of an event that the US Army considers significant. It includes several additional standardized fields: The broad type of the event (combat, non-combat, propaganda, etc.); the category of the event as classified by US Forces, how many were detained, wounded, and killed from civilian, allied, host nation, and enemy forces; the name of the reporting unit and a number of other fields, the most significant of which is the summary - This is an English language description of the events that are covered in the report....

May 20, 2010
National Democratic Institute

Abstract:

Afghanistanelectiondata.org is an innovative online mapping tool designed to facilitate analysis of election results data from Afghanistan’s Aug. 20 presidential elections using demographic, ethnographic, topographic and security information. The aim of the site is to make the election data more accessible and transparent so that those involved in the Afghan political process, including government officials, political parties and domestic monitoring groups, as well as those in the international community can use the information to improve future elections. NDI has worked in Afghanistan since 2002 and maintains a main office in Kabul and regional offices in Bamiyan, Gardez, Herat, Jalalabad, Kandahar, Khost, Kunduz and Mazar-i-Sharif. Its programs focus on assisting political parties, candidates, polling agents and domestic election monitoring groups to participate effectively in the electoral process. It also works to support the development of emerging political parties and civic groups as effective and viable participants in Afghanistan’s political and electoral processes....

January 11, 2010
The Brookings Institution

Abstract:

The Afghanistan Index is a statistical compilation of economic, public opinion and security data, and updates every week. This resource will provide updated and historical information on various data, including crime, infrastructure, casualties, unemployment, Afghan security forces and coalition troop strength. The index is designed to assemble the best possible quantitative indicators of the international community’s counterinsurgency and nation-building efforts in Afghanistan, to track them over time, and to offer an objective set of criteria for benchmarking performance. It serves as an in-depth, non-partisan assessment of American and international efforts in Afghanistan, and is based primarily on U.S. government, Afghan government and NATO data. Although measurements of progress in any nation-building effort can never be reduced to purely quantitative data, a comprehensive compilation of such information can provide a clearer picture and contribute to a healthier and better informed debate....

August 19, 2009
Alive in Afghanistan

Abstract:

Alive in Afghanistan is an independent, non-partisan project, formed in response to the huge success of Alive in Baghdad and Alive in Gaza and the result of the hard work and collaboration of many partners and individuals. Alive in Afghanistan empowers Afghan citizens to participate in society by reporting on their political process. Alive in Afghanistan is launching in time for the August 20th presidential elections so that people across Afghanistan can report fairly on the elections and related events through SMS, email, and the web. We recognize that, given limitations of access to technology, it may be a limited subset of the privileged who will be able to use Alive in Afghanistan’s open system to report on the election. Despite the limitation we feel that, as long as recognition is given, the potential impact of the project is still such that we should go forward, doing our best to provide access to all. We have partnered with Pajhwok Afghan News in order to combine citizen reporting with focused, concise reports from professional journalists throughout Afghanistan....

August 12, 2009
Global Post

Abstract:

Life, death and the Taliban seeks to enhance America’s understanding of Taliban history in Afghanistan and Pakistan. At this crucial time in the U.S.-led war against the Taliban, Charlie Sennott recaps the group’s rise to power and looks at current political and counterinsurgency efforts in Afghanistan.

September 1, 2010
United Nations University // World Institute for Development Economics Research

Abstract:

The paper examines the relationship between conflict and entrepreneurial activity in Afghanistan, drawing upon a unique data set, the National Risk and Vulnerability Assessment household survey 2005. Afghanistan is severely underdeveloped and poor. Conflict has persisted in vast swathes of the country for decades, so that Afghanistan may be more appropriately described as an in-, rather than post-, conflict country. At the same time, qualitative (and anecdotal) evidence suggests that entrepreneurial activity is ubiquitous, although mainly due to survival strategies rather than a spirit of entrepreneurialism. We empirically explore whether conflict affects the likelihood of a household to engage in entrepreneurial activity, proxied by sources of income coming from holding a small business. We control for the household characteristics and those of the environment, such as social capital, access to resources and infrastructure, as well as the presence of a minimal institutional governance system, to isolate the impact of conflict on household entrepreneurial behaviour. We find that the direct negative effect of the conflict on entrepreneurship is very small. The results on the control variables suggest that (i) the generation of entrepreneurship has seen conflict and instability for a whole life,( ii) a small business is a mean of surviving in a situation where any other support is lacking, (iii) it is a viable strategy when the household can cover some of the associated risks, (iv) there is no indirect effect of conflict via institutions and infrastructure, and (v) entrepreneurial activity may substitute for lacking markets and governance institutions. These results call for further and more in-depth research on Afghanistan as an overlooked area of study by the academic and development research community despite representing a priority for internationally supported reconstruction....

August 31, 2010
Naval Postgraduate School // Program for Culture and Conflict Studies

Abstract:

Following the U.S.-led attack against Afghanistan in October 2001, Taliban sympathizers in Pakistan’s western tribal areas quickly pledged support and provided additional manpower and resources to help the Afghan Taliban resistance. The Pashtun tribes who dominate the western tribal agencies of Pakistan share ancestral lineages with many of Afghanistan’s Pashtun tribesman and both have long resisted colonial attempts of occupation. Even in a modern context, the core of the Afghan resistance movement against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan was based in these same areas, using Peshawar as a de facto capital and the tribal agency’s of North and South Waziristan as training areas and key junctions for transiting personnel and weapons into Afghanistan. Presented in this overview is an operational snapshot of the TTP and its influential leaders throughout eight tribal regions in located in western Pakistan: North and South Waziristan, Bajaur Agency, Mohmand Agency, Orakzai Agency, Kurram Agency Khyber Agency and Darra Adamkhel....

August 25, 2010
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Abstract:

The development of geopolitical processes over the past decade demonstrates that Central Asia has become one of the key Eurasian regions, with major impact on the overall climate of the continental and global security. Central Asia’s influence is felt on several fronts, primarily those of combating international terrorism and supplying oil and natural gas. At the same time, the region’s growing importance carries certain risks. As the region becomes an integral part of the global system of security and the economy, it also becomes sensitive to the effects of the multiple factors and processes that traditionally determine the course of global political, economic, cultural, and ideological development. Today we can distinguish at least three areas that are located at the junction of these two tensions: the problem of Afghanistan; the issue of increasing supplies of oil and gas, taking into account the diversification of routes; and the transformation of Central Asia as the continental transportation hub. All three of these areas carry a powerful geopolitical component, characterized by the involvement of a large number of regional and global players....

August 25, 2010
Brookings Institute

Abstract:

In 2005, the Taliban and other insurgent groups began one of the most impressive comebacks against a U.S.-led military coalition in history. By the time Obama came into office, the United States had to develop a new strategy for a largely new war -- and one it was losing. Such was the context for the Obama administration's fall 2009 policy review. The Bush administration had already tried a light-footprint approach in Afghanistan, and it had resulted in the Taliban's comeback -- including at least a fivefold increase in violence since 2005. Since 2005, the Taliban and other insurgent groups -- such as the Haqqani network, another extremist Pashtun movement straddling central parts of the Afghan-Pakistani border -- had substantially improved their battlefield tactics. The U.S. approach -- originally crafted by General Stanley McChrystal, now being implemented by General David Petraeus, and supported by such civilians as U.S. Ambassador Eikenberry; Mark Sedwill, NATO's senior civilian representative in Afghanistan; and Staffan de Mistura, the UN special representative in Afghanistan -- focuses on the south and east of the country, where insurgent activity has been greatest and where local populations have been most inclined to support or tolerate the insurgency. The Afghan government has limited reach across its territory because it is hampered by a lack of human capital and an excess of corruption....

August 25, 2010
Council on Foreign Relations

Abstract:

Building Afghanistan's domestic security forces to the point that they can effectively take over the country's security is critical to the eventual departure of U.S. troops--a fact that U.S. President Barack Obama stressed in 2009 in his strategy for the beleaguered Afghan military campaign. But despite the promises and ongoing commitments, analysts say the process will likely take more time than expected. In July 2010, NATO nations agreed to support Afghan President Hamid Karzai's goal of Afghanistan assuming sole responsibility for its security by 2014, but even that goal may be lofty. Top military leaders in Afghanistan, such as former commanding Army General David McKiernan, say the handover of security to indigenous forces is "years away." And the new commander of international forces in the country, General David H. Petraeus, has quietly scaled back plans (Guardian) to hand over provincial security operations, a sign that confidence in Afghan units--while increasing--still lags far behind expectations. Afghanistan's National Security Forces consist of three principle components: the Afghan National Army, the Afghan Air Force, and the Afghan National Police. The growth of the security forces is presenting its own set of difficulties....

March 4, 2010
Chicago Project on Security and Terrorism

Abstract:

The Chicago Project on Security and Terrorism maintains a searchable database on all suicide attacks from 1981 to 2001 and additional years will be added. The database includes information about the location of attacks, the target type, the weapon used, and systematic information on the demographic and general biographical characteristics of suicide attackers. The database expands the breadth of the data available in English using native language sources (e.g., Arabic, Hebrew, Russian, Tamil) that are likely to have the most extensive relevant information. The database allows filtering by location, group, campaign, target type, weapon and gender....

January 18, 2008
Afghanistan Conflict Monitor

Abstract:

The Afghanistan Conflict Monitor is an initiative of the Human Security Report Project at the School for International Studies at Simon Fraser University. The Monitor highlights new research and analysis on the conflict in Afghanistan. In addition to the conflict itself, the Monitor focuses on a broad set of related issue-areas, including health, development, displacement, governance, gender, small arms, landmines, human rights and transitional justice. The Monitor provides summaries of academic articles and reports, and links to key documents, publications, organizations, and data. The Monitor's data section includes security, health and socio-economic indicators....

August 12, 2010
The Century Foundation

Abstract:

Afghanistan Watch is a blog initiated by Carl Robichaud of The Century Foundation. The blog is no longer updated frequently, but it does offer an archive of news, analysis and commentary on governance, security, and policy, going back to 2004.

August 12, 2010
McClatchy

Abstract:

Checkpoint Kabul is written by Dion Nissenbaum, who covers south Asia with a focus on Afghanistan as bureau chief for McClatchy Newspapers. Other McClatchy journalists occasionally contribute.

August 12, 2010
Reuters

Abstract:

A blog about governance and conflict and security issues in Afghanistan.

August 12, 2010
CNN

Abstract:

Afghanistan Crossroads is where CNN's reporting converges - bringing you a diversity of voices, stunning images and video, global perspectives and the latest news from on the ground in Afghanistan and around the world.

August 12, 2010
Stockholm International Peace Research Institute

Abstract:

The Afghanistan Blog is run by Tim Foxley, a Researcher with the SIPRI Armed Conflicts and Conflict Management Programme, studying Afghanistan political and military issues. Previously, he worked for the British Ministry of Defence as a political and military regional analyst covering Eastern Europe, the Balkans, the former Soviet Union and, from late 2001, Afghanistan. In 2006 he served for four months as a senior analyst in the ISAF Headquarters in Kabul. His publications on the Taliban include 'The Taliban’s propaganda activities: how well is the Taliban communicating and what is it saying' (2007). The task of SIPRI is to conduct 'scientific research on questions of conflict and cooperation of importance for international peace and security with the aim of contributing to an understanding of the conditions for peaceful solution of international conflicts and for a stable peace'....