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Abstract: Because of high U.S. narcotics consumption and Mexico’s role as the main transit country for cocaine from Colombia, the dominant narcotics activity in the Western Hemisphere takes place between the United States and Mexico. Competition among the large Mexican drug-trafficking organizations to maximize their sales in the United States has led to terrible violence in Mexico, and that country’s “war” against those organizations has amplified that violence. Mexico was a small player in the movement of cocaine to the United States before the 1980s, when the main route was from Colombia through the Caribbean to Florida. After that route was largely abandoned because of heavy U.S. sea and land interdiction, Colombian cocaine began to enter the United States through Central America and Mexico.
This report focuses on four drugs: cocaine, heroin, methamphetamine, and marijuana. Mexico produces the last three of these drugs, which are shipped directly to the United States. For many years the U.S. government was unwilling to admit explicitly that U.S. narcotics consumption bore some responsibility for the violence in Mexico. During a visit to Mexico in March 2009, however, the U.S. secretary of state finally stated the obvious: that U.S. narcotics demand was fueling drug violence in Mexico. This report thus comes at a time of antinarcotics cooperation between the two countries. This cooperation does not mean that the problems related to drug trafficking and consumption are on their way to solution, only that issues not discussed earlier can now be put on the table. The purpose of this report is to provide a full discussion of such issues.
Abstract: The Afghanistan Conflict Monitor is an initiative of the Human Security Report Project at the School for International Studies at Simon Fraser University. The Monitor highlights new research and analysis on the conflict in Afghanistan. In addition to the conflict itself, the Monitor focuses on a broad set of related issue-areas, including health, development, displacement, governance, gender, small arms, landmines, human rights and transitional justice. The Monitor provides summaries of academic articles and reports, and links to key documents, publications, organizations, and data.
Abstract: Few regions of the world better illustrate the intimate nexus between human development and
security than does Central America. A region of inherent economic and social promise, its
fortunes have been frustrated by a plethora of overwhelming security challenges related to
small arms, drugs, and criminal gangs. Although a long and innovative roster of instruments has
been developed to counter these scourges, a lack of technical and financial support has often
prevented their full realization. Moreover, institutional vulnerabilities at the local and state levels
have further complicated the implementation of national and regional strategies designed to break
this cycle of violence and underdevelopment. The global economic downturn now threatens to
reverse progress made to date and again place countries of the region squarely on a downward
economic and security trajectory.
According to a recent report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), no issue
has had a greater impact on the stability and development in Central America than crime. The
Central American region has emerged as the most violent in the world, with the average number of
homicides in Central America in 2008 rising to 33 per 100,000 people—three times the global
average. While these statistics are rooted in a complex array of social, political, and economic
circumstances that have depressed economic opportunity and inflated levels of violence, Central
American scholars and regional government officials generally agree that their security and development
challenges are rooted in the culture of illegality embodied most graphically by the triple
threat of small arms proliferation, drug trafficking, and criminal and youth gangs.
Abstract: The Burke Chair has prepared short analyses of the trends in the data for both Iraq and Afghanistan. These studies confirm that IEDs have become the equivalent of the Stinger in allowing irregular forces to pose a major threat even to the most advanced military forces in the world. At the same time, unlike the Stinger, they also show that the counter-IED effort has kept successful attacks far below the rate of increase in total attacks.
These analyses, however, also illustrate the need to approach metrics and analysis in ways that fully define and explore the possible ways of actually presenting relevant data. They explore a wide range of ways to use the same data to produce insights into a critical aspect of combat. In the process, they provide a warning about two aspects of far too much of the effort to develop comprehensive metrics on the Afghan and Iraq conflicts.
Abstract: Effective regulation of the global trade in conventional arms must include adequate
provisions to control the physical movement of arms across international borders.
The proposed Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) should be designed to prevent unauthorised
or irresponsible international transfers of weapons, munitions and related
equipment internationally: it must therefore require states to impose effective
controls and reporting requirements on the transport and transporters of arms,
including through Free Trade Zones. Without such requirements, the ATT will fail to
address a significant gap in international arms transfer controls, and will deprive
states of a key tool to prevent arms transfers where it can be foreseen the arms are
likely to be used to violate human rights and destroy lives and livelihoods contrary
to international law.
Abstract: This literature review offers a general overview of policy-related and theoretical innovations
in disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) over the past decade. Drawing on an
extensive review of academic and prescriptive contributions, it teases out key trends in the character
and shape of DDR activities. If detects a shift from minimalist (security-first) interventions
preoccupied with military and police priorities to maximalist (development-oriented) activities in
the present era. It also notes a progressive professionalisation and standardization of DDR practice
within the multilateral, bilateral and non-governmental communities. Moreover, the review
observes a shift in the focus of research on DDR. Early in the decade, scholars were preoccupied
with the process and practice of DDR as a spatially, temporally and socially bounded activity.
Whilst establishing useful conceptual parameters, these researchers seldom considered more fundamental
issues of causality and correlation, actor agency or intervention outcomes. Meanwhile,
the latest wave of scholars are investing in comparative case studies, statistical assessments drawing
on large-n samples and more experimental approaches to test counter-factuals. Focusing
on a wider case selection these researchers are also exploring new sectoral horizons such as the
relationships between DDR and combatant agency, peace agreements, transitional justice, security
sector reform, and state-building more generally.
Abstract: Children bear the brunt of the ongoing
armed conflict in Afghanistan.
In 2009, at least 346 children were killed in aerial strikes
and search-and-raid operations by international special
forces as well as by assassinations and suicide bombings
by anti-government elements. In addition, landmines,
explosive remnants of war and other explosives have killed
or severely injured hundreds of children, particularly boys
who play outside, tend animals, or collect food, water or
wood. Armed groups have also damaged and destroyed
schools, targeting students (especially girls), teachers
and others who are seen as supportive of Afghanistan’s
education system.
Thousands of Afghan families have been forced to flee
their homes due to armed conflict and economic hardships.
More than half of the country’s internally displaced
– approximately 161,000 people – are children; an additional
1.5 million children are refugees in Pakistan and Iran.
Despite some progress in expanding basic health services
to a wide population, infant and maternal mortality is
alarmingly high. Afghanistan remains the worst place
in the world for a newborn child, according to child
protection agencies.
Abstract: According to the Small Arms Survey 2010: Gangs, Groups, and Guns, gang suppression alone may temporarily
lower violence but can also lead to unintended consequences. The incarceration of gang leaders, for example,
can help gangs consolidate and propagate within prisons, and project power into the community. Prison gangs
also rely on re-incarceration to make their threats over their non-imprisoned members credible. Suppression tactics fail to tackle the reasons that lead youths to become gang members, effectively guaranteeing
that gangs will adapt to heavy-handed policing. ‘Since gangs serve cultural, social, and economic needs, they survive
many gang-eradication efforts,’ said Small Arms Survey Managing Director Eric Berman. ‘Given this, addressing
the underlying motivations for youths to join gangs appears to be an important component in gang violence
prevention planning.’
Drawing on examples from many contexts, the Survey reviews current knowledge on gang-related violence
and efforts to curb it. It finds that measures that combine suppression—or its threat—with community outreach,
social services, and treatment and prevention strategies are more effective than suppression alone. Recognizing
and capitalizing on features of gangs that attract youths, such as social cohesion, mutual respect, and artistic
expression, has also shown promise in some contexts.
Apart from its focus on street gangs, this edition also explores non-state armed groups. Unlike gangs, armed
groups may seek to advance an ideology or seize power, or simply take community security into their own hands.
They span the spectrum from rebels and insurgents to vigilante groups and paramilitaries that support the state.
Despite their differences, gangs and armed groups share a number of features, including the willingness to use
violence to achieve their objectives.
Abstract: Information sharing and transparency with regard to international small arms
transfers are gaining more interest in times when a significant number of
deaths and injuries around the world are directly enabled by small arms and
light weapons proliferation.
Sources of supply of small arms and light weapons are not only states that
are traditional producers of such weapons. The list of major exporters of small
arms presented in this Occasional Paper underscores an implicit finding:
many important exporters have little or no domestic production capabilities.
Any discussion of responsible arms transfers also needs to focus, therefore,
on the policies of countries with surplus stockpiles. Documenting surpluses
and examining how they are generated and managed takes on significant
importance in the process of informing states and the public on small arms
transfers.
Seen in this light, a meaningful and straightforward initiative to increase
security and enhance confidence building among neighbours is to promote
individual, regional, and universal transparency mechanisms. The Small Arms
Survey is therefore pleased to offer this Occasional Paper as a contribution to
the debate on transparency in international small arms and light weapons
transfers.
This Occasional Paper helps inform the international community about
state reporting on small arms transfers over the eight years from 2001 to 2008.
Abstract: In Yemen, armed violence is conditioned
by the widespread availability
and proliferation of small arms and
light weapons. It is also exacerbated
by structural factors such as weak
rule of law, the limited political legitimacy
of public institutions, and rapid
natural resource depletion. Similarly,
it is tolerated due to prevailing sociocultural
norms sanctioning certain
forms of violence, and because of
competing geopolitical interests. As a
result, many observers are concerned
about the likelihood of increased instability
in Yemen and its implications
for the region as a whole. Drawing on intensive research and
analysis, this Issue Brief first briefly reviews
Yemen’s political and economic
environment. It considers a range of
key risk factors shaping contemporary
and future instability, then provides a
short assessment of arms availability
and use. Finally, the Issue Brief provides
a typology to conceptualize the manifestations
of armed violence and the
interaction of key risk factors. While
preliminary, the typology facilitates a
more structured analysis of armed
violence dynamics in Yemen and
identifies opportunities for strategic
engagement leading to preventive
and reduction strategies for both
Yemeni actors and their international
partners.
Abstract: Mauritania shares more than 5,000 km of land borders with Algeria, Mali,
Senegal, and Western Sahara. The greater part of the country lies
within the Sahara desert and is relatively uncontrolled, which means that
Mauritania has long been an ideal trade route for many goods, both legal and
illicit. Consequently, it has become an important hub for cigarette smuggling,
particularly en route to Algeria. It is also crossed by drug
traffickers, whose business has increased considerably in the region since
2006. Small arms5 are included among the goods traded illicitly
across the Sahel and Mauritania. This trafficking is sometimes closely linked to the activities of various
non-state armed groups, which have been operating for varying lengths of
time in the region. One of these groups, the Salafist Group for Preaching and
Combat (GSPC), became al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) in 2007 and
has been carrying out attacks in Mauritania for several years. This study provides the Mauritanian government with the information and references it will need to implement the United Nations' Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects (PoA). The study also offers an overview of the demand
for small arms and the stockpiles of small arms in Mauritania. Second, the study examines the extent of the illicit trade in small arms in
Mauritania, particularly in certain border regions. Finally, this report assesses the situation in Mauritania with respect to
small arms and light weapons in a regional context.
Abstract: The Aide Memoire is intended to facilitate the Security Council’s consideration of issues relevant to the protection of civilians in armed conflict. To this end, it highlights primary objectives for Security Council action; offers, on the basis of the Security Council’s past practice, specific issues for consideration in meeting those objectives; and provides, in the addendum, a selection of agreed language from Security Council resolutions and presidential statements that refer to such concerns.
Bearing in mind that each peacekeeping mandate has to be elaborated on a case-by-case basis, the Aide Memoire is not intended as a blueprint for action. The relevance and practicality of the various measures described has to be considered and adapted to the specific conditions in each situation.
Most frequently civilians are caught in circumstances of dire need where a peacekeeping operation has not been established. Such situations may require the Council’s urgent attention. This Aide Memoire may, therefore, also provide guidance in circumstances where the Council may wish to consider action outside the scope of a peacekeeping operation.
Abstract: 24 May 2010 - Renewed fighting on 19 May between the Government and rebel groups, as well as between tribes near Um Suana in Southern Darfur led to civilian casualties, displacement of communities, and hampered the delivery of humanitarian assistance.
Abstract: Although the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of January 2005 formally
ended the war between the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the Sudan People’s
Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), internal security has remained a major
problem for the fledgling southern government. Indeed, internal conflict, rather
than the prospect of a return to war between the north and south, poses the
biggest threat to the holding of the CPA-stipulated national election in April 2010,
the referendum on southern self-determination in January 2011, and the viability
of South Sudan as an independent state.[...]In the wake of lawless conditions across much of Jonglei, the regional government
in Juba and the state government in Bor have had only one response: disarmament.
The proliferation of weapons which is held to be the cause of the violence is
also given as the reason for the lack of development, the inability of the state to
attract investment, the failure to provide services, and the ineffectiveness of local
governments, according to the state governor.2 The problem with this explanation
is that it was used to justify the disarmament campaign of 2006, but the completion
of that campaign did not produce more development, investment, or services.
To understand better what has become virtually the only response of the GoSS
to endemic violence in the state, there is a need to summarise briefly the 2006
disarmament before examining the campaign that began in December 2009.
Preventing and Reducing Armed Violence: What Works? Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs // United Nations Development Programme // World Health Organization // John Moores University Centre for Public Health
Abstract: Armed violence creates a major social and public health burden throughout the world, has a substantial
impact on the health of people everywhere and severely hampers social and economic development. As
a result, there is growing international momentum to place armed violence prevention and reduction in
development agendas. Much international work is already underway to achieve this aim.1
In order to help deliver armed violence prevention and reduction, policy and decision-makers need
evidence of effective practice. This briefing paper brings together promising and emerging evidence
of what works to prevent interpersonal armed violence (through firearms), primarily in non-conflict
situations. The paper provides an overview of the scale of armed violence, its impacts and the risk factors
associated with it. It examines both direct approaches to preventing and reducing armed violence, and
indirect approaches that do not address armed violence as their primary aim, but target risk factors for
violence. Most scientific evidence currently comes from developed countries which generally have greater
capacity and resources for designing, implementing and reporting the results of rigorous evaluations.
However, the evidence-base from low- and middle-income countries is increasing, and this paper also
provides examples of emerging evidence from around the world.
Abstract: Four decades of internal conflict in the Philippines have taken their toll. The
costs of the war include not only a considerable number of direct conflict
deaths and casualties, but also the continuing insecurity that has hampered
development efforts, trapping people in poverty. Civilians have suffered most.
Violations of human rights and international humanitarian law have been
perpetrated by combatants on all sides. The climate of fear created, and the
militarization and rule of the gun that accompany conflict, have stood in the
way of the ongoing democratization process, begun with such optimism in
the 1980s at the end of the Marcos dictatorship.
Small arms and light weapons fuel the violence in the Philippines. They are
widely available and, sadly, put to widespread use—not only in combat but
in the hundreds of political murders that have taken place this decade. There
is an urgent need to address weapons proliferation in the Philippines—and it
cannot await the outcome of stop–start peace talks.
This book is therefore both timely and necessary. It provides an objective
analysis of the issues underlying the ongoing conflicts, and of the interests
and modus operandi of the parties involved. Neither romanticizing nor demonizing
the various armed groups, the analysis points to ways to engage these
groups with a view to promoting human security. It situates such efforts by
providing the historical context, so essential to understanding the motives of
the groups and why conflict persists in the Philippines.
Abstract: Like the road to peace, the road to arms control has been paved with good intentions and little else. The practical work done as part of the Arms Control and Regional Security process has virtually been forgotten. At the same time, there have been a long series of calls for eliminating weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East – almost all of which have done more to serve political purposes than to reflect a real interest in arms control.
President Obama, however, has opened a new window of opportunity for addressing these issues. On April 5, 2009, President Obama presented an ambitious three-part strategy to address the international nuclear threat: proposing measures to reduce and eventually eliminate existing nuclear arsenals; strengthening the Non-proliferation Treaty and halting proliferation of nuclear weapons to additional states; and preventing terrorists from acquiring nuclear weapons or materials.
Abstract: From the establishment of the UN Peacebuilding Commission (PBC), the operation of this Peacebuilding institution has been closely followed. As one of the concrete proposals approved through the 2005 UN Reform Process, the establishment of the PBC as an inter-government organ, hopes to strengthen a broader Peacebuilding architecture that includes the Peacebuilding support office (PBSO) and the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF). As part of the 2010 General Assembly and Security Council 5–year review of the Peacebuilding Commission, the Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC) recognizes the importance of engaging in the process, with the aim of providing input from a civil society perspective into PBC’s operational countries. To achieve this, the PBC organized one day consultation in Sierra Leone. The deliberations centred on gathering input from local CSOs on the work of the PBC during the five-year period under review. The consultative forum closely looked at:
1. Definition of priorities;
2. Highlighting main challenges; and
3. Proffer doable recommendations
It was expected that the outcomes of the discussion will factor into a short policy paper, outlining the main recommendations from CSO’s Sierra Leone. These aforementioned recommendations will be channelled through different ambassadors of country members participating in the PBC review. Additionally, the outcomes of the recommendations will be sent to the Organizational Committee (OC), for possible inclusion into the PBC strategic programme.
Abstract: Human security has remained under threat in many parts of Southern Sudan despite
the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) on January 9, 2005. The
militarization of civilians during the civil war, the emergence of resource conflicts,
the spillover effects of regional conflicts and the wide circulation of small arms have
contributed to insecurity in Southern Sudan. In 2009 alone, more than 2,500 people
were killed and 350,000 displaced due to fighting, a toll higher than the much more
publicized conflict in neighbouring Darfur (Joint NGO Briefing Paper, 2010: 2).
Although there are functional governments (the central Government of Southern
Sudan as well as state and county administration) in the territory, economic, political
and social instability dominate. This edition of the Security Sector Reform Monitor: Southern Sudan will explore
disarmament and security issues in Southern Sudan with an emphasis on the
community level, examining how internal and external dynamics contribute to human
insecurity. Civilian disarmament is an intractable problem that was not addressed
explicitly in the CPA. The problems posed by small arms in Southern Sudan are
enormous and current measures to contain their impact are inadequate and, in fact,
undermine the credibility of the Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS).
Abstract: On January 12, 2010, Haiti experienced a magnitude-seven earthquake that leveled
much of the capital, Port-au-Prince, and left more than 200,000 people dead. The
natural disaster was a cruel and devastating blow not only because of the immediate
suffering that it caused, but because Haiti had seemed to turn a corner in political,
economic and security terms. Even the 2009 hurricane season did not have an overly
harsh impact on Haiti. The country did experience regular flooding in the peri-urban
zones of the capital and slums surrounding medium size cities, but not the large-scale
damage wrought by the 2008 hurricane season. The 2008 hurricane season coincided with a new prime minister taking office, who after one year had stabilized the office and facilitated renewed international interest and support (Staboek News, 2009). This boost in interest and investment can also be attributed to the appointment of former US president Bill Clinton as UN special envoy for Haiti. The efficiency of the process by which Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive was
selected, the coherence of the government’s political plan (Déclaration de Politique
Générale) and the endorsement of the ministerial cabinet demonstrates that the
President had anticipated and prepared for the political shift (Roc, 2009). The
high profile of President Préval’s prime ministerial choice, a man who piloted
the DSNCRP1 for several years and who has served all administrations over the past 15, made the acceptance of his nomination easy.
Tensions between former Prime Minister Pierre-Louis and
President Préval were well known and the subject of many
rumors. Nonetheless, the swift replacement of the Prime
Minister created political waves to which the international
community had to adapt quickly.
Abstract: The Oslo International Workshop was organized into five panel
sessions, each structured around the presentation and discussion of two
working papers. This report presents a
summary of the panel presentations. In addition, participants at the workshop made a
number of proposals that were subsequently developed by the organizers into a list of
recommendations. The recommendations are intended to feed into the existing set of tools available to donor governments, partner countries, and international and nongovernmental
organizations for addressing the issue of small arms violence at various stages of the
standard development project cycle – notably when assessing needs, risks and
vulnerabilities; planning and matching resources with needs, evaluating progress and
results; and disseminating lessons learned and best practices. There exist a number of development cooperation instruments and mechanisms that
could serve as channels for integrating small arms violence reduction into both
national development planning and international development cooperation. Among
others, these include Common Country Assessments (CCA) and UN Development
Assistance Frameworks (UNDAF), as well as Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers
(PRSPs) designed by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.
Participants at the workshop called for continuing the integration of the issue of
small arms violence into the realm of international assistance. At the same time,
however, they stressed the need for pragmatism, as many states are reluctant to include
references to small arms violence in their national development planning frameworks.
Participants also underlined the role of regional and subregional organizations in
ensuring the integration of armed violence reduction measures into regional
development programmes, such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development
(NEPAD). Further, all participants placed considerable emphasis on the need for
international financial institutions to engage with states and civil society in reducing
small arms violence.
Abstract: The 2008 Convention on Cluster Munitions comprehensively bans a weapon
that causes civilian casualties both during and after attacks. The convention
also sets legal precedent in three ways. First, the convention expands
the scope of past treaties by, for example, covering munitions that function
properly and those that do not. Secondly, it creates groundbreaking
humanitarian obligations, most notably those related to victim assistance.
Thirdly, it anticipates future concerns by recognizing the threats posed by
non-state armed groups. This comparative analysis of the convention shows
how it breaks new ground for future weapons treaties and illuminates the
process by which international humanitarian law can be advanced.
Abstract: This strategy covers the UK’s commitment to spend £30 million on mine action over the financial years 2010 – 2013 announced by Secretary of State Douglas Alexander on 25 November 2008. Drawing upon lessons from the last fifteen years of support to mine action, it presents some changes to the way in which public funding for mine action is managed and delivered. The global context of mine action has changed radically in the last decade for three key reasons: firstly, the number of conflicts has approximately halved since 19903; secondly, the effectiveness of the Mine Ban Treaty (MBT); and thirdly, the impact of funding for humanitarian clearance efforts starting in 1987 and building up to a peak in 2002-2006. The MBT has ostracised the manufacture, sale and transfer of landmines to the extent that fewer than thirteen countries now manufacture landmines and there is a near-global moratorium on sale and transfers. Global funding for mine action between 1996-2007 amounts to around £2.16 billion and this has enabled clearance of much of the most affected areas. The mine action community is re-appraising its strategies and adapting to the future. Mine action organisations have also evolved significantly since the early 1990s and most now recognise that the environment in which mine action takes place has changed. Mine action is no longer perceived as a pioneer and single-issue activity that occurs in the context of post-conflict or emergency phases of development. Only a small number of those countries which are mine-affected are currently affected by conflict or in a post-conflict or emergency phase. Except in a few cases, the need to clear landmines just because they exist in the ground has now gone and the priority is to focus on removing those where there is a clear and measurable impact on development and human security. DFID’s mine action funding will be increasingly focussed on building countries’ own capacities to carry out demining, and maximising the impact of demining on the socio-economic development of targeted populations.
Abstract: Air transportation has played a key role in the transfer of weapons, narcotics and precious
minerals, fuelling the war economies that have devastated much of Africa in recent decades.
At the same time, those air cargo carriers transporting these commodity flows that have
been so destabilizing are also involved in humanitarian aid and peacekeeping missions.
Air transport companies named in United Nations Sanctions Committee reports covering
weapons deliveries to Angola, Chad, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ivory Coast,
Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan and Zimbabwe have all serviced humanitarian aid or
peacekeeping operations. They may avoid scrutiny by registering their aircraft in “flag of
convenience” states where safety oversight is poor and corruption is common. As a result,
their aircraft have crashed more frequently than others, sometimes with narcotics,
weapons, humanitarian aid or peacekeeping officials on board.
