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Résumé: Profile: Would-be suicide bomber selected by Hambali for attacks in Los Angeles; Trained al-Farouq camps in 2000 and 2001; Transferred funds from Khalid Shaikh Mohammed to Jemaah Islamiya operatives; Held degree in electronics telecommunications; He was one of 14 key al-Qaeda operatives and associates transferred from CIA custody to the U.S. military prison at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, in 2006
Résumé: A "Zone of Possible Agreement" (ZOPA) exists if there is a potential agreement that would benefit both sides more than their alternative options do.
Résumé: The Zomi Revolutionary Organization (ZRO) was formed in 1993 and its armed wing, the Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA), was formed in 1997 following an escalation of ethnic violence between the Kukis and Paites in the Churachandpur district of Manipur.
The purported objective of the ZRO/ZRA is to protect the interests of the Paite community from the xe2x80x98onslaught of any community or group'. It further attempts to bring all the Zomi people, divided by artificial State boundaries in various countries, specifically in Myanmar (Chin State), India (Manipur and Mizoram) and Bangladesh (Chittagong Hills Tracts), together under one administrative unit, a xe2x80x98Zogam', which means xe2x80x98land of the Zomi' under the Indian Union.
Résumé: Embattled Zimbabwe president Robert Mugabe is piling more pressure on the country's dwindling white community, with a campaign of intimidation and arrests.
Mugabe, who, of late, has been using warlike demagoguery to frighten critics, alleges that the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, MDC, is taking instructions from its "white masters". He has repeated his mantra that the MDC will never rule "my Zimbabwe", and says he will not surrender the country to white colonialists.
Résumé: Many Zimbabweans considered the formation, in February
2008, of the Organ on National Healing, reconciliation
and Integration by the Inclusive Government – formed by
elements of the ruling Zimbabwe African National union
(ZANu) and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
– to be a watershed opportunity for stemming the nation’s historically entrenched culture of state-sanctioned violence
and impunity. Zimbabwe had never before comprehensively
attempted to prosecute or compel perpetrators of politically
motivated violence to acknowledge their transgressions,
because the national leadership regularly exploited
constitutional prerogatives to pardon perpetrators. Political
expedience has always outweighed the imperatives of
victim-sensitive national healing after all the major political
crises of the post-independence years. These included the
liberation war of the 1970s, the Gukurahundi inferno of the
1980s, recurring election-related violence in the post-colonial
era, the land reclamation exercise, and anti-MDC violence
after 2000.
In this article, I argue that the major deficiency in
the contemporary conciliatory political milieu is the lack
of clear and binding instruments for achieving national
healing and reconciliation. There is also no symmetry in
the power relations among the constituent political players
in the Inclusive Government. Individuals and interests
that fomented violence in the past remain powerful and still arbitrarily control some levers of the state, and this
forecloses meaningful national healing. Another shortcoming
is that national healing is also conceptualised in selective
racial terms, with the white community not factored into
the ongoing healing exercise. In short, the current national
healing process does not promise a new future without
impunity for Zimbabweans.
The ensuing narrative explores the intersecting politics
of post-colonial violence, retribution and impunity in
three parts. The first part analyses the key determinants
for national healing and reconciliation. In the second,
I contextualise violence in Zimbabwe by exploring the
inadequacies of the country’s post-colonial attempts at
national healing. The third section is my critique of attempts
at stemming the culture of impunity, and of establishing
sustainable peace by the new government and its National
Organ on Healing, reconciliation and Integration.
Résumé: South Africa is denying access to political asylum to thousands of Zimbabweans seeking to escape persecution. Of the 5,000 applications for political asylum filed by Zimbabweans to date, fewer than 20 Zimbabweans have actually received political asylum in South Africa. But more troubling still is the fact that few Zimbabweans are able even to apply for political asylum.
Résumé: The enduring symbol of Zimbabwe's economic woes is the queue. A patient line of grim-faced people interminably waiting to get their hands on the most basic of everyday items summed up 2005.
Résumé: Over the course of 2005 the Zimbabwean government strengthened its political grip with landslide victories in parliamentary and senate elections, and a split in the main opposition party. However, the country's humanitarian and economic crisis deepened, with worse expected in 2006.
Résumé: Zimbabwe's power-sharing deal raises hopes that years of political turbulence, violence and harsh economic decline can now be addressed in a comprehensive manner. The immediate priority is to hold the government together, but durable peace will also require justice for victims of political violence and accountability for perpetrators-both of which get short shrift in the agreement.
For the long-suffering people of Zimbabwe - many of whom have been dispossessed, imprisoned or injured for exercising their right to vote - the political balance of power is inextricably linked to the process of addressing their years of grievance and pain. For them, President Robert Mugabe and his security chiefs appear to have gotten away with serious crimes, at least for now.
The agreement gives the impression that the door is being left open for justice. The preamble accepts of the values of justice and fairness and the need to respect human rights, as well as committing the parties in principle to the rule of law.
In reality, the agreement offers little scope for dealing with the past and mentions no formal transitional justice mechanisms such as a truth commission or a reparations plan. An unspoken de facto amnesty for human rights violations seems to have been allowed, particularly for senior perpetrators. Acknowledgement and accountability are not high on the agenda.
Résumé: The Redress Trust (REDRESS) is an international human rights organisation
with a mandate to assist torture survivors seek justice and reparation. Its national
and international programmes are aimed at ensuring that the rights of torture
survivors, whoever they are, and wherever they are located, are realised in
practice. REDRESS continues to actively follow the situation in Zimbabwe. Over
the past few years, it has published a number of reports on the prevalence of
torture in Zimbabwe and the prospects for Zimbabwean victims to obtain justice
and reparation nationally and internationally. This current Report follows on from
previous ones, and looks particularly at the patterns of torture and other forms of
organised violence over the past three years, and the strong correlation they
have with elections.
Résumé: The power-sharing agreement reached by Zimbabwe’s three main political parties in
September 2008 has created a rare moment of opportunity for Zimbabwean
authorities to tackle the long-standing legacy of impunity for human rights violations
and build a culture of accountability. Amnesty International is issuing this report at
this time to draw attention to the importance of addressing the long-standing problem
of impunity for human rights violations in Zimbabwe.
Amnesty International is appealing to the government of Zimbabwe to institute a
series of measures to break the culture of impunity which has persisted since 2000,
and which was a major factor in the wave of politically motivated human rights
violations after elections on 29 March 2008. Despite Zimbabwe’s legal obligations to tackle impunity, the people who have violated
human rights since 2000, and most recently in the context of the 2008 elections,
have not been made to account for their actions. In particular those in the security forces, “war veterans” and supporters of the Zimbabwe African National Union-
Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) have faced no investigation, prosecution or censure. On the
contrary, they appear to have been encouraged to commit further human rights
violations by the failure of the government to take action against perpetrators of
human rights violations.
Amnesty International’s findings show that the violence that followed the presidential,
parliamentary and local government elections on 29 March 2008 was sponsored by
the government. The Zimbabwe security forces – army, police and intelligence service
– were directly involved in committing human rights violations against perceived
opponents of the ZANU-PF government. The security forces (including retired
members) and some “war veterans” were the main force behind the human rights
violations. They also organized ZANU-PF supporters to commit human rights abuses
against opposition supporters. This report is based on Amnesty International’s field research, interviews with victims
of human rights violations, their families and other witnesses, health workers, reports
by other organizations and media reports. Amnesty International visited Zimbabwe in
August-September and November 2007 as well as March and July-August 2008.
The report outlines the context in which human rights violations have been taking
place in Zimbabwe and describes patterns of violations as illustrated by cases. It
focuses on violations that took place after the 29 March 2008 elections, as well as
human rights violations committed by two units within the Zimbabwe Republic Police
in 2007. It sets out Zimbabwe’s obligations under international human rights law and
makes a series of recommendations to the government, aimed at ending human rights
violations and breaking the culture of impunity as well as addressing the suffering of
victims of past violations.
Some names of the victims have been altered for their own security and safety.
Résumé: Over a year after the establishment of a transitional government in Zimbabwe, economic and
humanitarian conditions are gradually improving, but concerns about the country’s political future
remain. In February 2009, after almost a year of uncertainty following March 2008 elections,
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai was sworn as Prime Minister of a new coalition
government. His swearing-in came five months after a power-sharing agreement was signed in an
effort to resolve the political standoff resulting from the flawed elections. For the first time since
independence, the ruling party had lost its parliamentary majority. The results of the presidential
race, announced over a month late amid rising tensions, indicated that Tsvangirai had received
more votes than the incumbent, President Robert Mugabe, but had failed to gain the 50% needed
to avoid a runoff. Days before the runoff, in late June 2008, Tsvangirai pulled out of the race,
citing widespread political violence and the absence of conditions for a free and fair election.
Mugabe was declared the winner, but many observer missions suggest that the poll did not reflect
the will of the people. In September, after weeks of negotiations, Tsvangirai and Mugabe reached
an agreement to form a unity government, with Mugabe remaining head of state, Tsvangirai
becoming Prime Minister, and cabinet and gubernatorial positions divided among the parties.
Disputes over key ministries delayed the agreement’s implementation for months.
Résumé: Human rights groups have consistently pointed to the widespread
organised political violence, including the use of torture, which marred the June 2000
parliamentary elections and the March 2002 presidential election, and which have also
been a marked feature of subsequent mayoral, local government and by-elections. Over
the past five years there have been numerous national and international reports by
reputable organisations which have documented these abuses and concluded that the
vast majority of the perpetrators of this violence and torture have been persons and
structures under the control of the Mugabe Government: the police, the army and the
Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), the youth militias, the so-called war veterans,
and Zanu-PF party structures.
Résumé: Between May and July 2005 some 700,000 people in Zimbabwe lost their homes, their livelihoods or both as a direct consequence of the government's Operation Murambatsvina(1), a programme of mass forced evictions and demolitions of homes and informal businesses. In some areas entire settlements were razed to the ground. While the demolitions took place right across the country, the majority of the destruction occurred in high density urban areas in Harare, Chitungwiza, Bulawayo, Mutare, Kariba and Victoria Falls. In these areas tens of thousands of poor families lived in what are known as backyard cottages or extensions - these were small, often brick, structures built on residential plots around the main house, sometimes attached to the main house, and sometimes a little way separate from it. They varied in size from one to several rooms. In urban areas these backyard structures were the only source of accommodation for poor people, who could not afford to buy a plot of land and build their own home. The government and local authorities in Zimbabwe provide almost no cheap rental accommodation.
Résumé: The regional mediation offering the most realistic chance to resolve Zimbabwe’s eight-year crisis has failed. South African President Thabo Mbeki’s stated objective in talks between the ruling ZANU-PF party and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was to secure conditions for free and fair elections that would produce an undisputed outcome. But on 29 March 2008, Zimbabwe will hold elections already flawed by pre-poll misbehaviour, notwithstanding what may occur on polling day and thereafter. The results are likely to be heatedly disputed. Though the playing field is far from even, and efforts to create a united opposition have failed, ex-ZANU-PF politburo member Simba Makoni is seriously challenging Robert Mugabe’s re-election. The 84-year-old president probably has the means to manipulate the process sufficiently to retain his office, though possibly only after a violent run-off, but there is little prospect of a government emerging that is capable of ending the crisis. If the situation deteriorates, the African Union (AU) needs to be ready to offer prompt mediation for a power-sharing agreement between presidential contenders and creation of a transitional government with a reform agenda.
Résumé: Policies and practices of the Government of Zimbabwe are undermining peoples' access to food, and violate Zimbabwe's obligations under international human rights, according to this report by Amnesty International. The report, "Zimbabwe: Power and Hunger, Violations of the Right to Food", examines a number of government policies and how their implementation has resulted in the violation of basic rights. These include the controversial "fast track land reform programme", and the operations of the government-controlled Grain Marketing Board (GMB).
Résumé: A Presidential election in Zimbabwe took place on 9th - 11th March 2002. In a process described
by almost all international observers as "unfree and unfair", President Robert Mugabe was
announced the winner of the poll. Gross human rights violations were documented throughout the election process, and were an important factor in condemnation of the election outcome.
Since the elections, there has been little international media attention to human rights abuses in
Zimbabwe, and this could lead to the misperception that the situation has improved, or normalised
in the post election period. This is not the case; politically motivated, government-endorsed
violence continues against those perceived to be# supporters of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC).
President Mugabe has stated publicly in the post election phase, that the government intends to
repress its political opponents. Parliament has effectively been rendered irrelevant by its
adjournment until August. New laws seriously restrict freedom of expression, association and
assembly, and recent developments clearly show that the government intends to exploit the
repressive powers given to it by these new laws. Furthermore, a senior member of ZANU has
declared that the government will not respect the rulings of the court, if in disagreement with the
interests of the government.
The authors document in this report that mutilating torture beyond any doubt is practised by government
supporters against their political opponents in Zimbabwe in the post election period.
Résumé: Despite the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA), little progress has been made in the
protection and promotion of human rights in Zimbabwe as seen by the sustained levels of violence
from month to month. This report comes a year after the 27 June 2008 Presidential Election Run-off
that saw some of the worst politically motivated violence the country has witnessed since
independence. Alarmingly, to date, violations reminiscent in nature to those that occurred in 2008 pre
and post the harmonised elections continue to be witnessed in some parts of the country.
Some reports received by the Human Rights Forum indicate that ZANU PF bases that were used as
places to torture and maim supporters and purported supporters of the MDC during the electoral
violence that engulfed most parts of the country in 2008, are still operational or re-activated. These
bases continue to be used to harbour perpetrators of politically motivated violence. The continued
existence of these bases raises fears of resurgence in violence especially in the rural areas that were
also the most affected by the violence in 2008.
Suspicion and mistrust across the political divide have fuelled violence in many communities. This
report documents the assault of two MDC members by ZANU PF supporters on suspicion that they
had attended a meeting at which they were plotting to carry out retributive attacks on ZANU PF
supporters who had been involved in the 2008 violence. Also documented in this report is the attack
on ZANU PF supporters by MDC supporters in Buhera in retribution for the 2008 electoral violence.
The inter-party violence that continues to take place around the country is a sign of the urgent need for
national healing and justice for the victims of politically motivated violence.
Résumé: The month of June saw the levels of organised violence being sustained with little indication that the
Government of National Unity (GNU) was committed to ending human rights violations in the country.
Disregard for the rule of law, corruption, intimidation, abuse of political office and the militarisation of both public and private institutions continue to dog Zimbabwe and stifle any meaningful economic recovery. Civic activity remained under threat as the police violently broke-up peaceful protests and denied civic groups permission to take part in civic activities. This report documents the harassment, arrest, detention and beatings of Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) and Men of Zimbabwe Arise (MOZA members as they took part in marches to commemorate the United Nations International Refugee Day in Harare and Bulawayo. Two student leaders were also arrested at Masvingo Polytechnic following a protest at the campus as the clampdown on the student movement continues. The police are also reported to have denied clearance for a peaceful march of gender activists who intended to advocate for greater women’s participation in the constitution making process. The police continue to stifle free and peaceful civic activity with brutal attacks on peaceful activists despite the commitment by the parties to the Global Political Agreement (GPA) which incorporates article 18 "Security of Persons and Prevention of Violence."
Résumé: As Zimbabwe enters its second year under a unity government, the challenges to democratic transformation have come into sharp focus. Despite reasonable progress in restoring political and social stability, ending widespread repression and stabilising the economy since February 2009, major threats could still derail the reform process. In particular, resistance of intransigent and still powerful security sector leaders and fractious in-fighting between and within the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU-PF) and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) must be addressed now. South Africa and other countries in southern Africa – who monitor the accord that guides the transition – must press the parties, and particularly President Robert Mugabe, to see the transition through to a successful conclusion. But major concerns undermining the transition process have come to the fore. Hardline generals and other Mugabe loyalists in ZANU-PF are refusing to implement the government’s decisions, boycotting the new national security organ and showing public disdain for Tsvangirai. This briefing focuses on political party and security issues, as well as South Africa’s mediation.
Résumé: In May 2005 the government of Zimbabwe launched Operation Murambatsvina, a programme of mass forced evictions and demolitions of homes and informal businesses. The operation targeted poor urban and surrounding (peri-urban) areas nationwide. The evictions and demolitions were carried out without adequate notice, court orders, due process, legal protection, redress or appropriate relocation measures, in violat#ion of Zimbabwe's obligations under international human rights law. They were carried out despite the government's acknowledgement that the country already faced a severe housing shortage. During the operation police used excessive force: property was destroyed and people were beaten. In a report released on 22 July 2005, the United Nations (UN) Special Envoy on Human Settlement Issues in Zimbabwe, who is also the Executive Director of the UN Human Settlement Programme (UNHABITAT), Anna Tibaijuka, estimated that some 700,000 people had lost their homes, their livelihoods or both between May and July 2005. She stated that Operation Murambatsvina "was carried out in an indiscriminate and unjustified manner, with indifference to human suffering, and, in repeated cases, with disregard to several provisions of national and international legal frameworks."
Résumé: In May 2005, the Zimbabwean government initiated an extraordinary campaign of forced evictions and demolitions resulting in the internal displacement of an estimated 570,000 people, many of whom remain in transit camps and have limited access to assistance. Op-eration Murambatsvina ("Restore Order") targeted informal and legal settlements and businesses across the country, as homes were first destroyed in high-density shanty towns and subsequently in settlements on farms in peri-urban and rural areas. Since 2005, ongo-ing displacements have been noted by international observers, and the government's evic-tion programmes have recently reportedly expanded to include students and illegal gold miners. The breakdown of the formal economy has led ever more people to search for liveli-hood opportunities in urban areas, causing an increased risk of new evictions.
Résumé: More than four months have passed since Zimbabwe held its parliamentary polls
and it still seems that the winner of these elections, the governing Zimbabwe
African Union - Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), still has no clear intention to end
Zimbabwe's political crisis or a programme to resuscitate this country's collapsing
economy. Instead, President Mugabe and his allies within ZANU-PF have used the
post-election period to launch further attacks on opponents, both inside an
outside of the party, in a series of somewhat chaotic policy decisions, ostensibly
in a bid to consolidate their power base.
Résumé: Getting Zimbabwe's March 2005 elections right may be the country's last chance to avoid becoming a failed state. The international community must act now to ensure that the parliamentary elections are free and fair, in line with the Southern African Development Community's own norms and standards. Zimbabwe's crisis has deepened over the first quarter of 2004. The ruling ZANU-PF has further isolated itself internationally and demonstrated its reliance on repression and force to maintain control. The economy is contracting at a record rate. To date, the international response to Zimbabwe's tragedy has been inadequate and ineffectual. If the electoral process is badly compromised, and state violence continues to be deployed against the opposition, Zimbabwe will reach the point of no return.
