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Abstract: Much has been written about Haiti since the massive earthquake devastated the country three years ago this week. Hundreds of evaluations and thousands of reports have been written by the humanitarian community and many more by other actors.
Abstract: Internal displacement has been a frequent and significant part of Haiti’s history since its foundation in 1804. The current mix of inter-related causes includes frequent natural hazard-induced disasters, human rights violations, and large-scale development projects. These are dominated by the impacts of the major earthquake disaster of 12 January 2010, which displaced up to 2.3 million people, mostly from or within the metropolitan area of Port au Prince. Over the last three years, more than 61,000 of these internally displaced people (IDPs) have been displaced again as a result of forced evictions and other threats. As of December 2012, 357,000 IDPs remain in camps or camp-like situations (also referred to as “camps”), while a lack of information makes the number of IDPs living outside these situations difficult to assess. This includes IDPs staying with host families, those who previously lived in the camps and those whose situation continues to put them at high risk of further displacement. During 2012, storm and flood disasters including Tropical Storm Sandy at the end of October have caused the new or repeated internal displacement of at least 58,000 people. Recurrent displacement has cumulative impacts on the vulnerability of people unable to fully recover between shocks felt not only by IDPs, but also by families or communities that host them. Storms and floods, further added to by drought, has left around 20 per cent of Haiti's population or 2.1 million people suffering severe food insecurity.
Established patterns of population movement between rural and urban areas, together with family and community networks and livelihood coping strategies centred on the capital, Port-au-Prince, play a significant role in determining IDPs' movements and intentions. Within a context of widespread structural impoverishment, extreme environmental degradation, rapid urbanisation and weak government capacity, IDPs' continue to face both immediate and new obstacles to their recovery related to their displacement. Durable solutions can only be achieved through the pursuit of long-term development goals led by central and local government and which place disaster risk reduction and human rights protection at their core. The current period of transition from international to government-led response is, therefore, critical.
Abstract: Almost three years after the devastating earthquake that stuck Haiti in 2010, about 360,000 individuals continue to live in 496 IDP sites across the country. This report aims to provide reconstruction actors in Haiti with an updated overview of the make up of the population remaining in camps and camp like settlements in Haiti. This report reflects the highlights of the analysis carried out by the IOM Data Management Unit in November 2012. A detailed, more comprehensive version is also available for partners with interest in more in depth information.
Abstract: As the presence of Western states in UN
peacekeeping operations (PKOs) has gradually
decreased, new states have been filling the
resultant void, although these operations remain
wedded to Western ideas and standards of
how such interventions should be carried out.
However, as emerging powers like Brazil are now
taking the lead on the ground, the question that
this report seeks to shed light on is how this is
starting to affect the way in which the UN carries
out its PKOs. It assesses the Brazilian military
lead in MINUSTAH in Haiti against the backdrop
of the so-called “pacification” strategy currently
employed in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro. It
shows that rather than being a “transmission
belt” for a traditional Western model of military
intervention, Brazil’s lead in MINUSTAH has had
an added value, building on Brazilian experience
with urban conflict, which is an area with which
the UN and Western states are unfamiliar. In fact,
several states, including the U.S., have started
to look to Brazil when developing and adapting
concepts for urban and anti-crime operations.
This shows that as Brazil has become a more
active participant in UN PKOs, it has also
gradually begun to set the agenda for how the
UN runs such operations.
Abstract: Almost three years after this disaster, more than 80% of the population still lives below the poverty line, in a situation of extreme precariousness that Hurricane Sandy has only aggravated. For the roughly 370,000 victims of the earthquake still living in displaced person camps, the situation deteriorates by the day: living conditions in the camps are shameful and getting worse; forced expulsions are common for camps situated on private land; populations are abandoned by NGOs and are extremely vulnerable. In the deteriorating and degrading environment of these camps, violence is on the increase, with women and children particularly vulnerable to sex crimes.
Abstract: A recent CIGI paper described peacekeeping as the United Nations’ most visible raison d’être — soldiers in blue helmets are a frequent and now very identifiable symbol in global security. Less attention has been given to the important, yet challenging, work done by non-state actors, member states and the UN Secretariat in the area of peacebuilding. To learn more about this essential and evolving element of national, regional and international security and human development, we speak to Timothy Donais. He holds faculty positions at Wilfrid Laurier University and the Balsillie School of International Affairs, and is currently leading a CIGI Collaborative Research Project entitled Vertical Integration and the United Nations Peacebuilding Architecture.
Abstract: Central America and the Caribbean, particularly countries
in the Northern Triangle, face extreme violence inflamed by
transnational organized crime and drug trafficking. According
to UNODC’s own studies, El Salvador, Guatemala,
and Honduras now have some of the highest homicide rates
in the world.
There is little doubt, therefore, that these transnational
issues present major challenges to countries within the
region and to the wider international community. Criminal
networks and their activities disrupt stability, undermine
democratic institutions and hinder the economic activity so
vital to the region. All of these issues are apparent within
Central America and the Caribbean.
However, as the report Transnational Organized Crime in
Central America and the Caribbean: A Threat Assessment
makes clear, the violent impact of drugs and crime forms
only part of the region’s problems. The trafficking of illicit
cocaine has undoubtedly given stimulus to the violence,
but the instability is embedded in weak institutions and the
presence of non-state actors.
As the Report stresses, governments need to build effective,
humane and efficient criminal law systems. Above all, the
relationship between development, the rule of law and
security needs to be fully understood. Drugs and crime are
also development issues, while stability can be promoted by
embracing human rights and access to justice.
HAITI: The Social Bond, Conflict and Violence in Haiti
CHILDREN'S HEALTH: Armed Conflict and Children’s Health: Exploring New Directions: The Case of Kashmir
POST-CONFLICT REINTEGRATION: A Framework Document for Evidence-Based Programme Design on Reintegration
SEXUAL VIOLENCE IN THE DRC: A Congolese Community-based Health Program for Survivors of Sexual Violence
HUMAN RIGHTS IN BURMA: Bitter Wounds and Lost Dreams: Human Rights under Assault in Karen State, Burma
NATURAL RESOURCES: Resources, Risk and Resilience: Scarcity and Climate Change in Ethiopia
PEACEBUILDING: Peace Held Hostage in Sri Lanka
JUSTICE: Soldering the Link: The UN Global Focal Point for Police, Justice, and Correction
CRIMINAL NETWORKS & CONFLICT RESOLUTION: Security Management in Northern Mali: Criminal Networks and Conflict Resolution Mechanisms
INSECURITY IN SOMALIA: Mogadishu Rising? Conflict and Governance Dynamics in the Somali Capital
CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION: Briefing Note: Winning Hearts and Minds in Uruzgan Province
Abstract: The earthquake of 2010 brutally exposed
the vulnerabilities of Haiti’s people, as well
as confronting an already weakly governed
country with massive humanitarian and
logistical dilemmas. While progress has been
made towards reconstruction, the underlying
fragility of the country remains. Even as certain
donors reconsider their aid to the country, Haiti
continues to suffer from economic dependence,
environmental risk, an institutional vacuum, a
heavily fragmented political landscape, and a
continuing cycle of poverty and violence.
However, this report emphasises that not all is lost
in the country, which is suffering neither the aftereffects
of an all-out war nor the levels of criminal
violence witnessed elsewhere in Central America
and the Caribbean. Recent glimmers of political
compromise and some progress in reforming
the police force indicate that improvements are
possible. Looking forward to the coming decade,
the report signals the key areas in which progress
is both essential and feasible, but warns that much
will depend on the way in which the international
community and the United Nations mission in the
country interact with the Haitian state and the
country’s principal social forces.
Abstract: This study is the second part of a research project on violence in Haiti. The project was started after President Aristide’s departure into exile in early 2004 and the arrival of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH).
Researchers, political analysts, the international community and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have generally focused their attention on political violence in Haiti, perhaps because of its high visibility and the human toll it has taken in a relatively brief period. Political violence is nevertheless discontinuous and event-related. Coups d’état, electoral violence and food riots are not ongoing occurrences.
While the first part of the project, conducted in 2007, considered political violence, this part looks at day-to-day social relations in communities in order to enhance understanding of the recurring nature of political violence. Two sets of questions need to be ad-dressed. First, what are the types of relationships between the elites and the masses that allow the former to rely on the latter for the purposes of political mobilization in the form of violent demonstrations? Second, what are the characteristics of the social pro-cesses in suburban communities that predispose them to take part in such mobilizations? The present report addresses the second question.
Abstract: Haiti is now marking the eighth year of the UN Stabilisation Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). Debate about its eventual withdrawal is intensifying under the one year-old administration of President Michel Martelly. Opposition to its presence stems from the country’s nationalistic pride, anger at the cholera epidemic linked to UN peacekeepers and publicity surrounding unacceptable abuses by a small number of peacekeepers. Yet even its critics admit the country’s still limited police force cannot guarantee the security needed to protect citizens, enforce the law and underpin political stability. The real debate is not whether MINUSTAH should leave but when, and what to change in Haiti and in the mission’s mandate, structure and behaviour to ensure that a phased withdrawal is linked to stronger institutions and progress toward lasting stability and development.
On 8 March 2012, the UN Security Council welcomed progress in Haiti and confirmed a start toward MINUSTAH’s military drawdown, returning to the levels before the devastating quake that rocked the island in January 2010. Before the October renewal of the peacekeeping mandate, with preliminary discussions already planned for August, consensus needs to be forged between the UN, Latin American nations which provide the bulk of the troops, other international contributors, donors and the Haitian nation. That consensus has to be built on an objective analysis of MINUSTAH’s past performance and priorities for restructuring, Haiti’s continuing political instability, weak institutions and extreme poverty.
Abstract: This paper was prepared for the Small Arms Working Group of Peacebuild. Project Ploughshares was the Coordinator of the Small Arms Working Group from 2004 through to 2010. The paper is part of a series that explored the relationship between armed violence and development.
With 66 per cent of all homicides occurring in countries not experiencing major violent conflict, armed violence is now a global social problem. Even more alarming is that much of this violence is perpetrated by young people, who are also over-represented among the victims. Youth armed violence is now a grave concern at every level of society and initiatives to deal with this issue have been increasing. More recently, steps have been undertaken to map those initiatives, especially at the community level, and document and disseminate good practice in addressing the problem. In furtherance of the goal of the Small Arms Working Group and Project Ploughshares to reduce violence and build peace, this study presents case studies of two specific programs that are enjoying some measure of success: The Peace Management Initiative [PMI] in Kingston, Jamaica and the Breaking the Cycle [BTC] Project in Toronto. Both programs were selected because of their success with gang-associated, violent youth in Jamaica’s inner city and in Toronto’s Caribbean diaspora communities respectively. Both are linked by the study’s Caribbean youth focus. The link goes even deeper: the perception is that much of the violence in Toronto is perpetrated by youth of Caribbean, particularly Jamaican, heritage.
Abstract: As this Arab Spring of revolution becomes a long summer of transitions, we take the opportunity to review some of the historic developments in the region over the last few months. In doing so we throw the spotlight on the drivers of these popular uprisings, and the difficulties they present for the rest of the world in dealing with this strategically crucial region.
Kicking us off, Gilles Kepel brings his considerable experience to bear in discussing the revolutions in macro-context, before in our feature article Luca Tardelli analyses the inherent difficulties in Western intervention that are now once again playing out in Libya, a point picked up by Felix Berenskoetter in his discussion of how Western division on Libya played out at the Security Council. Turning to Yemen, Tobias Thiel considers how the particular politics of coalition in that country may allow it to move beyond the surely-now-terminal Presidency of Ali Abdullah Saleh.
International politics doesn’t stop when crises occur, and the world faces a great many challenges at this time. China’s rise seems perpetually on the agenda, and Marco Wyss provides a new take on the drivers of that power transition in his analysis of US arms sales to China. Meanwhile, as American hegemony in Latin America seems increasingly up for question, Carlos Solis-Tejada assesses the prospects for Cuba, that most dysfunctional of American relationships, in the wake of the sixth party congress.
Abstract: Haiti, like many countries, relies heavily on private security companies to protect people and property. However, while the private security industry has a vital role to play in stabilizing the country, it has long functioned without effective government oversight. Haiti’s security sector reform [SSR] process has begun to address this shortcoming. The paper analyzes the current state of the private security industry in Haiti and the legal framework under which it operates, and makes recommendations for how a reformed legal and regulatory regime can guide the next phase of its development, based on interviews with owners and agents of private security companies, industry associations, senior Haitian police personnel, United Nations [UN] planners and parliamentary leaders. The paper concludes that genuine consultation and partnership between the government, industry and civil society is required, if SSR programs in Haiti and elsewhere are to successfully marshal private resources
towards the public good.
Abstract: Policy makers, practitioners, and experts alike have increasingly identified the protection of civilians as a priority for United Nations peacekeeping operations and as key to mission success. A 2009 independent study commissioned by the United Nations' Department of Peacekeeping Operations and Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs concluded that a failure to protect civilians can undermine the legitimacy and credibility of the mission, and in turn jeopardize the political processes that peacekeepers were originally deployed to support.
Policymakers and practitioners are keen to learn from past operations that faced protection crises. Saving Port-au-Prince: United Nations Efforts to Protect Civilians in Haiti in 2006-2007 explores the analysis, decisions, and actions of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti to protect civilians during this time period. It examines why MINUSTAH was relatively successful at protecting civilians; describes its shortcomings; and draws lessons for other contexts.
Abstract: The negotiation of an international Arms Trade Treaty [ATT] has become a UN process of “high importance” for the Caribbean Community [CARICOM]. It is not difficult to see why. The Caribbean subregion is severely impacted by the irresponsible and illicit proliferation and transfer of small arms and light weapons [SALW] and associated ammunition. Per capita murder rates in the Caribbean are among the highest in the world and 70 per cent of murders in the region involve small arms. Hence, CARICOM considers the development of a comprehensive legally and globally binding ATT regulating the international trade in conventional arms and based on the highest possible international standards, as an unavoidable priority.
The interlinked problems of small arms proliferation, drug trafficking, and other criminal activity have been a longstanding and growing concern of the governments of the subregion. In 2002 the CARICOM Regional Taskforce on Crime and Security released an influential report that led to the creation of the Implementation Agency for Crime and Security [IMPACS] that, among other responsibilities, was appointed the contact point on small arms issues for the subregion. The report contains several recommendations with regard to the threats of illegal firearms, many of which are relevant to the provisions of an Arms Trade Treaty.
Abstract: This report is a joint effort between the Bureau of Crisis Prevention and Recovery and the Regional Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean seeking to compile the United Nations Development Programme's work in the areas of Conflict Prevention and Citizen Security during the first decade of the 21st century in Latin America and the Caribbean region.The areas of Conflict Prevention and Citizen Security are intimately linked to development problems facing the region. Despite their high rates of economic growth, Latin America and the Caribbean remain the most inequitable regions in the world and among the most violent.
Exclusion and inequality coupled with high crime rates in the region undermine the foundations of democratic governance and constitute a large obstacle to achieving the Millennium Development Goals. Therefore, although this report is limited to the presentation in part of UNDP activities, it should be noted that UNDP’s work transcends the limits of this report.
Abstract: In our world, disasters continue to disrupt and damage landscapes and human lives.
Often in the aftermath, people unite spontaneously with compassion and generosity.
Despite personal trials, people of all ages volunteer to help those who are ailing, communities
come together and countless acts of remarkable humanity take place. Yet, as
survivors regain their footing, seek shelter and livelihoods, and try to rebuild, they face
many hurdles. Among these, but often unspoken and secret, is the devastation caused
by the violence that can follow disasters. People’s safety and security become undermined
not only by the disaster but also by violence in the forms of abuse, exploitation,
harassment, discrimination and rejection from other survivors and those who are supposed
to help. This report provides best practices to address violence
during and after disasters and challenges us, as disaster
responders, to respond to this problem in all of our
work through early and proactive action, using a public
Abstract: This report is based on the panel presentation and the views expressed at a public forum hosted by USIP’s Haiti Program on February 15, 2012 entitled “Justice for Haiti.” The panel included Ugo Solinas, senior political affairs officer in the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations; Joel Danies, deputy coordinator for Political Affairs & Office Director in the U.S. State Department Office of the Haiti Special Coordinator; Mark Schneider, vice president of International Crisis Group; and Vivienne O’Connor, senior program officer in USIP’s Rule of Law Center.
Abstract: How can emergency response be delivered in a more conflict-sensitive manner? To what extent should this be a priority for the sector? What practical tools and approaches have aid agencies used to better understand their contexts of intervention and minimize conflict risks?
As these issues become increasingly prominent in regions of the world as diverse as the Horn of Africa, Afghanistan and Libya, this paper offers insights to these pressing questions.
Drawing on field research from Haiti, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, this paper maps the current state of conflict-sensitive practice in emergencies. It identifies good practices which can be built upon, key gaps, and points out practical ways to integrate conflict sensitivity more strategically across the emergency programme cycle.
One of the key conclusions from this study is that there are clear opportunities for synergy between conflict sensitivity integration and the emergency capacity-building initiatives currently ongoing within many agencies. Significant improvements can be achieved through relatively simple steps which complement existing tools, standards and efforts to improve programme quality. The paper suggests six minimum standards for conflict sensitive emergency response which, if applied, would not only help minimize harm and reduce conflict risks but also increase the overall effectiveness of humanitarian response.
Abstract: This is a summary of an event held at Chatham House on 22 February 2012.
Dr Chaloka Benyani, Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons, reflected on the evolution of the mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur on Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), and the progress and achievements at the international and regional levels to strengthen the protection of IDPs.
Abstract: Police reform is a growth industry in the Americas. First, security threats have largely shifted from external state-sponsored aggression to stateless crime that affects citizens more directly and undermines confidence in government. Once deployed for external defense as well as for guarding internal order, armies are not equipped to deal with public safety in a setting where combating crime requires special knowledge to protect the rights of victims and perpetrators, preserve evidence, and apply the right intelligence and patrolling tools to keep crimes from happening. Second, not all Latin American law enforcement institutions can protect citizens in this manner, given that in some cases they are tied to political parties or that they exist as a poorer, fourth branch of the army. As Latin American countries have consolidated democratic practices in a post–Cold War setting, the need for effective policing, specialized law enforcement agencies, and legal frameworks to help them coordinate actions will become only more urgent. At the same time, the need for capable defense will continue, perhaps with smaller or more specialized militaries. And, because these forces always have personnel in training, they will continue to be called on periodically to support civilian authority, as most police, even in the United States, have limited surge capacity.
Abstract: This report provides a summary of the discussions of nearly 50 journalists and academics from Latin America and the Caribbean on media coverage of organized crime and drug trafficking in the continent.
The Open Society Media Program and Latin America Program, in conjunction with the Knight Center for Journalism in the Americas at the University of Texas at Austin, gathered this group to benefit the journalism community in understanding and reporting on the implications of organized crime on societies and local communities.
We trust that this report will raise the understanding that covering organized crime requires a new approach, new tactics and new strategies. This is a global phenomenon that knows no borders and that speaks all languages. As such, cross-border collaboration, and regional and global co-operation among those that try to uncover the realities of this business, is fundamental. Journalists in the region are re-thinking media coverage, and there is a need to go beyond the body count and focus on an in-depth analysis of the issues.
Abstract: Over the past few years there has been a resurgence of interest in employing preventive tools to thwart the outbreak and escalation of violent conflict. This paper looks at the state of and challenges ahead for preventive diplomacy in four different regions of the world: Africa, Latin America, Southeast Asia, and Northeast Asia.
As Francesco Mancini, IPI's Senior Director of Research, noted in the paper's introduction, the instruments of preventive diplomacy are more cost-effective than the deployment of a peacekeeping operation and can avert the loss of innocent lives and prevent the devastating consequences produced by internal displacement and economic upheaval. It remains a key priority for UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, who has called it “one of the smartest investments [the UN] can make.”
Additionally, Mr. Mancini wrote that the preventive diplomacy field has become increasingly crowded, and now comprises a vast array of international, national, and local actors. Furthermore, this new wave of prevention is no longer primarily externally driven. Local actors have become more proactive in expanding their roles in support of preventive initiatives within their own countries.
by Francesco Mancini, International Peace Institute
Preventive Diplomacy in Africa: Adapting to New Realities
by Fabienne Hara, International Crisis Group
Optimizing Preventive Diplomacy Tools: A Latin American Perspective
by Sandra Borda, Universidad de Los Andes
Preventive Diplomacy in Southeast Asia
by Jim Della-Giacoma, International Crisis Group
Optimizing Preventive Diplomacy on the Korean Peninsula
by Leon Sigal, Social Science Research Council
Abstract: Human Security Research is a monthly compilation of significant new human security-related research published by academics, university research institutes, think-tanks, international agencies, and NGOs.
Articles in this issue:
GOVERNANCE: Africa and the Arab Spring: A New Era of Democratic Expectations
NATURAL RESOURCES: Do Giant Oilfield Discoveries Fuel Internal Armed Conflicts?
PRIVATE SECURITY: From Market for Force to Market for Peace: Private Military and Security Companies in Peacekeeping Operations
ARMS: Lessons from MENA: Appraising EU Transfers of Military and Security Equipment to the Middle East and North Africa
STATE-BUILDING: State-Building, War and Violence: Evidence from Latin America
EAST AFRICA: Hostage to Conflict: Prospects for Building Regional Economic Cooperation in the Horn of Africa
DISPLACEMENT: Invisible Refugees: Protecting Sahrawis and Palestinians Displaced by the 2011 Libyan Uprising
IRAQ: The Outcome of Invasion: US and Iranian Strategic Competition in Iraq
INTERNATIONAL LAW: From Responsibility to Response: Assessing National Approaches to Internal Displacement
PEACEBUILDING: Recovery and Development Politics: Options for Sustainable Peacebuilding in Northern Uganda
UNITED NATIONS: Shaky Foundations: An Assessment of the UN's Rule of Law Support Agenda
PHILIPPINES: The Philippines: Indigenous Rights and the MILF Peace Process