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Résumé: This is a transcript of a speech made by Sir John Holmes, UN Emergency Relief Coordinator (2007-10), on 14 March 2013 at Chatham House.
Sir John Holmes argue that despite the best efforts of humanitarian organizations, the provision of aid to the world's most vulnerable groups is not immune from political interference. He discussed the problems of dealing with the governments of both donor and recipient countries, drawing on his experiences in Sudan, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan and Burma.
Résumé: Human Security Research is a monthly compilation of significant new human security-related research published by academics, university research institutes, think-tanks, international agencies, and NGOs.
In this issue:
NATURAL DISASTERS AND CONFLICT: When Disasters and Conflicts Collide: Improving Links Between Disaster Resilience and Conflict Prevention
SYRIA: Preliminary Statistical Analysis of Documentation of Killings in the Syrian Arab Republic
KENYA: Kenya’s 2013 Elections
COLLECTIVE VIOLENCE: It’s Who You Know: Social Networks, Interpersonal Connections, and Participation in Collective Violence
MEXICO: Drug Violence in Mexico: Data and Analysis Through 2012
TRANSNATIONAL ORGANIZED CRIME: Transnational Organized Crime in West Africa: A Threat Assessment
FAITH COMMUNITIES AND RESILIENCY: Local Faith Communities and the Promotion of Resilience in Humanitarian Situations: A Scoping Study
YEMEN: A Lasting Peace? Yemen's Long Journey to National Reconciliation
DISPLACEMENT: Displacement, Disharmony and Disillusion. Understanding Host-Refugee Tensions in Maban County, South Sudan
MENTAL HEALTH AND CONFLICT: Madness or Sadness? Local Concepts of Mental Illness in Four Conflict-affected African Communities
SRI LANKA: Sri Lanka’s Authoritarian Turn: The Need for International Action
JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION: Peace, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Opportunities and Challenges in the Fight Against Impunity
Résumé: The 140-page report provides detailed accounts of 75 cases of alleged rape and sexual abuse that occurred from 2006-2012 in both official and secret detention centers throughout Sri Lanka. In the cases documented by Human Rights Watch, men and women reported being raped on multiple days, often by several people, with the army, police, and pro-government paramilitary groups frequently participating.
Résumé: Government attacks on the judiciary and political dissent have accelerated Sri Lanka’s authoritarian turn and threaten long-term stability and peace. The government’s politically motivated impeachment of the chief justice reveals both its intolerance of dissent and the weakness of the political opposition. By incapacitating the last institutional check on the executive, the government has crossed a threshold into new and dangerous terrain, threatening prospects for the eventual peaceful transfer of power through free and fair elections. Strong international action should begin with Sri Lanka’s immediate referral to the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) and a new resolution from the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) calling for concrete, time-bound actions to restore the rule of law, investigate rights abuses and alleged war crimes by government forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), and devolve power to Tamil and Muslim areas of the north and east.
Sri Lanka is faced with two worsening and inter-connected governance crises. The dismantling of the independent judiciary and other democratic checks on the executive and military will inevitably feed the growing ethnic tension resulting from the absence of power sharing and the denial of minority rights. Both crises have deepened with the Rajapaksa government’s refusal to comply with the HRC’s March 2012 resolution on reconciliation and accountability. While the government claims to have implemented many of the recommendations of its Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) – a key demand of the HRC’s resolution – there has in fact been no meaningful progress on the most critical issues:
the government has conducted no credible investigations into allegations of war crimes, disappearances or other serious human rights violations;
rather than establish independent institutions for oversight and investigation, the government has in effect removed the last remnants of judicial independence through the impeachment of the chief justice;
there has been no progress toward a lasting and fair constitutional settlement of the ethnic conflict through devolution of power;
the military still controls virtually all aspects of life in the north, intimidating and sidelining the civilian administration;
more than 90,000 people remain displaced in the north and east, amid continued land seizures by the military, with no effective right of appeal and no fair process for handling land disputes;
government security forces have broken up peaceful Tamil protests in the north, detained students on questionable charges of working with the LTTE and actively harassed Tamil politicians;
the government has responded with force to protest and dissent in the south, too, deploying troops to prevent the newly impeached chief justice and supporters from visiting the Supreme Court while pro-government groups attacked lawyers protesting the impeachment.
Résumé: Sri Lanka is recovering from a devastating 26-year civil war, which ended in May 2009 with the military defeat of the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by the government of Sri Lanka. The rapid reconstruction of major roads, power lines and public buildings by the government is an impressive achievement. The return of 300,000 people displaced at the end of the war was also swift, but in a number of cases the government of Sri Lanka did not adhere to internationally accepted standards for voluntary, safe and dignified return. Furthermore, an estimated 100,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) remain in camps, host communities and transit centers1 and about 136,000 Sri Lankan refugees remain in exile, with the majority in India. Sri Lanka’s postwar transition from relief to development has been artificially stunted in that there was little recognition of the underlying grievances of the Tamil minority. Furthermore, the victory has allowed the government to consolidate power across the country and intimidate political opposition at all levels. The maintenance of public administration and services in LTTE-controlled areas during the war should have fostered a more efficient transition from relief to development, but the military’s influence in local administration and centralized decision-making process have limited recovery efforts. For the conflict-affected populations in the north and east, the sociopolitical conflict continues and a host of unaddressed traumas manifest in grow-ing social issues among Tamil communities. Sri Lanka’s future as a stable and democratic nation remains overshadowed, not by a renewed Tamil insurgency but by the increasingly authoritative practices of the administration of President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Résumé: Human Security Research is a monthly compilation of significant new human security-related research published by academics, university research institutes, think-tanks, international agencies, and NGOs.
Articles in this issue:
PEACEBUILDING: Evaluating Peacebuilding Activities in Settings of Conflict and Fragility: Improving Learning for Results
DRUG VIOLENCE: The Northern Triangle’s Drugs-violence Nexus
DR CONGO: From CNDP to M23: The Evolution of an Armed Movement in Eastern Congo
GENDER: Quantifying the Impact of Women’s Participation in Post-Conflict Economic Recovery
SECURITY GOVERNANCE: Towards Effective Security Governance in Africa: African and European Actors in Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding: Partners or Competitors
SYRIA AND LEBANON: A Precarious Balancing Act: Lebanon and the Syrian Conflict
DISPLACEMENT AND DEVELOPMENT: Refugee Livelihoods and the Private Sector: Ugandan Case Study
SRI LANKA: Authority without Accountability: The Crisis of Impunity in Sri Lanka
EDUCATION: Lessons in War: Military Use of Schools and Other Education Institutions during Conflict
NIGERIA: Nigeria: Trapped in the Cycle of Violence
CONFLICT AND MENTAL HEALTH: Characteristics of the Colombian Armed Conflict and the Mental Health of Civilians Living in Active Conflict Zones
AFGHANISTAN: Afghanistan: Humanitarianism in Uncertain Times
Résumé: The Sri Lankan government’s refusal to negotiate seriously with Tamil political leaders or consider reasonable forms of power sharing is heightening ethnic tensions and damaging prospects for sustainable peace.
This report examines political opportunities and challenges in finding a realistic strategy for the Tamil community to claim its rights against a government that remains opposed to power sharing. The administration of President Rajapaksa has failed to honour agreements with the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), broke promises to world leaders and refused to implement constitutional provisions for minimal devolution of power to Tamil-speaking areas of the north and east. Instead, the government is pursuing a policy of militarisation and biased economic development in Tamil and Muslim areas.
Résumé: The Sri Lankan government must immediately cease its assault on the independence of the judiciary, the ICJ said in a new report released today.
The 150-page report, Authority without Accountability: The Crisis of Impunity in Sri Lanka, documents how, and why, it has become nearly impossible for people who have suffered serious violations of their human rights to receive justice in Sri Lanka. Recent attacks on judicial officers and judges only highlight the systematic erosion of accountability mechanisms.
“Victims and survivors of major human rights violations do not receive redress, and perpetrators are not brought to justice. The absence of justice removes an important deterrent to future perpetrators,” said Sam Zarifi, ICJ’s Asia Director. “This situation is the very definition of a climate of impunity, and constitutes a serious breach of Sri Lanka’s international obligation to protect and promote human rights.”
The Crisis of Impunity describes how decades of Emergency rule and legal immunities granted to the President and other government officials weakened the checks and balances in the Sri Lankan government, while political interference—particularly in the conduct of the office of the Attorney-General—in practice led to a failure of justice in a number of key cases.
Résumé: More than three years after the end of the 26-year armed conflict between the Sri Lankan armed forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), nearly 470,000 people displaced during its various stages have returned to their home areas. This does not mean, however, that there is no internal displacement in the country any more. As of the end of September 2012, more than 115,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) were still living in camps, with host communities or in transit sites, or had been relocated, often against their will, to areas other than their places of origin.
Among those registered as having returned, many have not been able to achieve a durable solution but continue to face difficulties in accessing basic necessities such as shelter, food, water and sanitation, in rebuilding their livelihoods, and in exercising their civil rights. De-mining operations are still ongoing in livelihood areas. Unresolved land issues have been a major obstacle to durable solutions for IDPs and IDP returnees.
Conflict-affected areas remain highly militarised, which has made progress towards achieving durable solutions more difficult. The military has become an important economic player and a key competitor of local people including returnees in the areas of agriculture, fishing, trade, and tourism. It has also been involved in areas that would normally come under civilian administration. It continues to occupy private land, thereby impeding IDPs’ return.
The government has failed to make durable solutions a priority, and humanitarian organisations have faced funding shortages and restrictions on programming and access. All these challenges have the potential to lead to new grievances which could spark further violence among the population in the north and east.
Résumé: In this submission, prepared for the UN Universal Periodic Review of Sri Lanka taking place in October-November 2012, Amnesty International comments on the implementation of recommendations that Sri Lanka supported during its previous UPR in April 2008, concerning torture, enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and prevailing impunity and lack of accountability.
As regards Sri Lanka’s human rights framework, Amnesty International notes that the government has yet to repeal the anti-terrorism legislation which is used to justify abusive detention practices and yet to introduce witness protection legislation to address the general lack of accountability for human rights violations. Moreover, the government has not taken any measures to strengthen the capacity and ensure the independence of the National Human Rights Commission, adding to the culture of impunity in the country.
Amnesty International is also concerned at the ongoing use of arbitrary detention as a tool of law enforcement targeting members of armed groups, political opponents and journalists. Amnesty International continues to receive reports of cases of enforced disappearance, torture and illtreatment and extrajudicial execution and the failure of the authorities to investigate and punish the perpetrators of such gross human rights violations.
HAITI: The Social Bond, Conflict and Violence in Haiti
CHILDREN'S HEALTH: Armed Conflict and Children’s Health: Exploring New Directions: The Case of Kashmir
POST-CONFLICT REINTEGRATION: A Framework Document for Evidence-Based Programme Design on Reintegration
SEXUAL VIOLENCE IN THE DRC: A Congolese Community-based Health Program for Survivors of Sexual Violence
HUMAN RIGHTS IN BURMA: Bitter Wounds and Lost Dreams: Human Rights under Assault in Karen State, Burma
NATURAL RESOURCES: Resources, Risk and Resilience: Scarcity and Climate Change in Ethiopia
PEACEBUILDING: Peace Held Hostage in Sri Lanka
JUSTICE: Soldering the Link: The UN Global Focal Point for Police, Justice, and Correction
CRIMINAL NETWORKS & CONFLICT RESOLUTION: Security Management in Northern Mali: Criminal Networks and Conflict Resolution Mechanisms
INSECURITY IN SOMALIA: Mogadishu Rising? Conflict and Governance Dynamics in the Somali Capital
CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION: Briefing Note: Winning Hearts and Minds in Uruzgan Province
Résumé: The Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP) published its annual Global Peace Index (GPI) report in June 2012 which ranked 158 countries on their state of peacefulness. Sri Lanka was the largest mover on the index, ranking 103, up from 130 in the 2011 report. This paper situates this GPI ranking in the August 2912 socio-political environment in Sri Lanka, showing that the GPI ranking is not indicative of a sustainable trend and that ‘peace’ in itself is a problem for certain pockets in Sri Lanka
Résumé: In the island nation of Sri Lanka, three decades of brutal civil warfare exposed soldiers, families, and communities to prolonged trauma. During this long struggle the Sri Lanka Army came to grips with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder and acknowledged it as a major factor in military readiness and community health. The experience of the Sri Lankan armed forces in identifying and treating PTSD is a valuable source for all military leaders today. This article is meant to add to that foundation of knowledge necessary to move forward.
Résumé: While mediation efforts in violent conflicts often fail, the academic literature on mediation
has long ignored both this phenomenon and its consequences. This paper aims to fill this
significant knowledge gap by examining the conditions under which the failure of mediation
leads to an escalation of civil war. Based on the literature on bargaining, we argue that
the degree of negotiability of the conflict parties’ strategic objectives, as well as the relative
weight of hardliners and moderates within those conflict parties, influence the likelihood
of escalation after mediation failure. A plausibility test carried out for Norway’s failed
mediation in the Sri Lankan civil war confirms the usefulness of our model. In particular,
the suspension of negotiations in April 2003 led to a shift towards less negotiable strategic
objectives for both conflict parties and to a strengthening of hardliners within the government.
This contributed to the escalation of the conflict, up to its eventual termination in
May 2009.
Résumé: Though it is widely accepted that mine action can play a significant role in supporting
peacebuilding, the interaction between mine action and peacebuilding is rarely examined
in detail. Drawing on case studies from Afghanistan, Sri Lanka and Sudan, this report by
the Assistance to Mine-Affected Communities [AMAC] project examines the potential
of mine action in terms of both preparing the ground for peace and acting in support of
peacebuilding. Rather than focusing on the often-acknowledged role that mine action plays
in improving security and promoting socio-economic development, the research highlights
less tangible impacts of mine action on peacebuilding in the political sphere. The report is
aimed at all mine action practitioners and donor organizations. Drawing on the findings
from the case studies, it outlines a set of key principles that have been developed to
help guide mine action interventions in situations where there exist opportunities to
support peacebuilding.
Résumé: Sri Lanka Tamils worldwide have a strong affinity towards India, most of them follow with interest actions taken by or policy of the Government of India to advance an equitable solution to the long standing Sinhala-Tamil conflict; as well as take notice of views of political parties of different persuasions, writings and media presentations of opinion makers in India with a glimpse of hope that India’s intervention will bring about a just outcome.
Résumé: More than two years after Sri Lanka militarily
vanquished the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
in a manner few had anticipated, a
Norwegian government-led investigation into the
collapse of the 2002 peace process has resulted in
a comprehensive and revealing report that is
bound to reopen some old wounds as well as
renew attention on the widely alleged human
rights violations during the last stages of the military
operation, besides Colombo’s delay in finding a
political formula to address Tamil grievances and
aspirations.
Résumé: The present report is the fourth report of the Secretary-General on children and
armed conflict in Sri Lanka, prepared pursuant to Security Council resolutions 1612
(2005) and 1882 (2008). It covers the period from 1 February 2009 to 30 June 2011
and provides information on the prevailing situation in Sri Lanka, on the progress
achieved and on compliance with commitments to end the grave violations and abuses
that occurred during the final months of the conflict in early 2009. It also provides
follow-up to the conclusions reached by the Working Group on Children and Armed
Conflict on 13 June 2007 (S/AC.51/2007/9), 21 October 2008 (S/AC.51/2008/11) and
3 June 2010 (S/AC.51/2010/2).
The report points to advances made by the national authorities before and since
the declaration by the Government of Sri Lanka that the conflict in the country had
ended in May 2009. In particular, it highlights the progress achieved in separating
children from Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP) and Liberation Tigers of
Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and in reintegrating them into society, as requested by the
Security Council in its conclusions and as spelled out by the Special Envoy of the
Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict,
Major General (retd.) Patrick Cammaert. It details the efforts undertaken by the
Government with the support of the United Nations to trace children who were
separated from their parents in the final stages of the conflict and addresses the need
to further such efforts.
The report also discusses a number of concerns, the primary of which are the
need to establish accountability for the recruitment and use of children by remnants
of TMVP and to locate missing children. It outlines a series of credible allegations
made by the parents of children who are missing or who were killed during the final
phase of the conflict.
The report contains a series of recommendations on strengthening the
commendable efforts undertaken by the Government on behalf of children formerly
associated with TMVP and LTTE and encourages the Government to investigate
violations and to continue to address outstanding protection issues with regard to
children affected by the conflict.
Résumé: Human Security Research is a monthly compilation of significant new human security-related research published by academics, university research institutes, think-tanks, international agencies, and NGOs.
Articles in this issue:
CAUSES OF WAR: Inequality and Identity: Causes of War?
SPOILERS: Spotting the Spoilers: A Guide to Analyzing Organized Crime in Fragile States
DR CONGO: Insecurity and Local Governance in Congo’s South Kivu
CONFLICT MEDIATION: Global Networks of Mediation: Prospects and Avenues for Finland as a Peacemaker
MEXICO: Drug Violence in Mexico Data and Analysis Through 2011
NORTH CAUCASUS: North Caucasus: Views From Within
PEACEBUILDING: A Peacebuilding Tool for a Conflict-Sensitive Approach to Development: A Pilot Initiative in Nepal
PHILIPPINES: Pagpati'ut: Mediating Violence in Sulu
WESTERN SAHARA: Simmering Discontent in the Western Sahara
TERRORISM: Individual Disengagement From Al Qa'ida-Influenced Terrorist Groups: A Rapid Evidence Assessment to Inform Policy and Practice in Preventing Terrorism
SRI LANKA: Sri Lanka’s North I: The Denial of Minority Rights
MYANMAR: “Untold Miseries”: Wartime Abuses and Forced Displacement in Burma’s Kachin State
Résumé: How can emergency response be delivered in a more conflict-sensitive manner? To what extent should this be a priority for the sector? What practical tools and approaches have aid agencies used to better understand their contexts of intervention and minimize conflict risks?
As these issues become increasingly prominent in regions of the world as diverse as the Horn of Africa, Afghanistan and Libya, this paper offers insights to these pressing questions.
Drawing on field research from Haiti, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, this paper maps the current state of conflict-sensitive practice in emergencies. It identifies good practices which can be built upon, key gaps, and points out practical ways to integrate conflict sensitivity more strategically across the emergency programme cycle.
One of the key conclusions from this study is that there are clear opportunities for synergy between conflict sensitivity integration and the emergency capacity-building initiatives currently ongoing within many agencies. Significant improvements can be achieved through relatively simple steps which complement existing tools, standards and efforts to improve programme quality. The paper suggests six minimum standards for conflict sensitive emergency response which, if applied, would not only help minimize harm and reduce conflict risks but also increase the overall effectiveness of humanitarian response.
Résumé: Deepening militarisation and the lack of accountable governance in Sri Lanka’s Northern Province are preventing a return to normal life and threaten future violence. Scene of the most bitter fighting in the civil war, the Tamil-majority north remains under de facto military occupation, with all important policies set by Sinhala officials in Colombo. The slow but undeniable movement of Sinhala settlers into the fringes of the north and other forms of government-supported “Sinhalisation” are reigniting a sense of grievance and weakening chances for a real settlement with Tamil and other minority parties to devolve power. The international community, especially those governments and aid agencies supporting the reconstruction of the area, should demand a fundamental change of course and should structure their assistance so as to encourage the demilitarisation and democratisation of the former war zone and full respect for minority rights.
This report examines how effective military control over the civil administration as well as control and surveillance of civil society, along with government-supported Sinhalisation, has undermined many of the expected benefits from an end to the war. Enforced disappearances, violent crackdowns on protestors in various towns and extrajudicial punishments have shown the sharper edge of military policing and revealed the deep mistrust on both sides of the civil-military and Tamil-Sinhala divides.
Résumé: Sri Lanka’s military is dominating the reconstruction of the Northern Province, weakening international humanitarian efforts and worsening tensions with the ethnic Tamil majority. Since the war ended in 2009, hundreds of millions of dollars have poured into the province, but the local populations, mostly left destitute by the conflict, have seen only slight improvements in their lives. Instead of giving way to a process of inclusive, accountable development, the military is increasing its economic role, controlling land and seemingly establishing itself as a permanent, occupying presence. Combined with what many Tamils see as an effort to impose Sinhala and Buddhist culture across the whole of Sri Lanka and a failure to address many social aspects of rebuilding a society after conflict, these policies risk reviving the violence of past decades. Donors should put government accountability, the needs of returnees and the expansion of a democratic political role for the Tamil minority at the heart of their aid policies or risk contributing to a revival of ethnic extremism.
The heavy militarisation of the province, ostensibly designed to protect against the renewal of violent militancy, is in fact deepening the alienation and anger of northern Tamils and threatening sustainable peace. Major new military bases require the seizure of large amounts of public and private land and the continued displacement of tens of thousands. The growing involvement of the military in agricultural and commercial activities has placed further obstacles on the difficult road to economic recovery for northern farmers and businesses. When challenged by public protest, the military has shown itself willing to physically attack demonstrators and is credibly accused of involvement in enforced disappearances and other extrajudicial punishments.
Résumé: From 27 February - 23 March 2012, the Human Rights Council – the UN's political body charged with the promotion and protection of human rights – will hold its 19th Regular Session in Geneva. This is the first plenary meeting of the Council since the release of the report of Sri Lanka's Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC). How should the Human Rights Council react, and how does the LLRC report fit with international law?
Résumé: We are witnessing a “revolution in the global order” and China is leading this revolution. In the West, analysts and policy makers are grappling with what China’s rise means for international relations and the spectrum of foreign policy concerns. In China itself policy makers are also coming to terms with this new found influence and the responsibilities that come with it. A critical issue will be what happens as China and other rising powers make their presence increasingly felt in countries where peace is precarious. The risk is that conflict issues may be aggravated, leading to instability and even the return of violent conflict. But equally, China’s increasing engagement offers opportunities to consolidate peace.
This report is one of the main outputs of a 12-month research project that examined the implications for peace and stability of China’s increasing engagement in conflict-affected states. The report is based on research in Nepal, Sri Lanka, Sudan and South Sudan, and contributes to the evidence base about how China’s rise will affect conflict-affected states. It is meant not only to raise awareness, but also to encourage policy makers to engage with the new realities, including how they can respond to the changing context for international efforts to promote peace and stability.
The report includes in-depth case studies of the specific contexts of Nepal, Sri Lanka, Sudan and South Sudan. These can also be downloaded as separate documents.
Résumé: As the world order changes, rising powers like China are increasingly involved in countries where peace is fragile. This brings new responsibilities and policy choices for China, while it also means a new reality for Western donors and policy makers. These changes are affecting peace and stability in conflict-affected states. However, as Beijing’s approach towards these countries evolves there is an unprecedented opportunity for China and the West to develop more complementary approaches in support of peace.
This briefing highlights the implications for peace and stability of China’s growing engagement in conflict affected states. It is based on Saferworld research in Nepal, Sri Lanka, Sudan and South Sudan. It sets out key findings, conclusions and recommendations for Chinese and Western actors. The briefing is available to download in English and Chinese.
