Following decades of conflict, South Sudan gained independence from Sudan in 2011. Prolonged conflict, which included gender-based violence (GBV), exacerbated gender disparities. This study aimed to assess attitudes towards gender inequitable norms related to GBV and to estimate the frequency of GBV in sampled communities of South Sudan.
Applying a community-based participatory research approach, 680 adult male and female household respondents were interviewed in seven sites within South Sudan in 2009--2011. Sites were selected based on program catchment area for a non-governmental organization and respondents were selected by quota sampling. The verbally-administered survey assessed attitudes using the Gender Equitable Men scale. Results were stratified by gender, age, and education.
Of 680 respondents, 352 were female, 326 were male, and 2 did not provide gender data. Among respondents, 82% of females and 81% of males agreed that 'a woman should tolerate violence in order to keep her family together'. The majority, 68% of females and 63% of males, also agreed that 'there are times when a woman deserves to be beaten.' Women (47%) were more likely than men (37%) to agree that 'it is okay for a man to hit his wife if she won't have sex with him' (p=0.005). Agreement with gender inequitable norms decreased with education. Across sites, 69% of respondents knew at least one woman who was beaten by her husband in the past month and 42% of respondents knew at least one man who forced his wife or partner to have sex.
The study reveals an acceptance of violence against women among sampled communities in South Sudan. Both women and men agreed with gender inequitable norms, further supporting that GBV programming should address the attitudes of both women and men. The results support promotion of education as a strategy for addressing gender inequality and GBV. The findings reveal a high frequency of GBV across all assessment sites; however, population-based studies are needed to determine the prevalence of GBV in South Sudan. South Sudan, the world's newest nation, has the unique opportunity to implement policies that promote gender equality and the protection of women....
Concepts of 'what constitutes mental illness', the presumed aetiology and preferred treatment options, vary considerably from one cultural context to another. Knowledge and understanding of these local conceptualisations is essential to inform public mental health programming and policy.
Participants from four locations in Burundi, South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, were invited to describe 'problems they knew of that related to thinking, feeling and behaviour?' Data were collected over 31 focus groups discussions (251 participants) and key informant interviews with traditional healers and health workers.
While remarkable similarities occurred across all settings, there were also striking differences. In all areas, participants were able to describe localized syndromes characterized by severe behavioural and cognitive disturbances with considerable resemblance to psychotic disorders. Additionally, respondents throughout all settings described local syndromes that included sadness and social withdrawal as core features. These syndromes had some similarities with nonpsychotic mental disorders, such as major depression or anxiety disorders, but also differed significantly. Aetiological concepts varied a great deal within each setting, and attributed causes varied from supernatural to psychosocial and natural. Local syndromes resembling psychotic disorders were seen as an abnormality in need of treatment, although people did not really know where to go. Local syndromes resembling nonpsychotic mental disorders were not regarded as a 'medical' disorder, and were therefore also not seen as a condition for which help should be sought within the biomedical health-care system. Rather, such conditions were expected to improve through social and emotional support from relatives, traditional healers and community members.
Local conceptualizations have significant implications for the planning of mental-health interventions in resource-poor settings recovering from conflict. Treatment options for people suffering from severe mental disorders should be made available to people, preferably within general health care facilities. For people suffering from local syndromes characterized by loss or sadness, the primary aim for public mental health interventions would be to empower existing social support systems already in place at local levels, and to strengthen social cohesion and self-help within communities....
October 24, 2011 University for Peace // UPEACE Africa Program // Africa Peace and Conflict Journal
The ruling National Congress Party and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement began negotiations
in July 2010 based on a framework and structure agreed to in June 2010 concerning
arrangements that were to follow a referendum in the south on secession from the north. Having
signed the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the two parties still needed to address outstanding
issues related to boundaries, citizenship, economics, security, and the status of South
Kordofan and Blue Nile states. Agreement in these areas is essential for ensuring a peaceful era
in which to lay a solid foundation for post-conflict reconstruction. Resolution of the two sides’
differences became even more critical following the January 2011 referendum, in which the
southern Sudanese voted overwhelmingly to secede from the north, and the declaration of the
independent Republic of South Sudan on 9 July 2011. Although difficult, the differences between
the north and the south are not beyond resolution. If addressed unsatisfactorily, however, they
could undermine the prospects for peace and have far-reaching implications at the national and
regional levels. At the same time, South Sudan must now contend with the challenges of building
a new nation....
November 30, 2010 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
This paper is about the reality of repatriation for Sudanese refugees in a context of
political upheaval, a fluctuating security situation and a demanding economic
environment. After decades in exile, almost a quarter of a million officially registered
refugees in Uganda and similar numbers of unregistered refugees are considering the
prospect of returning to Sudan. And many have already done so. Based on interviews
conducted with refugees and returnees in northern Uganda and South Sudan, this
paper is about the lives of individual Sudanese people who are either still living in
Uganda and might identify themselves as refugees, migrants, traders or a little bit of
all three, or have returned to South Sudan after decades in exile....
July 27, 2010 Ryerson University // Social Science Research Network
Since 2005 when a Comprehensive Peace Agreement was signed between opposing parties in Sudan, over 100,000 Sudanese refugees have returned from Kakuma Refugee Camp in Kenya after having been living in exile for decades. At Kakuma Camp there are close to 40,000 Sudanese refugees who remain living in exile even though international observers have determined that political and social conditions have improved in Sudan. This study seeks to determine what role these refugees see themselves as having in the post-war reconstruction and development of Sudan; the possible secession of South Sudan; as well as how they believe civil society and Good Governance can be strengthened in Sudan. A particular focus will be made in targeting both educated refugee men and refugee women....
July 20, 2012 Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Provides background on populations
at risk of mass atrocity crimes, with
particular emphasis on key events and
actors and their connection to the
threat, or commission, of genocide,
war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes
Offers analysis of the country’s past
history in relation to mass atrocity
crimes; the factors that have enabled
their possible commission, or that
prevent their resolution; and the
receptivity of the situation to positive
influences that would assist in
preventing further crimes....
July 18, 2012 African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes
The unemployment crisis in Africa is a critical challenge to a majority of youth. This situation demands a clear policy framework, accompanied by clear budgetary allocations. It is sad that even as some of our African countries have celebrated 50 years of independence, little has been done to introduce employment policies to address youth unemployment. For the continent to realise the opportunity that comes with the numbers of youth, this population must have the opportunity to find gainful employment and the promise of a livelihood. Throughout the history of conflict in some African states, youth have been at the frontline in waging wars that have hindered development. A mechanism to engage them is thus important for durable peace, stability and development. At this moment, the youth of the continent should be involved in planning for their future. Due to the increased challenges of the continent's development, new dynamic energy needs to be harnessed from the youth.
Ignoring the youth is putting oneself and the continent in danger. This is the population that will change the face of Africa. This is the generation that will be held accountable for all the challenges that face the continent. The youth are our greatest asset, it is critical that we engage this youthful energy to create meaningful productivity for the development of the African continent.
Includes: "Political youth: Finding alternatives to violence in Sierra Leone" by Christine Cubitt "The danger of marginalisation: An analysis of Kenyan youth and their integration into political, socio-economic life" by Daniel Forti and Grace Maina "Interrogating traditional youth theory: Youth peacebuilding and engagement in post-conflict Liberia" by Martha Mutisi "‘When the choice is either to kill or be killed’: Rethinking youth and violent conflict in post-conflict South Sudan" by William Tsuma...
February 1, 2012 The Association of Concerned Africa Scholars
South Sudan gained its independence on July 9, 2011. The new situation in the South and in the North requires close examination and rethinking of old categories. Six different perspectives on possible paths for the peoples of the Sudan are outlined, and placed in the context of complex, burning issues of citizenship, race, democracy, gender, international relations, and peace.
Articles in this issue include:
1. The Republic of South Sudan and the Meaning of Independence | Horace Campbell
2. Citizenship and Identity in Post-Secession Northern Sudan | Ahmad A. Sikainga
3. Gendering War and Peace in South Sudan: The Elision and Emergence of Women | Caroline Faria
4. Genealogies of Racial Relations: The Independence of South Sudan, Citizenship & the Racial State in the Modern History of Sudan | Elena Vezzadini
5. The State of South Sudan: The Change is about the New Sudan | Abdullahi Gallab
6. South Sudan Looks East: Between the CPA and Independence | Daniel Large
In Iraq, the official withdrawal of the last U.S. combat troops, nearly nine years after the invasion, was quickly followed by a political crisis. Authorities issued an arrest warrant for the country’s top Sunni politician, Vice President Tariq Al-Hashimi, accusing him of running death squads.
Tension remained high after November’s flawed presidential and parliamentary elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Continued violence and repression by security forces claimed at least 30 lives. Incumbent president Joseph Kabila was sworn in for a second term on 20 December, despite international observers finding that the results “lacked credibility”.
Relations between Sudan and South Sudan deteriorated further. Tension over the status of Abyei continued, with UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon calling for the withdrawal of both sides’ armed forces, while the two countries’ militaries clashed in the disputed territory of Jau.
In Senegal, President Abdoulaye Wade showed no signs of reconsidering his candidacy for a controversial third term. Clashes between ruling party and opposition supporters left one dead and several injured.
In Nigeria a spate of violent attacks by militant Islamists Boko Haram left at least 100 dead and 90,000 displaced. President Goodluck Jonathan declared a state of emergency. In Guinea-Bissau an attempted coup by renegade soldiers on 26 December left at least two dead. The navy chief, former army chief, and a number of politicians suspected of orchestrating it have been arrested.
Tensions between Pakistan’s government and military leadership escalated as the Supreme Court began its probe over a memo last May requesting U.S. help to avert a military takeover.
In Afghanistan bomb attacks by Pakistani Sunni militants Lashkar-e-Jhangvi in Kabul and Mazar-i-Sharif killed 84 people on the Shia holy day of Ashura. Relations with Pakistan remained strained, as Pakistan’s boycott overshadowed the Bonn conference.
At least fifteen people were killed and 100 injured in Janaozen in western Kazakhstan on 16 December as government forces clashed with a crowd including former oil workers, who have been on strike for 6 months.
Bosnia avoided an intensified political crisis as leaders of the six main political parties agreed to form a government at the end of the month, ending fourteen months of deadlock after the October 2010 elections.
The Democratic Republic of Congo’s presidential and parliamentary vote went ahead on 28-30 November, after a campaign marred by violence and amid allegations of rigging and mismanagement. Political rallies were banned in the wake of election-related clashes in Kinshasa on the eve of polls, and sporadic reports of violence emerged, including from Lubumbashi and West Kasai, during voting. In Burundi state troops clashed with the recently formed Forces for the Restoration of Democracy; the government reported 18 rebels killed.
Relations between Sudan and South Sudan deteriorated further this month. On 9 November the Sudanese Armed Forces reportedly launched cross-border airstrikes on Maban County in South Sudan’s Upper Nile State, and a day later bombed Yida refugee camp in Unity state, killing 12. Late-month negotiations between the two sides failed to achieve a settlement on contentious oil and transitional financial arrangements. Both Sudan and South Sudan also grappled with internal instability.
In Syria violence continued, with the regime’s brutal crackdown ongoing, elements of the protest movement increasingly militarised, the conflict internationalised and the Arab League’s attempt to end the bloodshed running aground. Tensions continued to rise in Kosovo. Late month violence in the north between international KFOR troops and ethnic Serbs who are barricading customs gates with Serbia left dozens injured.
NATO airstrikes on two Pakistan military border outposts left 24 Pakistani soldiers dead and U.S.-Pakistani relations in tatters. Islamabad swiftly condemned the attacks, requesting NATO vacate its airbase in Balochistan and shutting down its supply routes. The incident also damaged already strained Pakistani relations with Afghanistan, with the Pakistani government threatening to boycott forthcoming Bonn talks on Afghanistan.
Myanmar saw further positive developments this month. The announcement by opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her NLD party that they will contest seats in forthcoming by-elections marked their return to the political process. On 1 November leaders of Nepal’s four main political parties signed a landmark deal to integrate one third of former Maoist rebels into the national army and give others financial rehabilitation packages, removing a major stumbling block to the drafting of a new constitution. Morocco held the first elections under its new constitution, approved by referendum in July, which devolved some power from the monarch. Following the official announcement of last months’ historic election results, Tunisia’s new Constituent Assembly held its first session on 22 November. The main parties quickly agreed to form a new government, with Hamadi Jebali, the leader of the moderate Islamist An-Nahda party which took over 41% of the vote, assuming the post of prime minister.
The first stage of parliamentary elections in Egypt took place at the end of November. The polls, the first since President Hosni Mubarak was toppled in February, were mostly peaceful despite deadly protests earlier in the month against the interim military leaders who replaced Mubarak....
As the deadline passes today for the Sudanese and South Sudanese governments and a northern rebel group to make progress to resolve their deadly conflicts, the Enough Project released its compliance tracker summary chart for U.N. Security Council Resolution 2046. This easy-to-read chart identifies the government of Sudan, the government of South Sudan, and the People’s Liberation Movement-North’s respective compliance, or lack thereof, with the provisions of U.N. Security Council Resolution 2046. Resolution 2046 requires both governments and the SPLM-N to meet a number of conditions or face the imposition of sanctions under Article 41 of the U.N. Charter. The resolution placed deadlines on the actors’ compliance with certain conditions, while leaving other conditions without corresponding deadlines.
According to the chart, the government of Sudan has failed to comply with nine provisions of Resolution 2046, among them: the cessation of bombing campaigns against South Sudanese territories, the halting of hostile language directed towards the South, and the allowance of humanitarian aid to populations living in SPLM-N controlled territories. In comparison, the government of South Sudan has not complied with two provisions of the resolution, including the cessation of support to the Sudan Revolutionary Front, which has been carrying out attacks against the Sudanese government. Both the North and the South have failed to reach an agreement on the outstanding issues by the U.N. mandated August 2 deadline. Enough found that the SPLM-N has complied or has expressed a willingness to comply with all relevant provisions....
South Sudan celebrates the first anniversary of its formal independence and nationhood on July 9. Though hopes for progress remain high, the young nation is struggling on several fronts—internal security, relations with Sudan, development, rule of law and statebuilding. The specialists at the U.S. Institute of Peace who work on conflict management and peacebuilding programs in South Sudan examine the gains made and the many challenges ahead.
On May 2, the United Nations Security Council enacted a resolution addressing recent violence that has flared along the poorly defined international border separating Sudan and South Sudan, as well as the nearly year-long conflict between Sudanese government forces and the Sudan Revolutionary Front, or SRF. It was an important move, and a significant one given the political gridlock the Security Council often faces when considering issues related to the two Sudans.
But the value of the Security Council’s action will hinge on compliance and consequences, and in the two weeks since the resolution was adopted, the parties have traded accusations of ongoing violations.
In an effort to track Sudan, South Sudan, and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North's, or SPLM-N's, compliance with those conditions on which the resolution places corresponding deadlines, the Enough Project has produced a new timeline. The timeline identifies the deadlines for conditions provided for in Resolution 2046 and chronicles indicators of actors’ compliance, or lack thereof, with each of those conditions in color-coded categories along the timeline (below).
U.N. Security Council Resolution 2046 requires the governments of Sudan and South Sudan, as well as the SPLM-N, to meet a number of conditions or face the imposition of sanctions under Article 41 of the U.N. Charter. The resolution places deadlines on the actors’ compliance with certain conditions, while leaving other conditions without corresponding deadlines.
To track the actors’ compliance with those conditions on which the resolution does not attach a corresponding deadline, the Enough Project has produced a new table. The table identifies the conditions from Resolution 2046 with which deadlines are not associated and then lists indicators of actors’ compliance, or lack thereof, with each of those conditions....
Since June 2010, the African Union High Level Implementation Panel, or AUHIP, led by
former South African President Thabo Mbeki, has facilitated “Post-Referendum
Arrangements Negotiations” between the Government of Sudan, or GoS, and the Sudan
People’s Liberation Movement, or SPLM, and the Government of Southern Sudan.
Following South Sudan’s declaration of independence on July 9, 2011, negotiations have
continued between the GoS and the SPLM/Government of the Republic of South Sudan,
The AUHIP-facilitated negotiations have largely been an opaque process, leading to
much speculation in the press and elsewhere regarding the current status of talks
between the two parties. As discussed in a December 2011 Enough Project report on
the negotiations, the process has also undergone a number of structural iterations,
adding to speculation concerning the negotiations’ status and results.
In an attempt to shed light on what has occurred in the negotiations to date, as well as
to inform future discussions concerning the process, and the AUHIP’s contribution to it,
Enough has compiled the following timeline. This timeline provides an overview of the
negotiations to date, and reflects the various changes to the process’ structure....
January 11, 2012 Center for Strategic and International Studies
The world’s newest country, South Sudan, has been convulsed by serious violence between rival ethnic groups. Fighting at the turn of the New Year in Jonglei state left dozens, possibly hundreds, of people dead and caused as many as 50,000 residents to flee their homes. The violence, between members of the Lou Nuer and Murle, underscores the fragile security situation in South Sudan and exposes the continued inability of the fledgling state to protect its own citizens.
The world's largest humanitarian operation is currently taking place in Sudan. The country has suffered from decades-long north-south civil war and violence in Darfur. Despite the move towards peace and recovery, millions of Sudanese still live in extremely vulnerable conditions, with almost half of the population of South Sudan threatened by food insecurity.
June 4, 2012 Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders)
Tens of thousands of refugees who have fled fighting in Sudan to seek safety in neighboring South Sudan are in desperate need of humanitarian assistance, with many people taking shelter under trees and suffering from a dire lack of water, the international medical humanitarian organization Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières said today.
Up to 30,000 people recently crossed the from Sudan’s Blue Nile State into South Sudan’s Upper Nile State, after an arduous weeks-long journey that many people reportedly did not survive. They joined 70,000 refugees who have also fled fighting between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the SPLM-North armed group. The refugees are living in camps with alarmingly insufficient basic services, especially water supplies. MSF calls on the United Nations High Commission for Refugees to immediately identify a suitable place of refuge....
The independent Republic of South Sudan emerged Saturday from the ravages of half a century of war, deprivation, destruction, and displacement. Its freedom was guaranteed overwhelmingly by a self-determination held last January, and, today, it is impossible to resist the celebratory urges evident in Juba, the new capital. But this birth occurs against an exceedingly grim backdrop that suggests resumed war between Sudan and, now, South Sudan is much closer than diplomats and analysts have allowed themselves to say, or perhaps even think. The threats of conflict in the border regions of Abyei and South Kordofan are acute and growing more so by the day; Khartoum also continues to bomb civilian targets in the northern part of Unity State, which is in the new South Sudan, and supports deadly renegade militias.Indeed, war has steadily become more likely than peace....
January 4, 2011 Not On Our Watch // Google // Enough Project // United Nations Institute for Training and Research [UNITAR] // United Nations Operational Satellite Applications Programme [UNOSAT] // Harvard Humanitarian Initiative // Trellon LLC
The Satellite Sentinel Project -- initiated by George Clooney -- combines satellite imagery analysis and field reports with Google's Map Maker technology to deter the resumption of war between North and South Sudan. The project provides an early warning system to deter mass atrocities by focusing world attention and generating rapid responses on human rights and human security concerns.
The project works like this: Commercial satellites passing over the border of northern and southern Sudan are able to capture possible threats to civilians, observe the movement of displaced people, detect bombed and razed villages, or note other evidence of pending mass violence.
UNOSAT leads the collection and analysis of the images and collaborates with Google and Trellon to design the web platform for the public to easily access the images and reports. Harvard Humanitarian Initiative provides system-wide research and leads the collection, human rights analysis, and corroboration of on-the-ground reports that contextualizes the satellite imagery. The Enough Project contributes field reports, provides policy analysis, and, together with Not On Our Watch, puts pressure on policymakers by urging the public to act.
The Satellite Sentinel Project marks the first sustained, public effort to systematically monitor and report on potential hotspots and threats to security along a border, in near real-time [within 24-36 hours], with the aim of heading off humanitarian disaster and human rights crimes before they occur....
In South Sudan, widespread euphoria following independence in July 2011 has given way to disappointment that expected peace dividends have not materialised. Many South Sudanese are experiencing insecurity, a lack of access to basic services, and increasing inequalities. Pastoralist and agro-pastoralist communities in remote border areas are particularly affected by insecurity and by a lack of social services, and women are particularly marginalised. This report is the result of Oxfam research to enable the needs and views of conflict-affected communities to be voiced, heard, and addressed, particularly in relation to security and livelihoods and with an emphasis on women’s participation. It focuses on the security concerns expressed by the communities themselves: conflict within and between communities, cattle raiding, and violence against women....
March 4, 2013 Human Security Baseline Assessment // Small Arms Survey
Two years ago, Abyei was scheduled to have a referendum to determine whether it
would re-join the southern states that now compose South Sudan, or remain in Sudan.
That referendum ran aground due to disagreements over who was eligible to vote, with
the National Congress Party insisting that the Missiriya—seasonal migrants who graze
their cattle in Abyei during the dry season—must participate, and the Sudan People’s
Liberation Movement insisting that it is the Ngok Dinka—Abyei’s principle residents—
who must decide the territory’s future.
The African Union High-Level Implementation Panel, which is currently mediating in
negotiations between Sudan and South Sudan, made a proposal on 21 September for
Abyei’s referendum to finally be held in October 2013. The proposal excludes migrants
from voting. While South Sudan accepted the proposal, Sudan refused it.
Negotiations since then have faltered, despite international pressure, with the most recent
meetings in January between the two countries ending in a commitment to make future
discussions of Abyei’s political future conditional on the creation of a local
administration in Abyei and a police force.
Initial meetings about the police force at the beginning of February 2013 indicate
widespread divergences between the two countries as to the number of officers in the
force, and recent meetings of the Abyei Joint Oversight Committee over the formation of
the local administration ran aground after Sudan demanded 50% of the representation on
the Abyei Area Council, 10% more than its previous share. This demand led to South
Sudan suspending the nomination process for executive positions in the administration
while council membership is negotiated at upcoming meetings in Addis Ababa....
The time to normalize US diplomatic relations with the two Sudans is now. After more than a decade of US special envoys (Danforth, Zoellick, Natsios, Williamson, Gration, and Lyman)* and the independence of South Sudan in July 2011, it is time for the United States to reevaluate what it is trying to achieve in its relations with the two Sudans and how best it can do that. In other words, does the United States still need a special envoy for Sudan and South Sudan and, if so, why? This paper argues that to achieve peace and stability within and between Sudan and South Sudan, the United States must now refocus its diplomatic engagement on the internal governance challenges in both states by moving to more normal diplomatic relations with each....
Twenty-four people were killed and more than 60 injured in Wau, the capital of South
Sudan’s Western Bahr El Ghazal State, in December 2012. The deaths and injuries occurred
during protest actions and reprisal attacks following a decision by the state government to
relocate Wau County headquarters from Wau to Bagari, 19km away. Eleven deaths were at
the hands of state security officers, who opened fire on protestors, while 13 deaths were the
result of inter-ethic clashes that broke out after the killing of the protestors.
Between December 2012 and February 2013, the state authorities also arrested scores of
people considered to be opponents of the state government. These include members of the
state legislative assembly, civil servants, civil society activists, journalists and members of
This briefing focuses on human rights violations committed by the authorities, including the
security forces, in Western Bahr El Ghazal State between December 2012 and January 2013.
It is based on research carried out by Amnesty International in Juba, the capital of South
Sudan, and Wau, the capital of Western Bahr El Ghazal State, from 28 January to 14
February 2013, including a mission to Wau from 4-11 February 2013. Amnesty International
delegates interviewed both national and state government officials, including the Governor of
Wau; Wau County Legislative Assembly; and members of the security forces including the
South Sudan Police Service (SSPS), South Sudan Armed Force, known as the Sudan
Peoples’ Liberation Army (SPLA), the Wildlife Forces, and the Prison Service. The National
Security Service (NSS) in Wau refused to meet with Amnesty International. Interviews were
also carried out with the UN and international NGOs, medical staff who treated gunshot
victims, civil society, youth activists and church community leaders whose names have been
withheld due to fear of arrest and harassment by the authorities....
The war in South Kordofan shows no sign of ending anytime soon. There are echoes of the 1984-2002 civil war, but the dynamics are quite different. The insurgents, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) based in the Nuba Mountains, are much better armed, and the state’s ethnic cleavages are much less pronounced. The SPLM-N is also part of an alliance with Darfur rebels, the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF), that is working to include disenchanted armed groups from other regions as well. Arab tribes that previously supplied militias that did much of the fighting no longer support the government wholeheartedly; significant numbers have joined groups fighting Khartoum. The conflict shows every sign of strategic stalemate, with each side hoping pressure from elsewhere will change its foe’s calculations. Yet, it is exacting an horrendous toll, principally among civilians. Unless the government and the SRF engage each other and, with international help, negotiate a comprehensive solution to Sudan’s multiple conflicts, there will be no stop to endless wars that plague the country.
The root causes of the conflict – political marginalisation, land dispossession and unimplemented promises, remain the same. But ethnic dynamics have changed in important ways. The Misseriya Arabs, the government’s main local supporters during the first war, have grown increasingly frustrated with Khartoum, in particular its 2005 decision to abolish the West Kordofan state that represented the tribe’s ethnically homogenous homeland. They no longer heed the government’s calls to remobilise, and many young Misseriya are joining the SPLM-N or other groups in the SRF. The other major Arab tribe in the state, the Hawazma, is also starting to switch sides....
Enough 101 is a new series intended to provide a contextual background for understanding the complex issues that the Enough Project works on and that large communities of advocates care about.
Enough focuses primarily on several long-standing conflict areas in Central and East Africa: Sudan and South Sudan, eastern Congo, and areas affected by the Lord’s Resistance Army. Each conflict has its own history, combatants, set of acronyms, and opportunities for solutions. Enough 101 will distill that information into understandable posts for activists new to the blog, information-seekers curious about our work and conflict areas, or long-time followers who want a refresher on the issues and actors.
Every Tuesday we’ll post a new 101 blog on Enough Said, covering topics ranging from the histories of the conflicts to the legal terminology relevant to the atrocities and crimes committed. This collection of posts is an introduction—it is specifically geared towards beginners but can be helpful to even the most informed reader....
December 7, 2010 Peace and Collaborative Development Network // Insight on Conflict
In the run-up to January’s referendum on independence for South Sudan, Insight on Conflict will be producing a weekly round-up of the news regarding South Sudan, the referendum, Darfur, Abeyi, and North-South protests.
Human Security Research is a monthly compilation of significant new human security-related research published by academics, university research institutes, think-tanks, international agencies, and NGOs.
HUMANITARIAN AID: Aid Worker Security Report 2012: Host States and Their Impact on Security for Humanitarian Operations
MEXICO: The Impact of President Felipe Calderón’s War on Drugs on the Armed Forces: The Prospects for Mexico’s “Militarization” and Bilateral Relations
POLITICAL MISSIONS: Political Missions 2012
RADICALIZATION: Countering Radicalization in Europe
SEXUAL VIOLENCE AND CONFLICT: In the Face of War: Examining Sexual Vulnerabilities of Acholi Adolescent Girls Living in Displacement Camps in Conflict-affected Northern Uganda
GENDER: From Clause to Effect: Including Women's Rights and Gender in Peace Agreements
KYRGYZSTAN: Averting Violence in Kyrgyzstan: Understanding and Responding to Nationalism
LRA: Getting Back on Track: Implementing the UN Regional Strategy on the Lord's Resistance Army
TERRORISM: Global Terrorism Index 2012: Capturing the Impact of Terrorism from 2002-2011
WEAPONRY: Losing Humanity: The Case Against Killer Robots
MEDIA: Working in Concert: Coordination and Collaboration in International Media Development
PAKISTAN: Pakistan on the Edge...
Human Security Research is a monthly compilation of significant new human security-related research published by academics, university research institutes, think-tanks, international agencies, and NGOs.
Articles in this issue:
NATURAL RESOURCES: Natural Resources, Weak States and Civil War: Can Rents Stabilize Coup Prone Regimes?
ETHNICITY AND GOVERNANCE: Institutional Conflict Settlement in Divided Societies: The Role of Subgroup Identities in Self-Government
SEXUAL BEHAVIOR: Violent Conflicts and Risky Sexual Behavior in Uganda
SIERRA LEONE: A Village-Up View of Sierra Leone’s Civil War and Reconstruction: Multilayered and Networked Governance
IRAQ: Resolving Kirkuk: Lessons Learned from Settlements of Earlier Ethno-Territorial Conflicts
CORRUPTION: Risks of Corruption to State Legitimacy and Stability in Fragile Situations
THE SUDANS: Darfurians in South Sudan: Negotiating Belonging in Two Sudans
SECURITY SECTOR REFORM: Towards a Non-State Security Sector Reform Strategy
MALI: Mali: Five Months of Crisis: Armed Rebellion and Military Coup
REFUGEES: Urban Refugee Protection in Cairo: The Role of Communication, Information and Technology
PHILIPPINES: The Philippines: Local Politics in the Sulu Archipelago and the Peace Process...
Human Security Research is a monthly publication by the Human Security Report Project (HSRP) which compiles the latest human security-related research published by university research institutes, think-tanks, governments, IGOs and NGOs.
In this special issue, the HSRP highlights publications discussing the upcoming referenda in Southern Sudan, and includes links to key primary documents. The contents are:
THE CURRENT CHALLENGE: Race Against Time: The Countdown to the Referenda in Southern Sudan and Abyei; POLITICAL CONTEXT: Sudan: No Easy Ways Ahead; CONFLICTS WITHIN THE SOUTH: Southern Sudan at Odds with Itself: Dynamics of Conflict and Predicaments of Peace;
TRIBAL CONFLICT: Jonglei's Tribal Conflicts: Countering Insecurity in South Sudan;
ECONOMY: Economic Issues in Sudan's North-South Peace Process;
REGIONAL RELATIONS: Sudan: Regional Perspectives on the Prospect of Southern Independence; INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: Post-2011 Scenarios in Sudan: What Role for the EU?;
BORDERS: More Than A Line: Sudan's North-South Border;
FORECASTING: Sudan 2012: Scenarios for the Future;
NATURAL RESOURCES: Land, Security and Peace Building in the Southern Sudan;
DISPLACEMENT: Sudan: Preventing Violence and Statelessness as Referendum Approaches;
NATURAL RESOURCES: Fuelling Mistrust: The Need for Transparency in Sudan's Oil Industry;
KEY DOCUMENT: Comprehensive Peace Agreement;
KEY DOCUMENT: Abyei Boundaries Commission Report;
KEY DOCUMENT: Interim Constitution of Southern Sudan;
KEY DOCUMENT: Southern Sudan Referendum Act.
See Related Document URL 1 for a link to the latest issue of Human Security Research....
Human Security Research: In Focus is a quarterly compilation which covers current special interest topics in human security. Each issue offers key documents, contextual background literature and a broad range of analytical material to provide readers with solid understandings of the most topical issues in human security. Human Security Research compiles the most significant sources in the field by academics, university research institutes, think-tanks, international agencies, and NGOs.
Articles in this issue: Southern Sudan Referenda:
THE CURRENT CHALLENGE: Race Against Time: The Countdown to the Referenda in Southern Sudan and Abyei
POLITICAL CONTEXT: Sudan: No Easy Ways Ahead
CONFLICTS WITHIN THE SOUTH: Southern Sudan at Odds with Itself: Dynamics of Conflict and Predicaments of Peace
TRIBAL CONFLICT: Jonglei's Tribal Conflicts: Countering Insecurity in South Sudan
ECONOMY: Economic Issues in Sudan's North-South Peace Process
REGIONAL RELATIONS: Sudan: Regional Perspectives on the Prospect of Southern Independence
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: Post-2011 Scenarios in Sudan: What Role for the EU?
BORDERS: More Than A Line: Sudan's North-South Border
FORECASTING: Sudan 2012: Scenarios for the Future
NATURAL RESOURCES: Land, Security and Peace Building in the Southern Sudan
DISPLACEMENT: Sudan: Preventing Violence and Statelessness as Referendum Approaches
NATURAL RESOURCES: Fuelling Mistrust: The Need for Transparency in Sudan's Oil Industry
KEY DOCUMENT: Comprehensive Peace Agreement
KEY DOCUMENT: Abyei Boundaries Commission Report
KEY DOCUMENT: Interim Constitution of Southern Sudan
KEY DOCUMENT: Southern Sudan Referendum Act...