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Abstract: This paper considers the reasons behind Zambia's avoidance of civil war, despite persistent regional instability, focusing on the inclusiveness of the country's 'elite bargain', i.e. the inter-group distribution of access to positions of state power. The author hypothesizes that, although colonial rule left Zambia with high levels of social fragmentation - evident in pronounced tribal, linguistic and class cleavages - the country's post-colonial governments have all managed to accommodate the colonial legacy of high social fragmentation by forging and maintaining inclusive elite bargains. The paper argues that this achievement can be directly related to the avoidance of civil war since independence in 1964.
Abstract: The consequences of civil war have been widely analyzed, but one of its aspect, yet
important, remains marginally investigated: the human cost of the combats. Indeed, most of
recent literature has focused on the numbers of dead and wounded, while little scope has been
given to survivors’ health, whether they have been injured or not. Given that survivors are the
ones who bear the burden of reconstruction, the evaluation of the health costs of civil conflict,
is therefore crucial for the conception and the implementation of proper economic policies.
This paper is an attempt in this direction. It aims at assessing the impact of the fifteen year
long Mozambican civil war on the long-run health and nutritional status of adult women,
measured by their height-for-age z-score (HAZ). In this perspective, two sets of data are used:
the household survey data derived from Demographic and Health Survey (DHS+ 2003) which
provides individual level information and in particular a set of anthropometric measures
combined with an original, event dataset reporting the timing and location of battles and
military actions that took place during this war. In accordance with the existing literature on
this topic, I find that women who were exposed to the conflict during the early stages of their
lives have, on average, a weaker health in comparison to other women, reflected by a lower
HAZ. Using the Infancy-Childhood-Puberty Curves, a concept given by the medical literature
studying the human growth process, I point out that this negative effect depends both on the
age of entry into civil war and on the number of months spent in conflict. Furthermore, this
study indicates that months of civil war before a woman’s birth also have a negative impact
on her health highlighting thus the importance of the prenatal conditions. Moreover, as recent
works have shown, a poor health status induces other adverse effects in the long run. All of
these effects emphasize the importance of preventing civil wars and stopping ongoing
conflicts.
Abstract: From 11th to 26th May 2008, foreign nationals were attacked in at least 135 locations in various parts of
South Africa. This led to at least 62 deaths, over a hundred thousand people
displaced, and millions of Rands of damage and loss of property. The May 2008 violence stimulated a
wide range of speculative explanations and recommendations from analysts and policy makers, and was
followed, perhaps not surprisingly, by a multitude of interventions and responses. The Forced Migration
Studies Programme at the University of the Witwatersrand started conducting empirical research in
relation to the violence almost immediately, and has sought to illuminate different aspects of the
violence – from identifying underlying causes and triggers to evaluating protection, humanitarian and
justice interventions and responses during and after the crisis. This report brings together the outcomes
of these various research endeavours to provide a comprehensive, easily accessible reference point
about what has come to be called South Africa’s ‘xenophobic attacks.’ The FMSP’s research contributes the following elements to the national discussion about ‘xenophobic’
violence: It is based entirely on empirical evidence gathered in locations affected by violence and
institutions responding to the violence. This sets it apart from analyses based on general
structural arguments or conjecture which are not tested ‘on the ground’; It makes a clear distinction between discriminatory perceptions and attitudes against foreign
nationals, which are widespread throughout South African society, and instances of group-based
violence, which only occur in specific locations. It is well established that while attitudes may
inform action to some extent, they are by no means sufficient to explain why certain actions
take place in certain places at certain times. South Africa is a constitutional democracy, based on
the rule of law. While there are strong moral reasons to condemn discriminatory attitudes of
any kind, the concern of FMSP’s research is to enable a move beyond general moral arguments
to illuminate social processes, including violence against particular social groups, which threaten
the rule of law and constitutional principles. Only through such understanding can further
violence be adequately responded to and potentially prevented. Leading on from the previous two points, the FMSP’s research is based on a rigorous
methodology which compares locations where violence occurred with those where it did not in
order to identify the key differences. Furthermore, we seek to understand both functioning and
weak institutional responses, to help inform improvements in future practices.
Introduction of "Struggles for Citizenship in Africa" Open Society Institute // Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project // International African Institute // Royal African Society // Social Science Research Council
Abstract: ‘We needed a war because we needed our identity cards. Without an identity card you are nothing in this country.’ As the author points out, a fighter for the rebel ‘new forces’ in Côte d’Ivoire condenses the argument of the book into two short sentences: that the denial of a right to citizenship has been at the heart of many of the conflicts of post-colonial Africa, and that it is time to change the rules. Without citizenship, the author points out, people: cannot get their children registered at birth or entered in school or university
cannot obtain travel documents, or employment without a work permit; if they leave the country they may not be able to return; most of all, they cannot vote, stand for office or work for state institutions. Furthermore , as the book highlights questions of citizenship have been used to prevent specific individuals from challenging for political position.
This book gives more details on issues such as: Citizenship law in Africa: a history of discrimination and exclusion; denationalized groups: disputes over the law have been at the heart of the wider debate; silencing individuals: citizenship law has also proved a useful tool to incumbent governments wishing to silence critics; and the scale of the problem: the true number of people affected by the crisis of citizenship in Africa is difficult to estimate.
Abstract: What kind of conflict resolution approaches can effectively address intra-state wars
based on identity? Liberal peace models were designed to deal with inter-state
conflicts, and when applied to inter-ethnic conflicts bring limited success and often
disastrous results. This article from the African Journal on Conflict Resolution argues
that identities should be seen as key assets in building sustainable peace, justice and
reconciliation. Regional peace and security mechanisms and traditional justice
approaches should be used and international justice mechanisms approached with
caution. This special issue includes: Identity and Peace: Reconfiguring Conflict Resolution in Africa, by Gerard Hagg and Peter Kagwanja; Tunnel Vision or Kaleidoscope: Competing Concepts on
Sudan Identity and National Integration, by Atta El-Battahani; Identity Politics, Democratisation and State Building
in Ethiopia’s Federal Arrangement, by Kidane Mengisteab; Cultural Diversity and the Somali Conflict: Myth or Reality?, by Abdulahi A. Osman; Political Management of Ethnic Perceptions:
An Assessment of the African National Congress, by Mcebisi Ndletyana; Ethnic Diversity and Conflict in Nigeria:
Lessons from the Niger Delta Crisis, by Wilson Akpan; Cultural Diversity in Conflict and Peace Making in Africa, by Molem C. Sama; The Political Role of the Ethnic Factor around Elections
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, by Hubert Kabungulu Ngoy-Kangoy; Identity and Cultural Diversity in Conflict Resolution and
Democratisation for the African Renaissance: The Case of Burundi, by Philippe Ntahombaye and Gaspard Nduwayo and ‘Echoing Silences’: Ethnicity in post-colonial Zimbabwe, 1980-2007, by James Muzondidya and Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni.
Abstract: Conflict and tension during elections have been common in Africa’s new democracies—coming into existence in the 1990s during the third wave of democracy. In fact, many new democracies, especially those with strong authoritarian legacies or deep ethnic cleavages common in many African countries, find it difficult to manage political opposition. The manner in which these tensions
are managed can make the difference between an election that proceeds peacefully versus one that degenerates into violence.
Luckily, most elections are not intensely violent. Although the media may focus on the horrific
violence that followed the elections in Kenya and Zimbabwe, studies indicate that violence in Africa’s elections affects between 19 and 25 percent of elections.3 In many countries where electoral violence is a risk, it tends to recur and may consequently lead to an unfavorable view of democratization. In at least one case—Republic of Congo (or, Congo-Brazzaville)—one may argue that the electoral violence laid the foundation for a civil war. Unfortunately, attempts to prevent, understand and address electoral violence are not well developed. In many instances, the perpetrators are not charged, the victims receive little or no redress, and the causes of the violence remain unexamined. This Peace Brief will provide an overview of some characteristics of electoral violence and identify some responses taken by national governments and the international community
to address electoral violence.
Abstract: Do sanctions, incentives and conditionality support or undermine the peace process?
This edition of Accord assesses whether these instruments can persuade conflict
parties to engage in peacemaking. Used effectively, these tools can tip the balance
towards a settlement by increasing the costs of fighting and rewarding peace. But
unless developed as part of a coherent and strategic approach to peacemaking they
can be ineffective and have sometimes exacerbated tensions and fuelled conflict.
Sanctions, incentives and conditionality must be responsive to parties’ own
motivations and support pre-existing conditions for conflict resolution. Four overriding conclusions can be drawn from this
study for how to enhance the effectiveness of external
influence in support of peacemaking. (1) External actors
need to prioritize support for sustainable peace as their
primary goal in a conflict situation and craft their
strategy to help achieve it – recognizing that this may, in
turn, create the enabling conditions for achieving other
foreign policy goals. (2) Sanctions, incentives and
conditionality are most likely to be effective when they
are responsive to the parties’ own motivational
structures and support a pre-existing societal dynamic
for conflict resolution. (3) They need to be designed and
implemented in ways that help to create momentum in
the resolution process, which (4) typically requires a degree of strategic coherence amongst external actors,
necessitating mechanisms for coordination.
Abstract: The world-wide surge in the number and violence of open conflicts revolving around ethnic or religious identities towards the end of the 20th century is a powerful reminder that communal identities are not a remnant of the past but a potent force in contemporary politics. After three decades of independence, ethnicity is more central than ever to the political process of many African countries. Africa has had more than its fair share of ethnic dissent which has sometimes plummeted states into civil war as was experienced in Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and reached frightening proportions in Rwanda and now Sudan. Political openings and multiparty elections have led to the formation of innumerable overtly or covertly ethnic political parties, which serve more often to increase civil strife of which the most recent addition to the long list in Africa is Kenya. Africa’s ethnic disturbances have occurred more within national borders, thus giving rise to unstable domestic systems. This paper attempts to address these ethnic issues by assessing certain conflict spots as opposed to areas of relative calm in Africa. The assessment of states on both sides of the divide (i.e. cooperation and conflict) is done in the hope that trends that lead to conflict as well as those that lead to cooperation can be identified. In order to establish these patterns of cooperation and conflict, it became pertinent to use a broad range of case studies, notably, Tanzania, Botswana, South Africa, Uganda and Côte d’Ivoire. The result of this study tells that the lack or presence of equity and justice (components of good governance), high literacy levels and an external threat, are factors which strengthen or diminish possibilities of ethnic conflict.
Abstract: This article deploys a politico-sociological historical analysis in the interrogation of the origins, tenacity and resilience of Ndebele particularism across pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial epochs in Zimbabwe. While the issue of Ndebele particularism is currently overshadowed by the recent political and economic crisis that has seen Zimbabwe becoming a pariah state, it has continued to haunt both the project of nationalism that ended up unravelling along the fault-lines of Ndebele-Shona ethnicities and the post-colonial nation-building process that became marred by ethnic tensions and violence of the 1980s. In this article, Ndebele particularism is described at two main levels. Firstly, successive pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial historical processes contributed to the construction and consolidation of Ndebele particularism. Secondly, this particularism is a product of coalescence of grievance and resentment to Shona triumphalism. The politico-sociological historical analysis is intertwined with a social constructivist perspective of understanding complex politics of identities in general. The discussion is taken up to the current reverberation of Ndebele particularistic politics on the internet including the creation of a virtual community known as United Mthwakazi Republic (UMR) that symbolises the desire for a restored pre-colonial Ndebele nation in the mould of Swaziland and Lesotho.
Abstract: Over the past twenty years, international donors have invested in large-scale disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) programs. In the same period, there has been a proliferation of transitional justice measures to help render truth, justice, and reparations in the aftermath of state violence and civil war. Yet DDR programs are seldom analyzed to consider justice-related aims; and transitional justice mechanisms rarely articulate strategies for coordinating with DDR. Disarming the Past: Transitional Justice and Ex-combatants examines how these two types of initiatives have connected — or failed to connect — in peacebuilding contexts, and begins to articulate how future DDR programs ought to link with transitional justice aims. This book includes: Introduction: Linking DDR and Transitional Justice, by Lars Waldorf; Chapter 1: Amnesties and DDR Programs, by Mark Freeman; Chapter 2: Beyond “Peace vs. Justice”: Understanding the Relationship Between DDR Programs and the Prosecution of International Crimes, by Eric Witte; Chapter 3: Ex-Combatants and Truth Commissions, by Lars Waldorf; Chapter 4: Establishing Links Between DDR and Reparations, by Pablo de Greiff; Chapter 5: Transitional Justice and Female Ex-Combatants: Lessons Learned from International Experience, by Luisa Maria Dietrich Ortega; Chapter 6: DDR, Transitional Justice, and the Reintegration of Former Child Combatants, by Roger Duthie and Irma Specht; Chapter 7: Local Justice and Reintegration Processes as Complements to Transitional Justice and DDR, by Roger Duthie; and Chapter 8: Transitional Justice, DDR, and Security Sector Reform, by Ana Cutter Patel.
Abstract: Southern Africa has embarked on one of the world’s most ambitious security co-operation initiatives, seeking to roll out the principles of the United Nations at regional levels. This book examines the triangular relationship between democratisation, the character of democracy and its deficits, and national security practices and perceptions of eleven southern African states. It explores what impact these processes and practices have had on the collaborative security project in the region. Based on national studies conducted by African academics and security practitioners over three years, it includes an examination of the way security is conceived and managed, as well as a comparative analysis of regional security co-operation in the developing world. This book includes: Chapter 1: Democratic Governance and Security: A Conceptual Exploration, by Andre du Pisani; Chapter 2: Comparative Perspectives on Regional Security Co-operation among Developing Countries, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 3: Southern African Security in Historical Perspective, by Abillah H. Omari and Paulino Macaringue; Chapter 4: Botswana, by Mpho G. Molomo, Zibani Maundeni, Bertha Osei-Hwedie, Ian Taylor, and Shelly Whitman; Chapter 5: Lesotho, by Khabele Matlosa; Chapter 6: Mauritius, by Gavin Cawthra; Chapter 7: Mozambique, by Anicia Lalá; Chapter 8: Namibia, by Bill Lindeke, Phanuel Kaapama, and Leslie Blaauw; Chapter 9: Seychelles, by Anthoni van Nieuwkerk and William M. Bell; Chapter 10: South Africa, by Maxi Schoeman; Chapter 11: Swaziland, by Joseph Bheki Mzizi; Chapter 12: Tanzania Mohammed, by Omar Maundi; Chapter 13: Zambia, by Bizeck Jube Phiri; Chapter 14: Zimbabwe, by Ken D. Manungo; and Chapter 15: Conclusions, by Gavin Cawthra, Khabele Matlosa, and Anthoni van Nieuwkerk.
Abstract: As targets of grave violations of human rights and forced participation in violence, children are among those most affected by conflict. The physical, psychological, social and emotional impacts that conflict has on children have increasingly become a focus of international and national peacebuilding measures, truth commissions, and courts. Children and Transitional Justice: Truth-Telling, Accountability, and Reconciliation explores questions raised when children's issues -- and children themselves -- are prioritized in transitional justice processes. It analyzes practical experiences to determine how the range of international courts, truth commissions and traditional processes can be applied, both to improve accountability for crimes perpetrated against children and to protect the rights of children involved. The chapters of the book include: Chapter 1: Child Rights and Transitional Justice, by Saudamini Siegrist; Chapter 2: Basic Assumptions of Transitional Justice and Children, by Alison Smith; Chapter 3: International Criminal Justice and Child Protection, by Cécile Aptel; Chapter 4: Children and the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, by Piers Pigou; Chapter 5: Child Participation in the Sierra Leonean Truth and Reconciliation Commission, by Philip Cook and Cheryl Heykoop; Chapter 6: Children and the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission, by Theo Sowa; Chapter 7: Accountability and Reconciliation in Northern Uganda Accountability for Sexual and Gender-Based Crimes by the Lord’s Resistance Army, by Kristopher Carlson and Dyan Mazurana; The Potential and Limits of Mato Oput as a Tool for Reconciliation and Justice, Prudence Acirokop; Chapter 8: Disappeared Children, Genetic Tracing and Justice, by Michele Harvey-Blankenship and Rachel Shigekane; Chapter 9: Truth Commissions and National Curricula: The Case of Recordándonos in Peru, by Julia Paulson; and Chapter 10: Realizing Economic Justice for Children: The Role of Transitional Justice in Post-Conflict Societies, by Sharanjeet Parmar.
Abstract: The Humanitarian Action Report is UNICEF's only publication dealing specifically with the needs of children and women in emergencies. It spotlights crises that require exceptional support, and additional funding, to save lives and protect children from harm in an increasingly challenging humanitarian environment.
This year's report – subtitled 'Partnering for children in emergencies' – says the world is seeing crises exacerbated by larger trends, such as climate change and the international financial downturn, that are beyond the capacity of any one agency to address.
The report appeals for nearly $1.2 billion in international donor funding for emergency-response efforts in 28 countries covering six regions – from Eastern Europe to Africa to Asia to Latin America. The funding will be used to support a greater emphasis on emergency preparedness, early warning, disaster risk reduction and rapid recovery.
Abstract: From 14-17 November 2009, De Doorns, a farming area in Breede Valley Municipality, Western Cape Province, was the scene of violence that resulted in the forceful displacement of an estimated 3000 Zimbabweans and the destruction and looting of their dwellings by their South African neighbours.
This policy brief provides a summarised analysis of causal factors, police responses and solutions adopted and/or proposed in relation to this violence. For assessments of the humanitarian support provided to the displaced, see regular situation reports by UNHCR and CoRMSA. Our research suggests that many current analyses miss critical causal factors behind the violence and that proposed responses and solutions may be neither appropriate nor durable. Beyond helping to find immediate solutions, this report suggests that the De Doorns violence has broader significance in terms of national patterns of violence against foreign nationals.
Abstract: The 2008–09 crisis induced the worst global downturn since 1929. The economic and
financial crisis has hit the budgets of the EU and other developed countries, creating
huge debt overhangs, unemployment and social problems. And it has been particularly
devastating for fragile countries, most of them in Sub-Saharan Africa, at first thought to
be sheltered by their low financial integration with the rest of the world. While Sub-
Saharan Africa’s dire socioeconomic situation calls for a renewed commitment, EU concerns
about domestic social problems may displace attention and funds from EU development
aid policies. But the EU must keep, and possibly strengthen, its commitment to
Sub-Saharan Africa, avoiding inefficient aid policies. A reassessment of the EU development
policy towards the Sub-Saharan Africa fragile countries is in order. That is the aim
of the 2009 European Report on Development, the first in an annual series.
The 2009 European Report on Development analyses the costs and characteristics of
fragility (part 1), the capacity of fragile countries to cope with negative shocks such as
the 2008-09 financial crisis (part 2), and the EU’s current engagement with fragile countries
as well as the potential for EU development policy to assist national stakeholders in
enhancing resilience (part 3). The focus is on Sub-Saharan Africa because this region
appears to be particularly lagging behind in the sphere of state consolidation; a stylised
fact survives all the theoretical disputes around the definition and measurement of fragility:
Sub-Saharan African countries always account for most of the group of fragile
states.
Abstract: The present report addresses the progress made in the implementation of the
recommendations contained in the Secretary-General’s report on the causes of
conflict and the promotion of durable peace and sustainable development in Africa
(A/52/871-S/1998/318). It is submitted in compliance with General Assembly
resolution 63/304, which was adopted following the Assembly’s consideration at its
sixty-third session of the Secretary-General’s progress report dated 4 August 2008
(A/63/212). The recommendations addressing economic and social factors
underlying the promotion of sustainable development are covered in the
Secretary-General’s companion report on the Implementation of the New Partnership
for Africa’s Development (A/64/204). Following introductory remarks, section II of the report provides an overview of major peace and security developments in Africa during the past year, including
the serious concerns being addressed by Africa and the international community in
order to restore, maintain and promote peace and rebuild post-conflict countries. In
section III, the report reviews progress in relation to the capacity-building needs and
increased cooperation with the African Union and subregional organizations and
provides an assessment of the United Nations support for the defence and promotion
of human rights in Africa. The report concludes that, pending the General Assemblymandated
comprehensive review of the recommendations contained in the 1998
report and of the new challenges to achieving long-term peace and sustainable
development, the international community must, more than ever, redouble its efforts
in Africa and ensure that the commitments made are effectively implemented.
Abstract: Tragically, the Palestine-Israel conflict shows
no sign of resolution – even some 60 years after its
inception. As evidenced by the recent incursions of
Israel into Lebanon and Gaza, the conflict seems to be
descending into deeper complexity, with tragic loss
of lives, injuries to thousands of innocent civilians
and destruction of property, valued at hundreds of
millions of dollars. The inauguration of Barack Obama
as the 44th president of the United States (US) presents
a window of opportunity to move this conflict along a
different trajectory, and to offer peace a chance.
Some thoughts and reflections on South
Africa’s democratic transition – considered as one
of the miraculous political events of our time – may
have lessons for the endemic conflicts and evolving
democracies in the Middle East, with particular
reference to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Following
the victory of the National Party (NP) in South Africa’s
1948 elections – which was confined entirely to the
white population (20% of the total population) – over
the next 50 years the country experienced a feat of
geo-political social engineering unparalleled in
modern history. From birth to death, the population
was segregated along racial lines: blacks, whites,
coloureds and Indians. The ostensible reason
was that if people of different cultures, ethnic backgrounds, race groups and languages mixed and
lived together, there would be conflict and turmoil.
In practice, it was domination and harsh repression
by a privileged white minority over a black majority,
the white community comprising a potent mixture
of Afrikaners – descendants of Dutch, French and
German immigrants – as well as colonial British
settlers and their descendants.
Abstract: For many decades, war and other kinds of violence brought
wretchedness and early death to millions of Angolans. What
difference has Western action or inaction made for the war affected?
Have donors helped or hindered their empowerment?
This short paper explores these questions. Its findings should
be read as approximate and provisional, however, given the low
and uneven quality of available information. Some findings are
valid only for specific historical moments. In recent decades,
Angola has passed through several ‘post-conflict’ situations.
Donors responded differently to each one, as their political
purposes changed and their leverage grew weaker.The terrain
of victimisation shifted as tides of overt and structural violence
left sedimentary layers of disadvantage and privilege. This
paper, therefore, offers an analysis of today’s post-war trends
in empowerment and disempowerment against a backdrop of
earlier waves of conflict in Angola’s troubled history.
Abstract: For years, as a former Cold War battleground, Angola has stood out on world league tables of ‘failed’ or ‘failing’ states. Yet its army has a formidable record of domestic and foreign combat. Its national oil company is of world class. In recent years its economy has grown at a feverish annual rate of 18 percent. Its government has successfully ended 40 years of violent conflict, consolidated its political base and negotiated profitable deals with major public and private bodies of the United States, Europe and China. For such a country, how valid is the label ‘failed state’?
In light of this seeming paradox, this paper addresses several critical questions. What are the historical roots of conflict in Angola, and of its weak and uneven state and political institutions? How deeply is Angola’s political economy integrated into international systems, and what aspects of that integration help explain both the weaknesses and strengths of state and political institutions? What formal and informal forces and incentives are at work in Angola’s territorial political economy that affect state and political resilience and weakness?
It concludes by suggesting ways European and other international decision-makers might look afresh at notions of state weakness in general, and their relevance to the case of Angola in particular.
Abstract: Brian Johnson-Thomas and Peter Danssaert argue in favor of ratifying the international Arms Trade Treaty, which would consolidate existing international law against arms trafficking and make it easier to prosecute people and organizations that funnel arms across borders. The paper highlights a series of illuminating case studies on Zimbabwean arms transfers from the past 18 months. The authors argue that these cases could be better combated if the treaty were ratified. The paper is short and to the point, its evidence is well-documented, and it makes a compelling argument in favor of an Arms Trade Treaty that would “require States to strictly regulate arms brokering, transport, and finance,” thus better enabling countries to combat the traffic in small arms.
The paper considers three case studies of arms movement in and out of Zimbabwe, including last April’s “ship of shame affair,” a deal brokered to allow weapons to flow from China to Zimbabwe. A second case study focuses on the movement of weapons and weapon parts from Zimbabwe to Montenegro and the United States this winter.
Danssaert and Johnson-Thomas also provide concrete evidence that entities within the Democratic Republic of the Congo provided Zimbabwe with several ammunitions shipments amounting to at least 53 tons during an eight-day period in 2008. The paper cites the most recent U.N. Group of Experts report, which called Congolese stockpile management “nonexistent” and noted, “The Government does not know how many of its arms are stored at which depots and with which units.” The case provides yet another stark reminder of the practical result of the Congolese government’s inability to control its army: a sizeable influx of weapons to a Zimbabwean regime willing to take drastic measures to maintain power and exploit its country’s resources for its own good.
Abstract: The intensity of the armed conflict in Cabinda has declined as a result of large-scale counterinsurgency operations in 2002-2003, and the government publicly claims that the Cabinda conflict came to a close in 2006, when a peace agreement was signed with a faction of the rebel Liberation Front for the Independence of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC). But the campaign for independence remains unresolved, and sporadic guerrilla attacks have been ongoing. Despite its insistence that the insurgency is no longer active, the military’s systematic arbitrary detention and torture of people in Cabinda suggests that the government has resorted to unlawful means to retaliate against people with perceived sympathy for the FLEC’s armed independence campaign. Angolan military and intelligence services have a widespread presence in the small territory, and they have intimidated and harassed people with perceived dissident views. This report extends that work with new first-hand, field-based information and shows a disturbing pattern of human rights violations during pre-trial detention of persons accused of state security crimes in Cabinda. In most of the 38 cases that Human Rights Watch investigated, those accused of security crimes endured arbitrary arrests, lengthy incommunicado detention, and interrogations under torture in military custody. All 38 detainees were eventually brought to the judicial authorities and a civilian detention facility. But trial records in several cases show that due process rights were violated.
Abstract: Did South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) shut down or open the way for prosecutions?
In a paper delivered at a seminar in Bogota on May 21, ICTJ Truth-Seeking Director Howard Varney noted that the South African TRC has been held up as a model of reconciliation since it ushered in a new democratic era without the resort to criminal prosecutions.
It appears to have been the inspiration for Colombia's Peace and Justice process, which lets perpetrators of human rights abuses use a mechanism called the "free version" -- a voluntary deposition -- to receive reduced prison sentences. Perpetrators are expected to disclose the full truth in return for a "lenient sentence."
In fact, Varney argues, the design and logic of the South African TRC placed truth-seeking and criminal prosecutions at the heart of the process of transition. The two were meant to be inextricably linked.
Society in Statebuilding: Lessons for Improving Democratic Governance Initiatve for Peacebuilding // Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior // International Alert // International Center for Transitional Justice // Partners for Democratic Change International
Abstract: Many experts, inside and outside of development agencies, are trying to improve donor support to democratic
governance in fragile and conflict-affected countries. They are beginning to look much more closely at power
dynamics and incentives for change. Yet, as a whole, aid institutions tend to promote better governance
by promoting capacity in executive government, representation and accountability through parliament, an
autonomous civil service, and an active civil society. These are largely conceived out of western experience
and can be overly “supply-driven”. The goals are articulated through nebulous concepts such as “legitimacy”
and “effectiveness”.
Not only do the concepts remain open to wide interpretation, but western agencies cannot escape a fundamental
paradox – that, although physical proximity and personal contact may give local political leaders a certain capacity
and popular legitimacy, these local political ties may also be the main drag on the more open and equitable sociopolitical
“orders” to which donor agencies aspire. At the same time, notwithstanding the inequity sustained by the
local political ties, they may still be the best place to begin when looking at how to make leaders accountable in
specific contexts.
In all contexts, the dilemmas are multiple and the right trade-offs will depend, as always, on the time and the
place. The country analyses (Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo, or DRC, Georgia and Pakistan) produced
by the Initiative for Peacebuilding (IfP) in this cluster aim to shed light on the nature of these governance issues
in conflict-affected countries and make recommendations on how best to tackle them.
Abstract: Sub-Saharan Africa is too readily dismissed from the outside, but the regional perception is often one of optimism. It is an area rich in natural resources: ranging from oil and natural gas to other minerals such as chrome, nickel and zinc. Nearly half the population are under the age of 14, making the region free from the demographic burden of an ageing workforce prevalent in other parts of the world. There are also promising beginnings to regional approaches to tackling shared security problems; with the draft framework for a Common African Defence and Security Policy being a good example of this.
However, it is undeniable that sub-Saharan Africa does face considerable difficulties. It contains only 10% of the world’s population but is the location of 90% of world malaria cases and home to 67% of world HIV sufferers. Conflict, famine, genocide and disease have all plagued the region over recent decades. Of all the regions of the developing world, sub-Saharan Africa remains the most marginalised and least likely to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. Colonial powers, corrupt leaders and, to an extent, the NGO/aid complex have all contributed to the region’s difficulties.
This report is based on the outcomes of a consultation that Oxford Research Group (ORG) and the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) held in South Africa in December 2008.
