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Abstract: • The protection of asylum-seekers in Europe is dealt with under three principal bodies of law: the UN Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees of 1951, the law of the European Union and the soft law developed by the Council of Europe.
• Member states of the Council of Europe are also bound by the judgments of the European Convention on Human Rights; although the convention makes no reference to refugee protection, its provisions and the judgments of its court in Strasbourg impose important obligations on states in respect of asylum.
• The entry into force of the Amsterdam Treaty in 1999 initiated the first phase of the creation of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS), which aimed to harmonize refugee protection among member states while enabling them to meet their international obligations in that respect.
• The harmonizing measures adopted by the EU have been subject to severe criticism and the practices of member states reveal a systemic failure to comply with international refugee protection obligations.
• While there have been improvements in European refugee policy, significant challenges must be addressed before Europe can regain its reputation as a champion of the rights of the refugee. This is given particular urgency by recent events in North Africa, which may lead to large numbers of persons fleeing violence and disorder.
Abstract: Deradicalizing Islamist extremists may be even more important than getting them to simply disengage from terrorist activities, according to a new RAND Corporation study that examines counter-radicalization programs in the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Europe.
Although there has been much research about the radicalization and recruitment of Islamist extremists, there has been little study until recently about how one deradicalizes those who have been recruited into the Islamist extremist movement.
A key question is whether the objective of counter-radicalization programs should be disengagement (a change in behavior) or deradicalization (a change in beliefs) of militants. A unique challenge posed by militant Islamist groups is that their ideology is rooted in a major world religion, Islam.
The RAND study indentifies and analyzes the processes through which militants leave Islamist extreme groups, assesses the effectiveness of deradicalization programs and summarizes the policies that could help to promote and accelerate the processes of deradicalization.
Abstract: If measures against pirates are to be effective, they must be carried out on land. Pirates are criminals who can best be thwarted by eliminating their bases and networks. At sea, it is only possible to treat the symptoms of piracy and catch the small fish. This report focuses on the pirates off the coast of Somalia as this is where the problem has spread dramatically, and as Denmark has been extensively involved in combating piracy in the area around the Horn of Africa.
Strategies with three time horizons can be developed for combating pirates: short-term, medium-term, long-term. To date, a large number of states has become involved in combating piracy at a rapid pace, and the steps they have taken have therefore been characterised by a short-term time horizon. The aim of this report is to present recommendations that can function in the medium term. This means that temporary measures such as convoying or stationing soldiers on board merchant ships have not been taken into consideration. It is not realistic to maintain such operations for a longer period of time. Nor is there any attempt in the report to find a solution to the civil war in Somalia – something that would otherwise help to solve the problem of piracy in the long term.
Abstract: The Netherlands Ministry of Defence (NL MOD) commissioned RAND Europe to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the Netherlands armed forces, asking RAND to focus on recent deployments of the Netherlands armed forces relative to the deployments of other countries' armed forces. This study is therefore not a root and branch consideration of the Netherlands armed forces, but a comparative study of several different armed forces to illustrate contrasts and similarities with those of the Netherlands. This study was conducted within the context of the NL MOD's Future Policy Survey, which is a review of the Netherlands' future defence ambition, required capabilities and associated levels of defence expenditure. The Future Policy Survey was delivered to the Netherlands Parliament in April 2010. The overarching aim of the Dutch Future Policy Survey is to provide greater insight into how to exploit and enhance the potential contribution of the Netherlands armed forces.
Abstract: The path into terrorism in the name of Islam is often described as a process of radicalisation. But to be radical is not necessarily to be violent. Violent radicals are clearly enemies of liberal democracies, but non-violent radicals might sometimes be powerful allies.
This report is a summary of two years of research examining the difference between violent and non-violent radicals in Europe and Canada. The report covers five countries: the UK, Canada, Denmark,
France and the Netherlands, focusing on the phenomenon
of ‘home-grown’ al-Qaeda inspired terrorism in these
countries. It represents a step towards a more nuanced understanding of behaviour across radicalised individuals, the appeal of the al-Qaeda narrative, and the role of governments and communities in responding.
Abstract: In 2001, when foreign militaries – including the American, Belgian, British, Canadian, Danish, German, Italian, and Turkish – entered the country, Afghans welcomed them warmly, strewing flowers as they passed through towns and villages. There was widespread hope that the country would finally see peace and stability after decades of war.
Eight years later, however, there is still a consistent failure to establish the appropriate mechanisms for security and development in Afghanistan. Since the Bonn Agreement, both security assistance and development assistance have taken a short term view – primarily addressing immediate and acute problems rather than identifying and responding to underlying weaknesses. Such a “quick fix” approach has cost time and popular support from those eager for change, and has wasted resources and opportunities. Significant amounts of aid are re-routed back to the donors’ home countries through contractors and consultants. The creation of parallel structures of governance such as command and control centers and prisons has undermined national authority, inhibited national initiative, weakened security, and slowed development. Prospects for sustainable development are slim, and the initially close relationship between the Afghan public and international forces has deteriorated.
Underlying the current approach is the assumption that Afghanistan could only be rescued by an enormous international intervention. However the presence of the international community, even if extensive and well-directed, will not be useful if Afghans are not in charge of their own recovery and development. Although the international community and the Afghan government have rhetorically committed themselves to inclusive nation-building, significant progress has yet to be made in including a wide cross-section of Afghan society.
Abstract: Terrorism is not a new phenomenon, nor is it likely to disappear anytime soon. It is not the exclusive domain of any single religion or ideology, nor do all terrorists come from the same socioeconomic class or share the same mental pathologies.1 In part, the diversity within contemporary terrorism is what makes it so great a challenge. This report describes, in great detail, the state of terrorism in Western countries over the course of 2008.
Before turning to terrorism events in the West during 2008 and key developments within Western countries’ legal systems, we are going to pinpoint a few broad trends—a few currents that run through the various incidents and cases that follow. As this report will show, concerns about the contemporary connection between criminal activities and terrorism are clear in Bulgaria, a country rife with organized crime. An April 2008 parliamentary report charged that profits from the country’s drug trade were channeled to Middle Eastern terrorist groups.
Abstract: The Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS) is an independent research institution engaged in research in international affairs.
The institute draws up reports and analyses and follows developments in international affairs continuously in order to assess the security and foreign policy situation of Denmark, e.g. aspects of relevance with regard to development policy.
DIIS also communicates research findings, analyses and knowledge and performs functions concerning documentation, information and library services.
Furthermore, DIIS contributes to the education of researchers, supports the development of research capacity in developing countries and establishes contacts between Danish and international research environments.
DIIS's research and activities are organized in several research units and a few major commissioned works.
Abstract: This report reviews DRC livelihoods and protection
programme in northern and eastern Sri Lanka. The
objectives of the review were to: assess the overall relevance and impact of the
programme on protection and livelihoods from
2006 until mid-2008; and provide recommendations for the future
development of the programme, in particular how
to sharpen and strengthen the livelihoods
approach and livelihoods activities in
The review was also part of DRC‟s global livelihoods
and protection initiative. The objective of this review
is to strengthen DRC‟s corporate learning and
understanding of how livelihood and protection
approaches can be combined and mutually reinforce
each other for the benefit of assisted people.
The methodology included a brief literature review,
interviews with conflict-affected communities
on their own responses to livelihoods
and protection risks as well as the effectiveness
of DRC‟s programmes, and interviews with DRC
staff and staff from other agencies (see Annex 1 for
the ToRs, Annex 2 for a description of the
methodology used and Annex 3 for a list of
On the suggestion of the DRC country team,
the review focused on the Danida-funded integrated
livelihood rehabilitation project, which is currently
being implemented in Trincomalee and Vavuniya.
These were considered two of the more stable
areas in the north. Interviews were also carried
out with the Jaffna team and the emergency
coordinator from Kilinochchi, to get an idea of
livelihoods and protection projects elsewhere in the
Abstract: This report is part of a broader analysis of the Danish experience with civil-military integration and deals with Afghanistan. The ability to change realities on the ground in far-away areas with unfamiliar cultures and languages is no easy task. The key to success in such tasks is to identify the underlying problems and to formulate forward steps commensurate with these problems. The emphasis in this analysis is on the political nature of the challenge in high-conflict areas.
Abstract: The meeting of the Nordic Foreign Ministers in Stockholm on 18 April 2008 adopted a Plan
of Action for Nordic Cooperation in Afghanistan to enable them to be a more concerned
partner for the Government of Afghanistan (GoA) and the international community. The
countries indicated that a joint study should be undertaken to identify differences and
similarities in development strategies for Afghanistan, and the possibilities to strengthen this
cooperation over time.
The overall aim of an increased cooperation in the development field is to achieve a stronger
impact in sectors of particular importance to the Nordic countries. A more efficient
organisation of development work should ease the workload for each country. Furthermore, a
strengthened Nordic cooperation would enhance cooperation among donors in general, and
strengthen the role of the Afghan government in taking overall responsibility for the
development of Afghanistan.
The Nordic countries identified the following sectors as possible fields of increased
cooperation: good governance; administrative reform; capacity building; education; respect for human rights, with a particular focus on women; justice sector; fight against drugs.
Abstract: Contrairement à une idée reçue, la France et le Royaume-Uni ne sont pas les seules puissances nucléaires en Europe. En effet, depuis 1954, dans le cadre de l’OTAN, les États-Unis stationnent des forces nucléaires dans plusieurs pays du continent. Reliques de la Guerre froide, ces forces devaient originellement faire face à la supériorité des troupes conventionnelles du pacte de Varsovie. De plus de 7 000 armes nucléaires tactiques, réparties dans une dizaine d’États européens au milieu des années 1970, l’arsenal n’a cessé de diminuer, à la suite de l’éclatement de l’URSS, pour parvenir au chiffre de 350 armes en 2007. Depuis le début de la décennie, la question de l’utilité de ces armements, et donc indirectement d’un possible retrait, est de plus en plus souvent évoquée.
En toute discrétion entre 2005 et 2008, les États-Unis ont dénucléarisé deux de leurs plus grandes bases européennes, Ramstein (Allemagne) et Lakenheath (Royaume-Uni). Elles abritaient au total 180 bombes nucléaires. Indéniablement, ce désarmement apporte un nouvel éclairage sur cette posture nucléaire de l’OTAN. À ce titre, les 240 bombes restantes ont sans doute définitivement perdu leur rôle militaire au profit d’un rôle politique. Les raisons de ce retrait ne se limitent pas seulement à des problèmes de sécurité dans ces bases. Non, d’autres problématiques comme l’évolution de l’Alliance atlantique, la politique de chacun des pays hôtes, le renouvellement des flottes à capacité duale, l’utilité stratégique, sans compter la pression de l’opinion publique soutenue par des organisations pacifistes, contribuent et vont contribuer à limiter ce stationnement d’armes. Désormais seuls l’Allemagne, la Belgique, les Pays-Bas, l’Italie et la Turquie ont sur leur territoire des armes nucléaires américaines, mais pour combien de temps encore ? Demain, l’Europe va-t-elle être une zone libre d’armes nucléaires américaines ?
Abstract: Since 9/11, the terrorist is often awarded the position of the radical Other of Danish
identity; the personified existential threat to Denmark (not primarily as a state but as a society).
The strategy of the Danish government to counter terrorism describes itself as covering
a ‘broad spectrum’ of efforts. It includes an ‘active foreign policy’ in relation to the Muslim
world and an ‘active integration policy’ in relation to Muslim migrants. Both inside and outside
the nation state efforts range from ‘hard power’ security strategies of elimination and control
involving military, police, and intelligence operations to ‘soft power’ strategies of information,
partnerships, and dialogue. The paper analyses Danish counterterrorism policies to identify
the concepts of dialogue implied and the positions awarded to less-than-radical Muslim
Others. The paper concludes that Muslims might in counterterrorism dialogue find a position
for talking back – even if it is still a position circumscribed by control and securitization.
Abstract: As a general rule, Denmark emphasizes return, repatriation and reintegration as the
preferred durable solution for refugees. Danish authorities are particularly intent on
promoting the return of refugees through financial and other incentives, an intention
reflected in the Danish Act on Repatriation, which came into force on 1 January 2000.
Designed to facilitate the voluntary repatriation of recognized refugees, this Act
provides refugees seeking to repatriate with counseling and financial support and
gives those who have repatriated an opportunity to change their minds and return to
Denmark within 12 months of their repatriation. Since the Act on Repatriation was
passed, 1,278 refugees have decided to repatriate to their home countries. Of these
1,278 refugees, Iraqis constitute by far the largest group at 306. Of these 306, 73 have
ultimately chosen not to remain in Iraq and to return to Denmark.
As no empirical research into the failed repatriation of these 73 Iraqi refugees had
previously been undertaken, the Danish Refugee Council commissioned a project
looking into the factors behind these Iraqis’ decision not to remain in Iraq. The
research question posed for the project was: What factors might explain why these
Iraqi refugees chose to give up their repatriation and return to Denmark?
The empirical material for this project was drawn from qualitative interviews
conducted with 35 of the 73 Iraqi refugees who decided not to remain in Iraq. The aim
of the current article is to outline the findings.
Abstract: There is no frontier separating fragile states from the
global economy. The political instability and physical
insecurity of fragile states has not resulted in a lack of
interest from international companies. Rather, foreign
investment is predominately focused on the exploitation
of natural resources amidst the poor governance,
protracted poverty and violent conflict that characterize
these environments. Foreign investment
in the natural resources of fragile states has not only
dominated the formal economies of these countries, but
also provided the vast majority of their governments’
revenues. For instance, oil revenues in Sudan account
for over 60% of total government earnings. This combination
of foreign investment in malign economic and
political environments has resulted in international
companies having a resoundingly detrimental influence
in fragile states. They act as vehicles producing
value out of natural resources through the international
market place, often cementing the political power of
oppressive governments, exacerbating inequality, or
worse, intensifying and prolonging civil wars.
Abstract: U.S. policymakers have made securing and maintaining foreign contributions
to the stabilization and reconstruction of Iraq a major priority since the preparation
period for the launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. This report
highlights and discusses important changes in financial and personnel contributions
from foreign governments to Iraq since 2003.
To date, foreign donors have pledged an estimated $16.4 billion in grants and
loans for Iraq reconstruction, with most major pledges originating at a major donors'
conference in Madrid, Spain, in October 2003. However, only a small part of the
pledges have been committed or disbursed to the World Bank and United Nations
Development Group Trust Funds for Iraq. The largest non-U.S. pledges of grants
have come from Japan, the European Commission, the United Kingdom, Canada,
South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. The World Bank, the International
Monetary Fund, Japan, and Saudi Arabia have pledged the most loans and export
Currently, 33 countries including the United States have some level of troops
on the ground in Iraq or supporting Iraq operations from nearby locations. Those
forces are working under the rubric of one of several organizations — the
Multi-National Force-Iraq (MNF-I), the NATO Training Mission-Iraq (NTM-I); or
the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI). Currently, the largest
troop contributors, in addition to the United States, are the United Kingdom, Georgia,
Australia, South Korea, and Poland. Some of these key contributors have announced
their intention to reduce or withdraw their forces from Iraq during 2008. The total
number of non-U.S. coalition troop contributions has declined since the early
stabilization efforts, as other countries have withdrawn their contingents or
substantially reduced their size.
Abstract: In recent years, Denmark and the rest of the Western world have experienced an increase in the terror threat. CTA assesses that there is a general terror threat against Denmark today. In addition, there is a considerable and acknowledged terror threat against Danish interests in certain parts of the world. This especially applies to regions where al-Qaida related groups are active; including particularly countries in North Africa and the Middle East as well as in Pakistan and Afghanistan. This is, for instance, underlined by the terrorist attack at the Danish embassy in Pakistan on 2 June 2008. The reprinting of the cartoons of the Prophet Mohammed in February 2008 has lead to a renewed negative focus on Denmark in a number of countries. Currently, there is an increased focus on Denmark - also among leading militant extremists abroad. Among such extremists there is a wish to carry out acts of terrorism against Denmark, Danes and Danish interests abroad.
Abstract: La présente évaluation de la politique des vingt-sept pays membres de l’Union
européenne en faveur des droits de l’Homme répond au développement récent des
« investissements éthiques », constitués pour une grand part d’actions d’entreprises privées, mais également d’obligations d’Etat. C’est cette partie « obligataire » dont il s’agit ici d’éclairer les fondements dans une perspective « éthique », dans l’optique de favoriser les investissements dans les Etats menant une politique plus active de promotion des droits de l’homme. Cette étude s’inscrit dans la continuité des études élaborées en 2001, 2003 et 2005.
Abstract: President Sarkozy has recently said that France may re-integrate into NATO's military command. This abrupt change in French policy opens doors to a much-needed improvement in EU-NATO relations. The two institutions have been barely co-operating on important missions like Kosovo, which leaves Europe ill-prepared for security challenges on its borders. But for the EU and NATO to really turn a corner, the UK must first agree with France how independent from the US, Europe's defences should become. The US will need to give France command posts in NATO, and Turkey will have to drop its opposition to Cyprus' co-operation with the alliance.
Abstract: In March 2003, a U.S.-led multinational force began operations in Iraq. At that time, 48 nations, identified as a "coalition of the willing," offered political, military, and financial support for U.S. efforts in Iraq, with 38 nations other than the United States providing troops. In addition, international donors met in Madrid in October 2003 to pledge funding for the reconstru#ction of Iraq's infrastructure, which had deteriorated after multiple wars and decades of neglect under the previous regime.
This testimony discusses (1) the troop commitments other countries have made to operations in Iraq, (2) the funding the United States has provided to support other countries' participation in the multinational force, and (3) the financial support international donors have provided to Iraq reconstruction efforts.
Abstract: The Danish armed forces, together with the armed forces of other nations, have come under political pressure to accept a range of state-building tasks, including support for reconstruction. This is the case in areas such as Iraq and Afghanistan where few civilian and humanitarian organisations are willing to operate. This report analyses how the Danish armed forces have approached and prioritised reconstruction support and asks how their performance might be improved. It is based on empirical evidence collected over a period of five months of "embedded" research, during which the author took part in the daily activities of deployed Danish units in Kosovo, Iraq, and Afghanistan. It points out how the Danish units assigned reconstruction support tasks are neglected in a number of ways by their own organisation and show how they nevertheless perform well as measured against basic principles of good development work. It draws on Edgar H. Schein's theory of organisational culture to explain this pattern and shows how civil tasks, while clashing with some aspects of the culture of Danish armed forces - notions
about mission and means to fulfil the mission - are compatible with other parts - notions about human beings and human relations. The report closes with a discussion of which political, organisation, and educational initiatives would enhance the current performance of reconstruction support tasks.
Abstract: The international assistance to Afghanistan following the ousting of the Talibanregime
at the end of 001 has in many ways been unique. First, it has sought to
combine the immediate humanitarian and rehabilitation efforts with a longer-term
post-conflict reconstruction and development perspective. Secondly, the donor
countries at a very early stage attempted to coordinate a joint strategic approach of
harmonised efforts, including prioritisation of a limited number of selected sector
interventions by each donor. Finally, by focusing on capacity building of the new
Afghan government align#ing the donor assistance mainly through the governmentadministered
programmes, a new agenda of post-conflict assistance has been set.
The evaluation of the assistance to Afghanistan has also set new standards of collaboration.
Even before the new government had been elected, representatives of
the evaluation departments of the five donor organisations, the Danish and Dutch
Ministries of Foreign Affairs, the Development Cooperation of Ireland (DCI), the
Swedish International Development Agency (Sida), and the United Kingdom's
Department for International Development (DfID), in 003 agreed to undertake
a joint evaluation of the Afghanistan humanitarian and reconstruction assistance.
The evaluation aimed at assessing the relevance, effectiveness, efficiency, impact,
coherence and connectedness of the assistance identifying lessons for improving the
response by donor organisations in future complex security, humanitarian, rehabilitation
and development situations. In addition, the evaluation was also to assess the
degree to which the assistance responded to the needs of internally displaced persons
(IDPs) within Afghanistan. This report is a short version, intended for a wider audience, of the findings and
recommendations of the evaluation.
Abstract: The Ministry of Defence is the secretariat of the Minister of Defence. Its functions comprise overall planning, development, and strategic guidance of the entire area of responsibility of the minister, including the armed forces and the emergency management sector.